Hoe die dogon hul unieke kultuur langs die krans van Bandiagara Mali bewaar het

Hoe die dogon hul unieke kultuur langs die krans van Bandiagara Mali bewaar het


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The Cliff of Bandiagara (of Land of the Dogons) in Mali is 'n uitstaande landskap en het erge argitektuur wat lyk asof dit die natuurwette en die verloop van tyd verontagsaam.

Ondanks globalisering is daar nog 'n paar plekke in die wêreld waar kulture anders is as ander. Daar is ook gebiede met natuurlike wonders, sowel as streke van geologiese, argeologiese of historiese betekenis. En dan is daar spesiale webwerwe soos hierdie, wat met al hierdie funksies spog.

Die Cliff of Bandiagara, 'n pragtige en unieke platorand, huisves die Dogon -mense en -kultuur, en is vanweë die wêreldwye belangrikheid daarvan erken deur UNESCO in 1989. Dit is werklik een van die indrukwekkendste streke in Sub -Sahara Afrika.

Die kenmerke van The Cliff of Bandiagara

Die uitgebreide platorand loop meer as 150 km lank en is tussen 100 en 500 meter hoog. Die krans, gevorm deur 'n verskeidenheid sandsteenheuwels, het 'n kenmerkende geologie en vorm 'n natuurlike afgrond wat ietwat geïsoleerd is van die omliggende streek, aangesien dit tussen twee berge gemerk is. Erosie van die sandsteen het 'n aantal merkwaardige kenmerke gelaat, soos grotte, rotsskuilings en duine.

Die Mali -landskap rondom Dogon (Spooner, J / CC BY 2.0)

Bandiagara was eens dig bebos en plantspesies wat hier voorkom, groei nêrens anders nie.

Die lang geskiedenis van die dogons

Die platorand, as gevolg van sy geologie, het 'n natuurlike vesting vir verskeie samelewings gelewer. Dit was ten minste 10 000 jaar gelede die eerste keer bewoon deur die Tellem, steentydjagters. Ten spyte van die vyandigheid van die omgewing, was hulle 'n kransbewoners en het hulle die gebied vir baie eeue bewoon, en kon hulle hul ou lewenswyse behou, aangesien hulle beskerm was teen mededingers deur die lang krans van Bandiagara.

Iewers in die 14 ste eeu het die Dogon -mense in die gebied aangekom en die Tellem van die platorand verdryf, hoewel dit ook moontlik is dat laasgenoemde in die verlate Tellem -dorpe geassimileer is, maar die invloed van hierdie kultuur op die Dogon is duidelik.

Die Dogons is 'n duidelike etniese groep met hul eie kultuur en godsdienstige oortuigings. Hulle het gekies om na die gebied te migreer, en weier om hulle tot Islam te bekeer, en hulle beskerm steeds hul kultuur. Dit lyk waarskynlik dat die Dogon -mense 'n samesmelting is van verskeie groepe wat Islamisering weerstaan ​​het. Hulle is egter gereeld toegeval deur plaaslike Moslems wat die mans vermoor het en die vroue en kinders tot slawe gemaak het.

Tydens die kolonisering van Mali deur die Franse kon die inwoners van die platorang grotte en tonnels gebruik om die Europeërs te vermy en kon hulle hul lewenswyse behou. Ongelukkig word die kultuur van die Dogon deesdae bedreig, aangesien baie hulle tot ander godsdienste bekeer het.

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Rituele dans van Dogon County (Gleeson, G / CC BY 2.0)

Die platorand is ryk aan argeologiese ontdekkings uit die Dogon en die vroeëre Tellem -samelewing. Baie artefakte is in grotte en heiligdomme in die omgewing geleë, wat kundiges help om die geskiedenis en die samelewings van die Cliff of Bandiagara beter te verstaan.

Die ongelooflike kultuur van die dogons

Daar is meer as 200 Dogon -dorpe regoor die platorand en elke dorp het 'n demokraties verkose hoofman (Hogon), wat ook hul geestelike leier is. Hulle boer, en jag soms, en baie Dogon beoefen steeds 'n inheemse politeïstiese Afrika -godsdiens. Gemaskerde danse en maskerades by begrafnisse is 'n kenmerk van hul kultuur waarvoor hulle bekend is.

'N Unieke argitektuur is aangepas by die plaaslike omgewing deur modderstene (adobe) te gebruik om toringagtige geboue te bou op die mees onwaarskynlike plekke op die krans van Bandiagara, insluitend rotsskuilings. Onder die interessante Dogon -geboue is gemeenskaplike vergaderingshuise vir mans (Togu Na) en die grinna, wat gesinshuise is. Dit is twee verdiepings gebou met aparte areas vir mans en vroue. Daar is ook twee tipes graansakke - 'manlike' graansakke met 'n spitse dak, waar saad gestoor word, en 'vroulike' graansakke (sonder punte) waar die vroue van hierdie samelewing (wat ekonomies onafhanklik van hul mans is) stoor persoonlike besittings.

Dogon -deur met gestileerde figure (Wegmann, M/ CC BY 3.0)

Opvallende totem -heiligdomme, tipies onder toesig van die Hogon, speel 'n belangrike rol in die lewe van die mense in die platorand, maar hulle is ook baie gewild deur versamelaars, aangesien die Dogon beroemd is vir hul beeldhouwerke van gestileerde voorstellings van menslike of mitiese figure .

Hoe om by The Cliffs of Bandiagara en the Land of The Dogons uit te kom

Die krans is nie ver van die stad Bandiagara in die weste van Mali nie. Dit is raadsaam om 'n gids met 'n motor te huur, aangesien die omgewing ver is. Daar is baie roetes oop vir besoekers langs die platorand, en tydens 'n besoek aan 'n tradisionele Dogon -dorp word kulturele respek aangemoedig. Die toename in die aantal besoekers aan die gebied die afgelope jare het wondere verrig vir toerisme, maar het die omgewing en hierdie besondere kulturele landskap ongelukkig benadeel.

Alhoewel daar nie baie akkommodasie naby die Cliff of Bandiagara (Dogon County) is nie, is daar sommige in die nabygeleë dorpe. 'N Goeie kennis van Frans sal nuttig wees as u die gebied besoek, maar 'n veeltalige gids kan vertaal vir almal wat nie die taal kan praat nie.


Die gebied van die platorand word vandag bewoon deur die Dogon -mense. Voor die Dogon is die platorand bewoon deur die mense Tellem en Toloy. Baie strukture bly van die Tellem af. Die Bandiagara -platorand is in 1989 op die Unesco -wêrelderfenislys gelys.

Die kranse van Bandiagara is 'n sandsteenketting wat strek van suid tot noordoos, meer as 200 km lank en strek tot by die Grandamia -massief. Die einde van die massief word gekenmerk deur die Hombori Tondo, die hoogste piek van Mali op 1,155 meter (3790 '). Vanweë sy argeologiese, etnologiese en geologiese kenmerke is die hele terrein een van die mees indrukwekkende in Wes -Afrika.


Inhoud

'N Onlangse transformasie van die Yamé -rivier het die ontdekking van die argeologiese rykdom van Ounjougou moontlik gemaak. Inderdaad, 'n groot vloed het die opset van die waterloop aansienlik verander deur die veel laer pad te herontwerp, wat gelei het tot sterk regressiewe erosie in die omliggende kwartêre formasies. Hierdie vertikale insnyding, wat verantwoordelik is vir skouspelagtige slote wat nou in die gebied sigbaar is, het natuurlike dele van meer as 10 meter hoog geskep. [3] [4] Die geopenbaarde stratigrafiese volgorde bevat baie argeologiese lae wat toegeskryf kan word aan 'n breë chronologiese reeks wat strek van die Laer Paleolitiese tot die hede. Die Ounjougou-reeks is ook opvallend vir 'n reeks uiters ryk Holoseen-lae wat ryk is aan goed bewaarde organiese oorblyfsels (houtskool, stuifmeel, blare, sade en hout), wat die geleentheid bied om die verhouding tussen menslike beroepe en klimaats- en omgewingsveranderings regdeur regstreeks aan te spreek. 'n lang ry.

Ounjougou is die eerste keer in 1994 ontdek. [1] Navorsing wat op die Ounjougou -terreinkompleks tussen 1997 en 2004 gedoen is, het gelei tot die voorstel van 'n aanvanklike scenario vir die geskiedenis van menslike nedersetting in die Dogon -land, wat egter nog verskeie argeologiese of sedimentêre bevat het leemtes. [5] [6] [7] Vanaf 2005 is navorsing geleidelik uitgebrei na die Bandiagara -krans en die Séno -vlakte met die doel om die nedersettingsmodel wat by Ounjougou gedefinieer is, te toets en die verskillende gapings in die Yamévallei -volgorde te verstaan. Baie Pleistoseen- en Holoseen -terreine is ontdek. [8] [9] [10] [11] [12] [13] Veldwerk in die Dogon -land is in 2011 onderbreek weens toenemend onstabiele veiligheidstoestande.

Vandag word die term Ounjougou geassosieer met die navorsing wat gedoen is binne die internasionale program "Menslike bevolking en paleo -omgewing in Afrika", wat in 1997 geskep is. [14] [1] Hierdie program word aan die Universiteit van Genève (Switserland) gekoördineer deur die laboratorium Archéologie et Peuplement de l'Afrique by die Antropologie -eenheid, Departement Genetika en Evolusie.

Pleistoseen wysig

'N Paleolitiese volgorde met 'n hoë resolusie kan by Ounjougou gevestig word, veral as gevolg van 50 OSL -datums wat streng verband hou met die geomorfologiese ontleding van die formasies. [15] [3] Boonop blyk dit dat sommige sedimentêre gapings wat in die Ounjougou Pleistoseen -volgorde waargeneem is, saamval met abrupte Heinrich -klimaatgebeurtenisse tydens isotopiese fase 3 (H5 en H4). [16] [17]

Die vroegste bewyse van menslike besetting word op verskeie plekke in die kompleks gesien in die vorm van 'n litiese industrie wat bestaan ​​uit kwartsitiese sandsteen-veelvlakke en sub-sferoïede wat verband hou met geplaveide stene (Soriano et al. 2010). Die tegnologiese en tipologiese aspekte van hierdie artefakte dui op 'n vroeë fase van die paleolitiese en is in stratigrafiese konteks waargeneem in lense van growwe sand wat verhard is met ysteroksied wat aan die grond gesteek het. 'N OSL -datum van die Finale Middel -Pleistoseen, ongeveer 180 000 jaar, is verkry vir die afsettings wat oor hierdie formasies lê, wat 'n terminale ante quem vir hierdie litiese bedryf vorm. Die tegniese eienskappe daarvan dui egter op 'n ouderdom van minstens 500 000 jaar gelede. Alhoewel die wydverspreide argeologiese sigbaarheid die Acheulean tot dusver afwesig was in die Ounjougou -gebied en die Dogon -land in die algemeen. Dit kan dui op die bestaan ​​in Wes -Afrika van streke wat nie gereeld deur die Acheulese bevolkings voorkom nie, hoewel dit goed verteenwoordig word in naburige streke. [18]

Al die ander Pleistoseen -litiese nywerhede in Ounjougou hou chronologies verband met die Middelpaleolitiese. 'N Levallois -kern met voorkeurverwyderings, geïsoleer in stratigrafiese konteks, is die eerste bewys vir die Middelpaleolitiese in Ounjougou. Die OSL -datum in die konteks plaas hierdie kern rondom 150,000 BP gedurende die laat middelste pleistoseen. Middel-paleolitiese beroepe in die Ounjougou-sone, alle buitelug-terreine, word nog meer algemeen tydens die Bo-Pleistoseen: 25 verskillende tipo-tegnologiese groepe is geïdentifiseer tussen 100,000 en 22,000 BP, met 'n spesifieke konsentrasie tydens isotopiese fase 3 tussen 50,000 en 30,000 BP [19] [20]). Die bedrywe tussen 100,000 en 20,000 BP is uiters uiteenlopend. Die voorkoms van lemproduksie rondom 65.000 BP, gevolg deur 'n diskoïdale vermindering van ongeveer 60.000 BP, die voorkoms van blare met tweeledige blare rondom 50.000 BP en die verdwyning van Levallois -tegniek rondom 30.000 BP, is die belangrikste gebeurtenisse tydens die reeks. In die middelste paleolitiese volgorde let ons ook op die voorkoms van 'n kwartssteenbedryf met eienskappe wat vergelykbaar is met 'n vroeë paleolitiese. [21] Die studie van verskeie terreine by Ounjougou het ook 'n beskrywing van 'n nuwe industrie moontlik gemaak met massiewe gereedskap (rabotte) en stukke verkry deur bipolêre op-aambeeld slagwerk. Die bestaan ​​van hierdie soort samestelling is daarna bevestig deur die opgrawing van 'n rotsskuiling op die Bandiagara -platorand. [8] [10] Die diversiteit van die middel -paleolitiese bedrywe en die opvolging daarvan sonder duidelike logika dui op gereelde vernuwing van menslike groepe in die streek. Tussen 20 000 en 10 000 BP sien ons dan 'n beduidende onderbreking, hoofsaaklik as gevolg van die droë Ogoliese tydperk. [15] [22]

Holoseen wysig

Vroeë Holoseen (& gt9500 BC-6750 BC) Edit

By die aanvang van die Holoseen verskyn erdewerk vroeg in Ounjougou, gedurende die eerste helfte van die 10de millennium vC. Die streek word daarna gekonfronteer met die terugkeer van meer vogtige toestande wat verband hou met 'n vinnige terugkeer van die moesson na die jonger Dryas en die ontwikkeling van 'n oop grasveld -savanne op die Bandiagara -plato. [23] [24] In hierdie konteks het bevolkings pottebakkery gemaak, veral gekenmerk deur klein bakkies en bedrukte dekor. [25] [26] Die voorkoms van erdewerk in Ounjougou hou verband met 'n klein, tweeledige, litiese industrie. Hierdie innovasies hou waarskynlik verband met omgewingsveranderinge tydens die vestiging van tropiese savanne tydens die vroeë Holoseen, die nuwe samestelling van gejaagde fauna en die ontwikkeling van eetbare wilde grasse. [27] [28] Hierdie fase val dus waarskynlik saam met die daarstelling van 'n vorm van proto-landbou-ekonomie, bestaande uit 'n strategie van selektiewe en intensiewe versameling van grasse. In die lae gedateer tot die 8ste meul. VC word die erdewerk ook geassosieer met slypmateriaal (slypstene en brekers). [29] Hierdie besettingsfase in Ounjougou is dus geassosieer met 'n vroeë Neolitiese tydperk.

In die 10de millennium vC het sprekers van Niger-Kongo pirotegnologie ontwikkel en 'n bestaansstrategie in Ounjougou, Mali, gebruik. [30] Voor 9400 vC het Niger-Kongo-sprekers onafhanklik volwasse keramiektegnologie geskep en gebruik [30] [31] (bv. Aardewerk, potte) om korrels te bevat en te kook (bv. Digitaria exilis, pêrelgierst) [30] [ 32] etnografies en histories was Wes -Afrikaanse vroue die skeppers van pottebakkery in die meeste Wes -Afrikaanse keramiektradisies [33] [34] en hul keramiekproduksie hou nou verband met kreatiwiteit en vrugbaarheid. [34] Te midde van die tiende millennium vC migreer Wes-Afrikaners wat mikroliet gebruik, in Ounjougou saam met vroeër inwonende Wes-Afrikaners in Ounjougou. [35] Onder twee bestaande kultuurgebiede was vroeër woonstellende Wes -Afrikaners in Ounjougou van 'n kultuurgebied wat die Sahara -gebied omvat (bv. Tenere, Niger/Chad Air, Niger Acacus, Libië/Algerië [35] Tagalagal, Niger Temet, Niger) [36] van Afrika en Wes-Afrikaners wat mikroliet gebruik, was van 'n kultuurgebied wat die bosgebied van Wes-Afrika omvat. [35]

Na die Ogoliese tydperk, tussen die laat 10de millennium BCE en vroeë 9th millennium BCE, het die skeppers van die Ounjougou -aardewerk - die vroegste aardewerk in Afrika - saam met hul erdewerk, van Ounjougou, Mali na die Sentraal -Sahara gemigreer. [37] Of die keramiekkultuur van Ounjougou versprei het tot by Bir Kiseiba, Egipte, met aardewerk wat soos Ounjougou -erdewerk lyk, het gereedskap wat gebruik kan word om te slyp soos in Ounjougou, en is gevolg deur daaropvolgende keramiek kulture (bv. Wadi el Akhdar, Sarurab , Nabta Playa), moet nog bepaal word. [37] Die opkoms en uitbreiding van keramiek in die Sahara kan gekoppel wees aan die oorsprong van die rotskop- en Kel Essuf -rotskuns, wat rotse in dieselfde streke beslaan (bv. Djado, Acacus, Tadrart) en 'n algemene ooreenkoms (bv. eienskappe, vorms). [38] In die Sentraal -Sahara is die Kel Essuf -periode en die rondetydperk gevolg deur die pastorale periode. [39] As gevolg van die toenemende verdroging van die Groen Sahara, het jagter-versamelaars en veewagters in die Sentraal-Sahara moontlik seisoenale waterweë gebruik as die trekroete wat na die Nigerrivier en die Tsjaadkom van Wes-Afrika geneem is. [40]

Middel-Holoseen (6750-3300 vC) Redigeer

Oor die algemeen weerspieël die hidrografiese werking van die Yamé -vallei tydens die Midde -Holoseen die meer vogtige klimaatkonteks van tropiese Afrika tussen 5300 en 3000 vC. [24] Die besetting van Ounjougou word gekenmerk deur 'n belangrike argeologiese stilte van ongeveer 2000 jaar na die einde van die vroeë Holoseen. 'N Werkswinkel wat gespesialiseer is in kwasitiese sandsteen, bifasiaal gevormde punte, dui op 'n nuwe besetting van die Yamé -vallei tussen die 6de en 4de meul. V.C. [41]

Laat Holoseen (3300-400 vC) Redigeer

By die oorgang middel tot laat Holoseen was die Ounjougou -gebied nog deel van 'n digte, beboste Soedannese savanne wat verband hou met vleilande met Guinese verwantskappe. Tussen 2600 en 2200 vC het die plantlandskappe begin verander, wat ooreenstem met 'n verskuiwing in plantegroei, wat 'n afname in neerslag en 'n neiging tot meer dorre toestande weerspieël. [42] [24] Dit is moontlik dat pastorale bevolkings van die suidelike rand van die Sahara gedurende dieselfde tydperk gedurende die seisoen -transhumance die Yamé -vallei besoek het. [43] [44] Argeologiese en botaniese oorblyfsels dui aan dat landboubevolkings hulle tussen 1800 en 1400 vC in die Yamé -vallei gevestig het in 'n dorre klimaatsverband, maar meer vogtig as vandag. [45] [46] Tussen 1400 en 800 vC het landboubevolkings plaasdorpe of gehuggies in die Yamévallei ontwikkel en geskep. Sommige kenmerke van die materiële kultuur van hierdie tydperk dui op bande met verskeie streke in die grense van die Sahara en die Sahel, soos Gourma en Méma, wat 'n groot kulturele stroom weerspieël wat ten minste 'n deel van sy oorsprong in die Dhars -streek in Suidoos -Mauritanië weerspieël . [47] Die Neolitiese in Ounjougou eindig tussen 800 en 400 vC. Die argeologiese volgorde word dan onderbreek deur 'n onderbreking van 'n paar eeue, gedeeltelik gekoppel aan meer dorre klimaatstoestande [6] [24]).

Terminal Holoseen (400 v.C.-hede) Redigeer

Vanuit 'n argeologiese perspektief dateer die pre-dogon tydperk [48] uit Ounjougou uit die 4de eeu vC, maar die floruit is tussen die 7de en 13de eeu nC. [11] Die keramiek- en metaalversamelings vir hierdie tydperk is bekend as gevolg van die studie van die terrein van Dangandouloun, 'n rotsskuiling met rituele funksie. [49] [6] [50] In die nabye Bandiagara-platorand, op die terrein van Dourou-Boro, word 'n stel begrafnisstrukture wat uit klei opgerol is tussen die 3de en 4de eeu en gebruik tot die 9de eeu nC, ook toegeskryf aan pre -Dogon tydperk. [13] Hierdie bevindings, wat 'n belangrike argeologiese onderbreking gevul het, bevraagteken die konsep van Toloy- en Tellem -kulture, bestudeer in die grotte van die krans naby Sangha. [51]

Die model wat sedert die sewentigerjare algemeen aanvaar word, beklemtoon die bestaan ​​van 'n gaping tussen die Toloy- en Tellem -entiteite, nie net op grond van 'n chronologiese onderbreking en argitektoniese verskille nie, maar ook uit belangrike kulturele verskille wat deur die keramiektradisies geopenbaar is. [52] Onlangse gegewens argumenteer vir 'n hersiening van hierdie paradigma, wat 'n bevolkingsmodel in drie stappe veronderstel (Toloy, Tellem en Dogon). Nuut verworwe inligting dui eerder daarop dat die Dogon-land die afgelope twee millennia 'n oop gebied was, wat deur die eeue baie kulturele kenmerke geïntegreer het deur trekgroepe, vakmanne, voorwerpe en savoir-faire uit verskeie gebiede, soos die Mema en die binnelandse Niger delta in die noordweste, die Gourma- of Oudalan -ooste, Burkina Faso of voltaïese suidoostelike Senegal, sonder 'n volledige omset van die bevolking. [13]

Navorsing by Ounjougou toon ook skakels tussen die Bandiagara -plato en die naburige etnolinguistiese sfere Mandé, Gur en Songhay. Ontleding van die keramiekoppervlaktes uit 'n dosyn verlate dorpe naby Ounjougou en radiokoolstofdatering van een hiervan dui aan dat die Bandiagara -plato deur die Dogon uit die 15de eeu nC beset is. Boonop onthul etnohistoriese opnames verskeie golwe van vestiging deur verskillende Dogon -stamme, gevolg deur verskeie verskuiwings en herbesettings van dorpe wat verband hou met klimaats-, omgewings- of politieke oorsake, wat vandag weerspieël word in 'n sekere aantal grondkonflikte. [6] Die Dogon -bevolkings was die fokus van baie etnohistoriese en etno -argeologiese studies, veral met betrekking tot die verskillende keramiek -tradisies en metallurgiese produksie. [53] [54] [55]


Gemeenskapsresensies

Die Dogon -dorpe van die Bandiagara Falaise is ongetwyfeld een van die grootste plekke in Afrika. Ons het 'n 5 dae lange trek onder hulle onderneem en sal graag weer wil terugkeer vir 'n tweede besoek. Selfs in Desember is dit 'n baie "warm wandeling" en ek wonder amper of 'n langer verblyf in 1 of 2 dorpe verkiesliker is as om elke dag te verhuis - die natuurskoon verander nie so veel nie en die essensie van die plek moet gevind word in die mense en hul kultuur. Met Frans as lingua franca en 'n plaaslike gids was dit moontlik om interaksie te hê. Ons het die Dogon -groet geleer met die uitgebreide lys van beleefde vrae en formele antwoorde oor 'n groot reeks onderwerpe. Ons het die waarsêery -omhulsels gesien waar die voetspore van woestynjakkalse wat oor voorbereide sandroosters kruis, gebruik word om die toekoms te voorspel. Ons het gesprekke gevoer met die plaaslike bevolking wat blykbaar bereid was om ons onbewuste sosiale gaffes te vergewe - bv. Ek is beleefd gevra om nie op 'n spesifieke rots te steun nie - in Dogon se animistiese oortuigings het betekenisvolle voorwerpe betekenis wat nie vir die buitestaander duidelik is nie! Ons het ook 'n gemaskerde dansopvoering gehad (foto).

Ons het onsself afgevra of ons teenwoordigheid ten goede is of dat ons doodmaak wat ons gesien het. Wel waarskynlik albei. As ek terugkyk op byna 50 jaar se reis, kan ek sien dat wat permanent blyk te wees, in werklikheid redelik permanent is, of dit nou 'n natuurlike plek, stad of kultuur is. Waar ek ook al was, het ek mense ontmoet wat vir my gesê het: 'U moes jare gelede hier gewees het - dit was baie beter'. En dit gaan nie verander nie. Maar beter vir wie? Die Dogon -dorpe sal verander - hopelik vir die verbetering van diegene wat daar woon, maar hopelik sal hulle ook genoeg behou van wat hulle spesiaal maak. Ek is egter bevrees dat die danse in die komende jare in toeriste -georiënteerde ouditoria aangebied sal word eerder as om nou, soos nou, tussen die rotse gekyk te word - kyk net na Bomas van Kenia. Daar is al paaie langs die krans af en vragmotors loop langs die bodem - die verkeer sal ongetwyfeld toeneem en die plaaslike bevolking sal (tereg) begeer en bromponies aanskaf - die lang groet as wandelaar verbygaan, sal iets van die verlede word. Dan ontwikkel die dorpe geleidelik met nuwe geboue van beton en sinkplaat en word hul oorspronklike argitektuur "ghetto". So GAAN NOU!


Die inheemse Dogon -stam in Mali sukkel met die 21ste eeu

In hierdie dorre gebied naby die oostelike rand van Mali naby die grens met Burkina Faso, sukkel die inheemse Dogon -mense om hul kultuur en tradisionele lewenswyses te handhaaf sedert die einde van die koloniale era. Vir VOA het Naomi Schwarz onlangs na die dorpe langs die rotsagtige rant gereis wat die Dogon huis toe noem om te sien hoe die moderne inval hul tradisionele leefstyl beïnvloed het.

Halfpad teen 'n krans in die suidelike, sentrale Mali, dryf die geluide van 'n moderne Dogon-dorpie op van die kwasgevulde vlakte daaronder. Om die klein, afgesonderde dorpies van die Dogon te bereik, moet die meeste buitelandse toeriste te voet reis.

Maar dit het nie gelyk asof mense mense ontmoedig om die rit te maak nie. Dogon is vandag een van die belangrikste toeriste -aantreklikhede in Mali. As gevolg hiervan, het die afgelope eeu aansienlike veranderinge in die sosiale organisasie en materiële kultuur van die Dogon plaasgevind.

Eens 'n animistiese kultuur, het die Dogon meer as 500 jaar gelede na hierdie gebied gevlug om te vervolg van vervolging deur die Moslem Fulani. Die geografie bied beskerming teen toekomstige indringers. Die Bandiagara-platorand strek 150 kilometer oor kwasgevulde vlaktes en vorm 'n soort muur tussen Dogon Country en die res van Mali. Die blote gesig van die krans lyk soos 'n halwe berg, die veelkleurige sedimentlae lyk soos 'n sonsondergang in klip.

Dit is nou dieselfde skilderagtige geografie en gevoel van 'n aparte wêreld wat duisende toeriste elke jaar na Dogon -dorpe bring.

"Herb Lebenton. Connecticut. Verenigde State. Was al agt dae in Mali," het Herb Lebenton, een van die toeriste, gesê. Hy verduidelik wat hom na hierdie hoek van Mali gebring het.

"Die kultuur van die Dogon. Die argitektuur. Die lewe van die dorp. Ek is geïnteresseerd in dorpe," het hy gesê.

Tradisioneel was die Dogon -ekonomie gebaseer op landbou en veewag. Tans het byna elke dorp verblyf vir toeriste. In 'n gebied sonder elektrisiteit of lopende water, bied sommige van die blyplekke lugversorging en warm storte.

Maar toeriste het ook 'n ander erfenis nagelaat.

Amadou Lougé, wat 'n toeristehuis in Kanikombolé, die dorp waar hy gebore is, bestuur, werk al 12 jaar in die toerismebedryf.

Hy sê voorheen het die dorpe min gesondheidsentrums of skole gehad, maar danksy toeriste wat geld vir ontwikkeling geskenk het, het dit verander.

En hy sê toerisme het die Dogon -mense eintlik gehelp om hul leefstyl te behou.

Voorheen, sê hy, was jongmense verplig om na die stede te gaan om betaalde werk te kry. Nou kan mense hier in die toerismebedryf werk, en hy bly by hul gesin.

Ali Ban Guindo is 'n Dogon -gids wat toeriste al tien jaar deur die streek gelei het. Hy sê dat die lewe hier verander, maar dit is nie net as gevolg van die toeriste nie.

Dit is nie net die toeriste wat die lewe van mense verander nie, sê Guindo. Hy sê dat vyf persent afkomstig is van toeriste en 95 persent is die radio, die televisie en die telefoon.

En selfs voor sulke tegnologiese veranderinge, was die Dogon nie immuun teen invloed van buite nie. Ondanks hul aanvanklike weerstand teen Islam, het baie Dogon hulle uiteindelik bekeer van hul animistiese oortuigings. Nou is daar Animist-, Islam- en Christelike dorpe.

Maar Aminata Guindo, Amadou Lougé se vrou, sê dat as die dinge aanhou soos dit is, die Dogon -dorpe oor 100 jaar sal verdwyn.

Dogon -geboue is opgebou uit 'n moddermengsel wat gereeld weer toegedien moet word, of as dit deur wind en reën afbreek. Selfs die eeue oue dorpe waar Dogon nie meer woon nie, het tradisioneel elke jaar hierdie behandeling ontvang.

Nou, sê sy, werk mense nie soos voorheen om die ou dorpe in stand te hou nie. En dit is die ware Dogon Country.

Mense is te besig om werk te betaal om die instandhouding uit te voer, sê sy.

Toeriste Herb Lebenton sien nog 'n nadeel van toerisme.

As hy in die dorpe instap, swerm kinders om hom en vra vir die geskenke wat ander toeriste sien uitdeel: lekkergoed, penne, geld.

Lebenton meen dit is 'n fout om sulke geskenke aan kinders te gee.

'Ons leer die kinders om te bedel, en dit is nie deel van hul kultuur nie,' het hy gesê. "As jy wil gee, gee op 'n verantwoordelike wyse. Gee vir die onderwyser, of gee vir die ouer man, laat hom dit uitdeel."

In 'n dorpie Dogon op die rots, kom toeriste deur 'n natuurlike amfiteater om 'n tradisionele maskerdans te geniet.

Die dans was eens geheim, en slegs mans en weeskinders wat as mans beskou is, mag deelneem. Nou marsjeer 'n Europese vrou as deel van die optog, en almal kan kyk.

Dit is veranderinge, maar nie noodwendig vir die erger nie, sê die gids Ali Ban Guindo. Hy sê dat toeriste kom en gaan, maar dit is aan die Dogon -mense om te besluit hoe hulle in die 21ste eeu sal aanpas of nie.


'N Reis in die Dogon -dorpe van Bandiagara -platorand.

Die Bandiagara Escarpment sny meer as 160 km oor die warm en stowwerige lande van die Sahel in Mali. Bandiagara is 'n wonder van die natuur, waar die kranse amper 500 meter in die lug styg en in geografiese diversiteit wissel van woestyn tot watervalle watervalle wat in die vlaktes onder val.
Ons is in die middel van Mali, ongeveer 90 km oos van Mopti, waar ons 'n ongelooflike sandsteen krans kan sien met 'n hoë plato bo en sandagtige halfwoestyn vlaktes daaronder. Hierdie krans strek ongeveer 150 kilometer lank en word sedert 1989 deur die UNESCO erken as ''n uitstaande landskap van kranse en sanderige plato's met 'n pragtige argitektuur'. Die Bandiagara -terrein word beskou as een van die indrukwekkendste plekke in Wes -Afrika, vanweë die geologiese en argeologiese kenmerke daarvan, maar ook vanweë die etnologiese belangrikheid daarvan.

Die terrein word ten minste 2 000 jaar bewoon. Sedert die afgelope vyfhonderd jaar was dit die tuiste van 'n etniese groep bekend as Dogon. Voordat hulle na hierdie gebied migreer van hul geboorteland ver na die suidweste, in vandag se Burkina Faso en Ghana, is die Dogons gereeld toegeval deur naburige Islamitiese stamgroepe. Mans, vroue en kinders is gevange geneem en in die slawehandel gegooi. Waarskynlik rondom die 15de eeu of miskien vroeër, het die Dogons na hierdie streek begin aankom en hulle gevestig in die kranse van Bandiagara, wat voordeel trek uit die natuurlike toevlug van die krans, soos verdediging teen potensiële indringers. Toe hulle aankom, vind hulle die platorand wat reeds bewoon is deur die 'klein rooi mense', die Tellem-stamme, 'n dwerg wat wonings rondom die basis van die platorand gebou het en begraafgrotte hoog op die krans aangesny het. Die oënskynlik onmoontlike toegang tot hierdie geboue het die Dogons laat glo dat die Tellem-mense kon vlieg.

Oorspronklik het die Dogons die webwerf met die Tellem gedeel, maar geleidelik is die inheemse mense uitgestoot en die Tellem het verdwyn. Dit is moontlik dat die Tellem -mense in die Dogon -kultuur geassimileer is of na die nabygeleë Burkina Faso migreer, maar baie van die geboue en strukture wat hulle agtergelaat het, het eeue lank oorleef en is nog steeds sigbaar in al hierdie gebiede. Sommige Tellem -geboue, veral die graanskure, word vandag nog deur die Dogon gebruik. Die eerste Dogon-nedersetting is in die uiterste suidweste van die platorand gevestig, en met verloop van tyd het hulle noordwaarts beweeg langs die platorand, oor die plato en die vlaktes van die Seno-Gondo in die suidooste. Tans is daar meer as 400 000 hektaar in die 'Land of the Dogons' en bevat byna driehonderd dorpe versprei oor die lengte van die Bandiagara -platorand. Die meeste dorpe is op die plato bo -op die platorand of aan die voet van die kranse geleë, onder die ouer Tellem -strukture op die krans.
Die Dogon -mense sny alles van eenvoudige reghoekige huise in die kransmure tot gedetailleerde moskees uit modder en stok. Die hele konsep van hul dorpe is ongelooflik, met hul huise wat aan die kranse hang, wat alle natuurlike grense van die tradisionele stad oortref. Sommige van die dorpe kan amper nie gesien word nie, want dit meng soomloos met die rotsagtige kranse wat hulle omring, en ander is net merkbaar op hul grasdakke wat uit die sand en rots uitsteek.

Die Dogons was prakties onbekend in die Weste tot in die vroeë dertigerjare, toe 'n jong Franse antropoloog, Marcel Griaule, 'n vyftien jaar lange navorsingsreis deur Wes-Afrika onderneem het. Na jare se ondervraging van die ouderlinge van Dogon oor hul godsdiens en tradisies, het hy uiteindelik 'n reeks onderhoude gekry met 'n blinde Dogon -jagter genaamd Ogotemmeli, wat hom die godsdienstige verhale geleer het op dieselfde manier as wat Ogotemmêli dit by sy pa en oupa geleer het. Later het dit 'n boeiende boek geword met die titel "Conversations With Ogotemmeli". Baie van die oorspronklike kulturele tradisies van die Dogon bestaan ​​vandag nog, insluitend maskerituele en grotheiligdomme.
Vandag is The Bandiagara Escarpment en die Dogon -kultuur die bestemming van 'n groot aantal toeriste wat elke jaar Mali besoek. Besoekers kan ook direk in die Dogon -dorpe langs die platorand bly vir 'n baie unieke ervaring.


Bandiagara Escarpment Cliff Dwellings

Sien alle foto's

The Bandiagara Escarpment slices across the hot and dusty lands of the Sahel in Mali for over 100 miles. In itself, Bandiagara is a wonder of nature. The cliffs rise over 1,500 feet in the air in places and range in geographic diversity from desert to cascading waterfalls plummeting onto the plains below.

However, almost more impressive than the landscape are the Dogon homes carved into the escarpment. Although a range of people lived in the area, for over 600 years the Dogon people have made Southern Mali their home, carving everything from simple rectangular homes into the cliff walls to detailed Mosque’s made out of mud and stick. The Dogon’s contribution to the region is immense.

The entire concept of their village is stunning, as homes hang from the cliffs defying all natural bounds of the traditional city. Some of the villages can hardly even be seen as they blend seamlessly with the rocky cliffs that surround them. Others are only noticeable from their thatched roofs, protruding from the sand and rock.

Every aspect of the Bandiagara is strongly punctuated. The escarpment itself rises dustily from the sparse Sahel vegetation below and the homes of the Dogon villages dot the cliffs for miles until the escarpment terminates at the highest peak in Mali, Hombori Tondo.

There are thirty Dogon villages in total across the escarpment and a multitude of Dogon sites aside from the houses. The dramatic landscape has been a UNESCO World Heritage Site since 1989.

Much of the Dogon’s original cultural traditions still exist, including mask rituals and cave shrines. Visitors to the region can also stay directly in the Dogon villages along the escarpment, allowing for a truly unique hostel experience.

Weet voordat jy gaan

The main bases for organizing your trek are Mopti-Sévaré, Douentza or Bakass. Within the Dogon country, Bandiagara and Sanga can also be used as starting points. Most people opt by a three-day trek starting from Bandiagara. It is important to know that much of Dogon country is very rough, and you will be rock scrambling and climbing to the cliffs under intense heat. Guides are essential in the Dogon country and you can make arrangements in any of the villages mentioned above.


Ancient African Architecture Series: Cliff of Bandiagara: (Land of the Dogons) Mali

Cliff of Bandiagara (Land of the Dogons) (Mali) Author: A. Wolf Copyright: © UNESCO

THE Bandiagara site is an outstanding landscape of cliffs and sandy plateaux with some beautiful architecture (houses, granaries, altars, sanctuaries and Togu Na, or communal meeting-places). Several age-old social traditions live on in the region (masks, feasts, rituals, and ceremonies involving ancestor worship). The geological, archaeological and ethnological interest, together with the landscape, make the Bandiagara plateau one of West Africa’s most impressive sites.

Cliff of Bandiagara (Land of the Dogons)

The Bandiagara site is an outstanding landscape of cliffs and sandy plateaux with some beautiful architecture (houses, granaries, altars, sanctuaries and Togu Na, or communal meeting-places). Several age-old social traditions live on in the region (masks, feasts, rituals, and ceremonies involving ancestor worship). The geological, archaeological and ethnological interest, together with the landscape, make the Bandiagara plateau one of West Africa’s most impressive sites.

Outstanding Universal Value

Brief synthesis

The Cliff of Bandiagara, Land of the Dogons, is a vast cultural landscape covering 400,000 ha and includes 289 villages scattered between the three natural regions: sandstone plateau, escarpment, plains (more than two-thirds of the listed perimeter are covered by plateau and cliffs).

The communities at the site are essentially the Dogon, and have a very close relationship with their environment expressed in their sacred rituals and traditions.

The site of the Land of the Dogons is an impressive region of exceptional geological and environmental features. Human settlements in the region, since Palaeolithic times, have enabled the development and harmonious integration into the landscape of rich and dense tangible and intangible cultures, the best known of which are those of the Tellem, that are thought to live in the caves, and the Dogon.

This hostile milieu and difficult access has been, since the 15th century, a natural refuge that corresponded to the need for defence of the Dogons in the face of formidable invaders. Entrenched on the plateau and hanging to cliff faces, the Dogon were able to conserve their centuries-old culture and traditions, thanks to this defensive shelter. The architecture of the Dogon land has been adapted to benefit from the physical constraints of the place. Whether on the high plateau, the cliff-faces, or on the plain, the Dogon have exploited all the elements available to build their villages that reflect their ingenuity and their philosophy of life and death.

In certain cultural areas, the Dogon villages comprise numerous granaries, for the most part square with a thatched tapering roof. The gin’na, or large family house, is generally built on two levels. Its facade built from banco, is windowless but has a series of niches and doors, often decorated with sculptured motifs: rows of male and female characters which symbolize the couple’s successive generations.

One of the most characteristic forms of the Land of the Dogon is that of the togu-na, the large shelter, a long construction that provides shelter under a roof of branches supported by roughly-shaped wooden poles, for a platform with benches for the men.

The totemic sanctuaries (binu), privileged places, are of a great variety: some, in caves, keep alive the cult places of the Tellem others, built of banco, resemble houses. The most venerated are the responsibility of the Hogon, the priest of one or several villages living alone, his source of inspiration being the snake, Lèbe, whose totem is often sculpted near the door of his dwelling.

The irruption of new « written religions » (Islam and Christianity) since at least the 18th century has contributed to the vulnerability of the heritage that today has suffered from the negative effects of globalization linked to the increasing development of cultural tourism and the phenomena of rural exodus, consequence of the drought of the last decades.

Criterion (v): The Land of the Dogon is the outstanding manifestation of a system of thinking linked to traditional religion that has integrated harmoniously with architectural heritage, very remarkably in a natural landscape of rocky scree and impressive geological features. The intrusion of new written religions (Islam and Christianity) since at least the 18th century has contributed towards the vulnerability of the heritage that today suffers from adverse effects of globalization.

Criterion (vii): The cliff and its rocky scree constitute a natural area of unique and exceptional beauty in West Africa. The diversity of geomorphological features (plateau, cliffs and plains) of the site are characterized by the presence of natural monuments (caves, secondary dunes and rock shelters) that bear witness to the continued influence of the different erosion phenomena. It is also in the natural environment that the endemic plant Acridocarpus monodii is found, its growth area being limited to the cliffs, and specific medicinal plants used by the Dogon therapists and healers. These plants suffer from gradual decline due to climate change (drought and desertification) and logging. The relationship of the Dogon people with their environment is also expressed in the sacred rituals associating spiritually the pale fox, the jackal and the crocodile.

Due to the socio-economic phenomena (exodus, scholarization, infrastructure development), human activities and the degradation of the environment (climate change causing droughts, desertification or also torrential rains demographic pressure), the populations are leaving the villages located on the steep escarpments for the plain. Some intangible cultural practices undergo mutation linked to contact with other imported value systems (religions, cultural tourism…). The integrity of this very extensive property is, consequently, threatened as several sectors no longer contain all the attributes of the Outstanding Universal Value.

Authenticity

The social and cultural traditions of the Dogon are among the best preserved of sub-saharan Africa, despite certain important irreversible socio-economic mutations. The villages and their inhabitants are faithful to the ancestral values linked to an original life style. The harmonious integration of cultural elements (architecture) in the natural landscape remains authentic, outstanding and unique. Nevertheless, the traditional practices associated to the living quarters and the building constructions have become vulnerable, and in places the relationship between the material attributes and the Outstanding Universal Value are fragile.


Fulani-Dogon Conflict

On 16 May 2019, the UN peacekeeping mission in Mali, MINUSMA, announced it had recorded "at least 488 deaths" in attacks on Fulanis in the central regions of Mopti and Segou since January 2018. Armed Fulanis "caused 63 deaths" among civilians in the Mopti region over the same period, it said. The Fulani are primarily cattle breeders and traders, while the Bambara and Dogon are traditionally sedentary farmers.

Mali s population today reflects a composite of ethnicities that together form a mosaic of national identity. Recent killings in central Mali highlight the age-old conflict between the nomadic and predominantly Muslim Fulani (also called Peuhl, representiang about 15% of the population) and the generally polytheistic and sedentary Dogon [9% of the country's population]. Since 2015, relations between the nomadic Fulani herders and Mali's Bambara and Dogon farmers have been antagonistic following accusations of Fulani grazing cattle on Dogon land as well as land and water access issues. Fulani are seen as being linked to the jihadists of the Islamic State of Greater Sahara, while Dogon militias are said to have the support of the Mali military.

The region is being hit particularly hard by climate change. Conflicts over resources like water and land are not new. But where there used to be a predictable three-months span of rainfall in a year, precipitation has become erratic and hard to predict, increasing the pressure on the population. While resources like water, land and pastures are dwindling, "the number of people who depend on them as farmers or cattle herders is actually rising. Poverty makes it easy for either side to recruit fighters for the militias. Especially young men in this region have very little to do and very few prospects.

The UN reported in March 2019 that over the past year, fighting between the Fulani and Dogon ethnic communities had resulted in the deaths of some 600 women, children and men. Disputes over land and water between Fulani herders and Dogon Dozo or traditional brotherhood of hunters are common. Often recruited from among the nobles, the dignitaries, especially the warrior classes, the members of these brotherhoods played a very important role in traditional society. The dozos are supposed to be depositories of secular mystic knowledge. A traditional hunter is outfitted in a distinctive brown hunting suit and gris-gris amulets worn around the neck. The amulets (gris-gris) worn by Dozos possess magical properties protecting them from harm.

Ths situation in Mali makes it difficult to define dozos, as Ibrahim Ma ga, a researcher at the Institute for Security Studies, based in Bamako, explained 26 June 2018. " We think we know who these dozos are, but the situation is much more complex. When speaking of dozos, in principle we speak of people who are introduced to traditional rites. This is not the case for everyone. You have, in the ranks of these groups dozos, people, young people who consider to be in a logic of self-defense and not necessarily to be dozos, in the ritual sense of the term". In this logic of self-defense, some dozos would have engaged in the fight against the terrorists of the Macina Liberation Front, a predominantly Peul group operating in the center of the country.

The fighting has grown increasingly violent. Conflicts between farmers, pastoralists, fishermen and dozos hunters are not new, but rarely have the balance sheets been so heavy. The deadly conflict has been fueled by a proliferation in arms and an Islamic insurgency moving ever further south from its strongholds in Mali's north. One of the reasons is certainly to be found in the security context, which has deteriorated terribly in the center of the country. The presence of terrorists and the weapons that circulate have resulted in much greater violence at each confrontation. The state, absent locally, no longer plays its role of regulator.

The trend of increase in violence in central Mali taking place between Fulani herders and Bambara and Dogon farmers has been triggered by accusations that the Fulani are grazing cattle on Dogon territory as well as disputes over access to land and water resources. The Peuhl are accused of working alongside jihadists from the Islamic State of Greater Sahara to attack Dogon villages and prevent them from cultivating their land. They in turn have alleged that the Dogons are collaborating with the Malian military though there is no conclusive sign of state support.

Community leaders from all ethnic groups and security analysts in the region told Human Rights Watch that the proliferation of semi-automatic assault rifles and other weapons in the possession of self-defense and Islamist armed groups was contributing to the lethality of the communal violence. Villagers said self-defense or hunting societies were traditionally armed with artisanal or single-barrel shotguns and only started seeing war guns within the last few years.

Clashes between Dogon hunters - who have a highly distinctive traditional culture dating back centuries and the semi-nomadic Fulani herders, have become a growing flash point in recent years. Intercommunal violence related to disputes over transhumance (seasonal migration) and cattle grazing occurred among Dogon, Bambara, and Fulani in the Mopti Region, Bambara and Fulani in the Segou Region, and between various Tuareg and Arab groups in the regions of Gao, Timbuktu, and Kidal. Intercommunal violence led to frequent clashes between members of the Fulani ethnic group and, separately, members of the Bambara and Dogon communities. Self-defense groups representing these communities were reportedly involved in attacks.

The agricultural Dogon live on the Bandiagara escarpment high above the western reaches of the Niger bend. Dogon arrived in the Bandiagara area in the 15th century and dispersed into relatively autonomous communities that colonized not only the Bandiagara cliff and plateau but also the vast plain of S no-Gondo, a sandy area east of the cliff that provided fertile ground for cereals, abundant water resourcesand nutritious wild fruit. Once an animist culture, the Dogon fled to this area more than 500 years ago to escape persecution by Muslim Fulani. The geography offered protection from would-be invaders. The Bandiagara Escarpment stretches 150 kilometers across brush-filled plains and forms a sort of wall between Dogon Country and the rest of Mali. The sheer face of the cliff looks like a bisected mountain the multi-colored layers of sediment resemble a sunset built in stone.

Amma, the otiose deity who created the mythical and human worlds, is the ultimate spiritual force in Dogon religious thought. Amna is formless and ie thought to be creative energy rather than a being. The principal Dogon spirits are the eight Nuhmos. To the Dogon, the checkerboard is a symbolic diagram of the ideal human order the spiral or zig-zag depicts the form and path of the mythical Nummos.

In 1818, the Fulani conqueror Seku Amadu founded the Empire of Massina (Diina) and a new capital, Hamdullahi, located southeast of Mopti. The Massina Empire gradually extended from Segou in the south to Timbuktu in the north. Like many other precolonial political formations, the Massina Empire maintained fuzzy peripheries where pagan peoples were either converted to Islam by force or enslaved.The Fulani used their cavalry to raid the Dogon plateau and the plain of S no-Gondo, destroying thecrops of the farmers and enslaving the local populations.

In response, the Dogon built spectacularfortress villages in the Bandiagara Cliff, a World Heritage site listed by UNESCO in 1989. The Cliff of Bandiagara, Land of the Dogons, is a vast cultural landscape covering 400,000 ha and includes 289 villages scattered between the three natural regions: sandstone plateau, escarpment, plains (more than two-thirds of the listed perimeter are covered by plateau and cliffs). The communities at the site are essentially the Dogon The social and cultural traditions of the Dogon are among the best preserved of sub-saharan Africa, despite certain important irreversible socio-economic mutations. The villages and their inhabitants are faithful to the ancestral values linked to an original life style.

The Dogon people are specialists in collecting wild herbs, seeds, flowers and plants. From these, Dogon women produce many unique seasonings, called sommige. They produce seasonings with dried okra - a local vegetable- with baobab leaves with different varieties of local peppers with different varieties of local onions. In die verlede, sommige was a basic ingredient in most Dogon cuisine. But in recent times the people have abandoned their traditional food in favor of cheap and convenient imported stock cubes full of unhealthy preservatives.

In Mopti region, central Mali, communal violence in 2018 killed over 200 civilians, driven thousands from their homes, undermined livelihoods, and led to widespread hunger. The victims are largely ethnic Peuhl targeted by ethnic Dogon and Bambara self-defense groups for their alleged support of armed Islamists largely linked to Al-Qaeda.

Human Rights Watch (HRW) reported that on 05 April 2018, 14 Fulani men suspected of terrorism were killed by the Malian Armed Forces (FAMA). The FAMA issued a statement saying that 14 men had died while attempting to escape however, witnesses believed that these men were executed by the FAMA. On 19 May 20189, a Malian battalion assigned to the G5 Sahel Joint Force summarily and arbitrarily executed 12 civilians at the Boulikessi livestock market in an act of retaliation, according to a MINUSMA investigation.

Ethnic Fulani in the central Mopti and Segou regions reported abuse by government forces. According to HRW, seven Fulani men arrested by the Army in Sokolo while celebrating a baptism ceremony February 21 were declared by the Ministry of Defense as killed in battle against Malian forces on February 27. Additionally, HRW reported that according to eyewitnesses, the bodies of six Fulani men previously arrested in Dogo by the Army were discovered in a common grave on March 22. HRW also documented several cases of torture or severe mistreatment of detainees during the year.

On 17 July 2018, the office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights issued a statement expressing concern about intercommunal violence in the Mopti Region, mainly between pastoralist Fulani and agriculturalist Dogon ethnic groups. Intercommunal violence resulted in at least 289 civilian deaths since the beginning of the year.

On 02 January 2019, Armed men, believed to be traditional hunters, killed 37 Fulani herders in a central Mali village, according to the government, which has launched an investigation into the attack. The latest killings were part of a trend of an increase in violence, in central Mali, taking place between Fulani herders and Bambara and Dogon farmers. The killings were perpetrated by Dogon farmers, and many homes were burned in a part of Koulogon village which is inhabited mostly by Fulani. The attack took place around the time of the first call to prayer of 2019.

The 23 March 2019 massacre of some 160 Fulani herders by an ethnic vigilante group shocked the nation. The killings by suspected hunters from the Dogon community on Ogossagou, a village in central Mali populated by rival Fulani herders, were bloody even by the recent standards of Mali's ever-worsening violence.

The United Nations Special Adviser on the Prevention of Genocide, Adama Dieng, expressed his deepest concern and strongly condemned recent attacks against villages in Mali, including mass-killings last weekend in the Mopti region, which left 160 dead, including some 50 children, according to the UN human rights office (OHCHR). The assault on the villages of Ogossagou and Welingara, populated with people from the Peulh or Fulani ethnic group took place on 23 March 2019. In addition to the killings, at least 70 were injured, allegedly by members of the Dogon ethnic group. It was the fourth major attack since the start of the year against villages populated by Peulhs/Fulanis. On 1 January, in Kolougon, at least 37 women, children and men were killed during the day.

Over the recent months, violence has reached unprecedented level amid retaliatory attacks and serious violations of human rights in central Mali impacting on all communities, Special Advisor Dieng said. Unless these concerns are immediately addressed, there is a high risk of further escalation of the situation in which atrocity crimes could be committed, he warned.

Since January 2019 there had been reports of at least 22 incidents of human rights violations by community-based self-defense groups, which had resulted in the deaths of at least 230 people by March 2019. The Mopti region has been the scene of deadly violence since the beginning of the year. The camp of the Malian Armed Forces (FAMAs) in the village of Dioura suffered an attack in which several of its soldiers were killed. On 26 February, 10 people from the Dogon community were killed in an attack on the village of Gondogourou. Further, on 1 January, 37 people were executed in the Fulani village of Kulogon by unidentified armed elements.

Human Rights Watch has said that Youssouf Toloba's ethnic militia known as Dan Na Ambassagou has been implicated in scores of deadly attacks over the past year. The militia has accused ethnic Peuhl of collaborating with Islamic extremists increasingly operating in central Mali. These militia fighters protecting Dogon villages are believed to have semi-autonomic weapons, making their attacks on Peuhl communities particularly deadly.

Over 100 people were reportedly killed during an attack on a traditional Dogon hunters village in Mali on 09 June 2019, prompting a call from UN chief Ant nio Guterres for authorities to act fast and bring the perpetrators to justice . Spokesperson for the UN human rights office (OHCHR), Ravina Shamdasani, said 11 June 2019 these traditional disputes have always been there , often fuelled by disputes over access to land and water. But lately it has taken on a particularly deadly turn because entire Fulani communities - and we are talking about millions of people - are being painted as violent extremists simply because they are Muslim.

Mali's government now says 35 people died in the gruesome attack on the village of Sobane, not 95, citing the governor's office in the Mopti region. "This number is based on a painstaking count carried out by a team comprising officials from the civil protection force, forensic doctors [and] the public prosecutor of Mopti" region, the government said in a statement on 12 June 2019. About a hundred women had succeeded in fleeing to a nearby village, and this was one of the causes of the confusion, it said.


Cliff of Bandiagara (Land of the Dogons)

The Bandiagara site is an outstanding landscape of cliffs and sandy plateaux with some beautiful architecture (houses, granaries, altars, sanctuaries and Togu Na, or communal meeting-places). Several age-old social traditions live on in the region (masks, feasts, rituals, and ceremonies involving ancestor worship). The geological, archaeological and ethnological interest, together with the landscape, make the Bandiagara plateau one of West Africa's most impressive sites.

Outstanding Universal Value
Brief synthesis

The Cliff of Bandiagara, Land of the Dogons, is a vast cultural landscape covering 400,000 ha and includes 289 villages scattered between the three natural regions: sandstone plateau, escarpment, plains (more than two-thirds of the listed perimeter are covered by plateau and cliffs).

The communities at the site are essentially the Dogon, and have a very close relationship with their environment expressed in their sacred rituals and traditions.

The site of the Land of the Dogons is an impressive region of exceptional geological and environmental features. Human settlements in the region, since Palaeolithic times, have enabled the development and harmonious integration into the landscape of rich and dense tangible and intangible cultures, the best known of which are those of the Tellem, that are thought to live in the caves, and the Dogon.

This hostile milieu and difficult access has been, since the 15th century, a natural refuge that corresponded to the need for defence of the Dogons in the face of formidable invaders. Entrenched on the plateau and hanging to cliff faces, the Dogon were able to conserve their centuries-old culture and traditions, thanks to this defensive shelter. The architecture of the Dogon land has been adapted to benefit from the physical constraints of the place. Whether on the high plateau, the cliff-faces, or on the plain, the Dogon have exploited all the elements available to build their villages that reflect their ingenuity and their philosophy of life and death.

In certain cultural areas, the Dogon villages comprise numerous granaries, for the most part square with a thatched tapering roof. The gin’na, or large family house, is generally built on two levels. Its facade built from banco, is windowless but has a series of niches and doors, often decorated with sculptured motifs: rows of male and female characters which symbolize the couple’s successive generations.

One of the most characteristic forms of the Land of the Dogon is that of the togu-na, the large shelter, a long construction that provides shelter under a roof of branches supported by roughly-shaped wooden poles, for a platform with benches for the men.

The totemic sanctuaries (binu), privileged places, are of a great variety: some, in caves, keep alive the cult places of the Tellem others, built of banco, resemble houses. The most venerated are the responsibility of the Hogon, the priest of one or several villages living alone, his source of inspiration being the snake, Lèbe, whose totem is often sculpted near the door of his dwelling.

The irruption of new « written religions » (Islam and Christianity) since at least the 18th century has contributed to the vulnerability of the heritage that today has suffered from the negative effects of globalization linked to the increasing development of cultural tourism and the phenomena of rural exodus, consequence of the drought of the last decades.

Criterion (v): The Land of the Dogon is the outstanding manifestation of a system of thinking linked to traditional religion that has integrated harmoniously with architectural heritage, very remarkably in a natural landscape of rocky scree and impressive geological features. The intrusion of new written religions (Islam and Christianity) since at least the 18th century has contributed towards the vulnerability of the heritage that today suffers from adverse effects of globalization.

Criterion (vii): The cliff and its rocky scree constitute a natural area of unique and exceptional beauty in West Africa. The diversity of geomorphological features (plateau, cliffs and plains) of the site are characterized by the presence of natural monuments (caves, secondary dunes and rock shelters) that bear witness to the continued influence of the different erosion phenomena. It is also in the natural environment that the endemic plant Acridocarpus monodii is found, its growth area being limited to the cliffs, and specific medicinal plants used by the Dogon therapists and healers. These plants suffer from gradual decline due to climate change (drought and desertification) and logging. The relationship of the Dogon people with their environment is also expressed in the sacred rituals associating spiritually the pale fox, the jackal and the crocodile.
Integriteit

Due to the socio-economic phenomena (exodus, scholarization, infrastructure development), human activities and the degradation of the environment (climate change causing droughts, desertification or also torrential rains demographic pressure), the populations are leaving the villages located on the steep escarpments for the plain. Some intangible cultural practices undergo mutation linked to contact with other imported value systems (religions, cultural tourism. ). The integrity of this very extensive property is, consequently, threatened as several sectors no longer contain all the attributes of the Outstanding Universal Value.
Authenticity

The social and cultural traditions of the Dogon are among the best preserved of sub-saharan Africa, despite certain important irreversible socio-economic mutations. The villages and their inhabitants are faithful to the ancestral values linked to an original life style. The harmonious integration of cultural elements (architecture) in the natural landscape remains authentic, outstanding and unique. Nevertheless, the traditional practices associated to the living quarters and the building constructions have become vulnerable, and in places the relationship between the material attributes and the Outstanding Universal Value are fragile.
Protection and management requirements

The property is listed in national heritage by Decree No 89 – 428 P-RM of 28 December 1989 as a natural and cultural sanctuary. The Law regulating forestry exploitation (No.68-8/AN-RN of February 1968) as well as the Ordinance No. 60/CMLN of 11 November 1969 concerning hunting are also applicable. The Ministry of Culture of Mali, the overall body responsible for the protection of the property, has delegated the management to the Cultural Mission of Bandiagara. The Cultural Mission of Bandiagara has prepared a management and conservation plan for the site (2006-2010). This plan requires the implementation of activities relating to integrated conservation programmes. It highlights the improvement of living conditions of the communities, bearers of the heritage values of the site.

For a sustainable and effective management of the site, priority is given to the implementation of programmes inscribed in the management and conservation plan of the site. This plan calls for the correlation of the management of heritage and development of the local economy. The Land of the Dogon is a living site, but fragile, and certain important values can only be preserved by taking into consideration the well-being of the local communities, translated by the implementation of targeted development and infrastructural projects (for example, the provision of water to high-perched sites and the economic enhancement of heritage resources).

It is essential to assess the implementation of the management plan to better pinpoint the concerns of the populations and those responsible bodies of the decentralized territorial communities.

Another concern is the need to revise the listing of the site. Any revision of the boundaries should reflect the vulnerabilities of certain parts of the property in terms of authenticity and integrity.
Long Description

The Cliff of Bandiagara is an outstanding example of a traditional human settlement, representative of the Dogon culture, which has become vulnerable under the impact of tourism. The complex ritual relationships of the Dogon people with the environment include the use of curative and medicinal wild plants and the sacred associations with pale fox, jackal and crocodile.

The zone stretches from Gani-do in the south-south-west to Koudianga in the north-north-east, along the road linking Bankas, Koporo, Madougou and Diankabou. The sanctuary lies at the southern limit of the Sahara in an arid Sahelian region with averages of 580 mm of rainfall per year. It exhibits three distinctive geomorphological features: Bandiagara plateau, Bandiagara escarpment, and the Plaine du Sìno. The landscape consists of an ancient eroded terrain of flat tablelands, mesa and sandstone buttes. The rock substrate is predominantly upper sandstone of the Cambrian and Ordovician periods, formed into horizontal strata and characterized by a great variety of facies. Exposed horizontal strata periodically result in rock polygonation. In some areas the plateau is crowned by laterite, ironstone shield or impervious conglomerates. The escarpment has formed into numerous irregularities, indentations, promontories and is pierced by thalweg ravines, gorges or rocky passages connecting the plain and plateau. Thalwegs maintain a humid and shaded microclimate able to support dense vegetation. Water is also retained in rock fissures, resulting in seasonal boggy areas on horizontal or gently sloping rock strata.

The predominant vegetation type is Sudano-Sahelian open wood savannah with mosaics of steppe and chasmophytic flora. The plateau of Bandiagara is covered in a typically Sudanian savannah vegetation. A wide range of animal species is found in the region. The cliff and rock habitats support a diversity of species including fox-kestrel, Gabar goshawk, yellow-billed shrike, scarlet-cheated sunbird, abundant cliff chats and rock doves. Mammal species occur in the region and probably also in the Bandiagara escarpment.

The region is one of the main centres for the Dogon culture, rich in ancient traditions and rituals, art culture and folklore. The village of Sangha or Songo is celebrated for its triennial circumcision ceremonies and its rock carvings. The Dogon subsistence farmers did not arrive until the 15th and 16th centuries, yet the region is rich in unique architecture, from flat-roofed huts to tapering granaries capped with thatch, and cliff cemeteries. Symbolic relationships occur with the environment such as with semi-domesticated crocodiles, pale fox and jackal, and the development of elaborate masks, headdresses and ritual dances.

The large family dwelling was generally built on two levels. The facade was windowless but had a series of niches and two doors, often decorated with sculptured rows of male and female characters which symbolized the family's successive generations. The size of the house was almost exactly half that of the ginna and generally was on one floor. Women were temporarily excluded from the domestic group during their menstrual period, one or two circular-shaped women's houses being built at one end of the village for their use at this time. A distinction between the sexes was also made in the size of the granaries. Special areas were reserved for traditional shrines of which a great variety can be found. Some, in the caves, probably perpetuated the ritual sites of the Tellem cult. Others, built from banco, conform to several types of architecture. The most venerated are the responsibility of the Hogon, the priest who works for several villages. Living alone, his source of inspiration is the snake, whose totem is often sculpted near the door to his dwelling. The oldest mosques (Islam developed strongly in Dogon country during the 19th century) were built by local masons alongside the togu-na on the village common.

The integration of new elements in the traditional architecture is clear proof of the strength of Dogon civilization in the face of external contributions. However, it must stress the precarious preservation of these traditional habitats and handicraft techniques, lifestyles and way of thinking which helped the Dogon people to survive.


Kyk die video: Секреты догонов