Geskiedenis -kortbroek: omdraai oor die Withuis

Geskiedenis -kortbroek: omdraai oor die Withuis


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Die Withuis is bedoel om sy bewoner te weerspieël, en as 'n nuwe president in die stad kom, moet dinge baie vinnig verander word.


Die nuutste voorblad van die tydskrif Time: Kyk hoe die Withuis in die Kremlin verander

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Die prentjie vertel omtrent die hele verhaal met Time se nuutste voorblad. In werklikheid het die publikasie vir die eerste keer in 'n dekade gesê dat dit verkies om glad nie teks by te voeg nie.

Die illustrasie toon die Withuis wat in die Kremlin ingaan, in die lig van die Rusland-verwante twiste wat rondom die Trump-administrasie draai.

Kyk na die animasie van Time van die voorblad:

Hierdie nuutste klug kom toe die departement van justisie Woensdag aangekondig het dat die voormalige FBI -direkteur, Robert Mueller, as 'n spesiale advokaat vir die ondersoek van Russiese inmenging by die verkiesing gepiep is.

Trump noem dit 'die grootste heksejag' in die Amerikaanse politieke geskiedenis.

Tyd, soos baie media, het ook 'n groot deel van Trump se klap gekry. Dit het byvoorbeeld die toekenning van die American Society of Magazine Editors Cover of the Year gewen vir hierdie 24 Oktober 2016, illustrasie:

Time het Trump ook as die persoon van die jaar vir 2016 aangewys, maar ondanks die feit dat hy 'n bekende liefhebber van aandag was, het hy gekla dat hy nie die man van die jaar is nie. Hy het tydens 'n saamtrek gesê: 'Dit is miskien waarom die tydskrifonderneming nie so goed is nie, nie waar nie?'


Vir verdere lees

Bradley, Curtis A. en Jack L. Goldsmith, "Kongresmagtiging en die oorlog teen terrorisme." Harvard Law Review 118 no. 7 (2005): 2047–2133.

Burgess, Susan R. "Oorlogsmagte." In Die ensiklopedie van die Amerikaanse kongres, geredigeer deur Donald C. Bacon, et al., vol. 4, bladsye 2097–2100. New York: Simon & Schuster, 1995.

Cannon se presedente van die Huis van Verteenwoordigers van die Verenigde State. Deel 7, §1894. GPO: Washington, DC, 1935.

Deschler se presedente van die Huis van Verteenwoordigers van die Verenigde State. Deel 3, hoofstuk 13, §3–11. Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1976–1977.

Elsea, Jennifer K. en Matthew C. Weed. "Oorlogsverklarings en magtigings vir die gebruik van militêre mag: historiese agtergrond en regsimplikasies." Congressional Research Service, 18 April 2014, RL31133.

Visser, Louis. President en kongres: mag en beleid. The Free Press: New York, 1972.

_____. Presidensiële Oorlogsmag. Lawrence, Kan .: University Press of Kansas, 1995.

_____. Grondwetlike konflikte tussen die kongres en die president. 4de uitgawe. Lawrence, Kan .: University Press of Kansas, 1997.

_____. Abdikasie van die kongres oor oorlog en besteding. College Station, Tex .: Texas A & ampM University Press, 2000.

_____. "Clinton se militêre optrede: geen teenstanders in sig nie." In Rivales for Power: Presidensiële-Kongresverhoudinge, geredigeer deur James A. Thurber, bladsye 229–254. Lanham, Md: Rowman & amp; Littlefield Publishers, Inc.

Fowler, Linda L. "Congressional War Powers." In Die Oxford Handbook of the American Congress, geredigeer deur Eric Schickler en Frances E. Lee, bladsye 812–833. Oxford University Press, 2011.

Hinds se presedente van die Huis van Verteenwoordigers van die Verenigde State. Vol. IV, §4164. GPO: Washington, DC, 1907.

Howell, William G. en Jon C. Pevenhouse. Terwyl gevare bymekaarkom: kongresondersoeke oor presidensiële oorlogsmagte. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2007.

Katzmann, Robert A. "Resolusie oor oorlogsmagte." In Die ensiklopedie van die Amerikaanse kongres, deel 4, geredigeer deur Donald C. Bacon, et al., bladsye 2100–2102. New York: Simon & Schuster, 1995.

Kriner, Douglas L. Na die Rubicon: kongres, presidente en die politiek van die oorlog. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2010.

Torreon, Barbara Salazar. "Gebruiksvoorvalle van die Amerikaanse weermag in die buiteland, 1798-2015." Congressional Research Service, 15 Januarie 2015. R42738.

Weed, Matthew C. "Die resolusie van die oorlogsmagte: konsepte en praktyk." Congressional Research Service, 3 April 2015. R42699

Zeisberg, Mariah. Oorlogsbevoegdhede: Die politiek van die konstitusionele gesag. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2013.


Die Biden-administrasie kondig Maandag die bekendstelling van 'n somervoedselprogram aan om meer as 30 miljoen lae-inkomste kinders te voed, het die departement van landbou aan NBC News gesê.

Dit is die laaste stoot van die Withuis om wydverspreide honger en voedselonsekerheid in die VSA aan te spreek, een wat volgens die agentskap die grootste somervoedselprogram in die geskiedenis van die land is.

"Die kongres het deur middel van die Amerikaanse reddingsplan hierdie program uitgebrei om gedurende die somer te werk, wat volgens my net baie reageer op wat ons nou nodig het," sê Stacy Dean, die adjunk -sekretaris van landbou vir voedsel, voeding en verbruikersdienste. . 'Ons weet dat somerhonger in normale jare 'n probleem is, maar natuurlik is ons hierdie jaar, met 'n toenemende voedselontbering as gevolg van die pandemie, graag die program hierdie somer.'

Die plan sal aan ongeveer 34 miljoen kinders ongeveer $ 375 elk voorsien om kos te koop vir die ongeveer 10 weke wat hulle in die somer van die skool af is. Dis toe dat arm kinders al lank met honger worstel, aangesien gratis middagete-programme teen 'n laer prys wat verseker dat maaltye nie werk nie. Dit is ongeveer $ 7 per week.

Kinders jonger as 6 wat in aanmerking kom vir voordele vir aanvullende voedingshulp, en kinders wat gratis middagete of teen 'n verlaagde prys ontvang, kwalifiseer vir die program en word outomaties ingeskryf. Hul ouers of voogde sal die kaarte, bekend as Pandemic Electronic Benefit Transfer, of P-EBT, kaarte per pos van hul staatsinstansies ontvang. Die kongres het die program vir die somers van 2021 en 2022 befonds.

Ouers moet die kaarte in die komende weke begin ontvang, maar hul aankoms kan afhang van hul toestand. Die aflewering van P-EBT-kaarte is die afgelope jaar in sommige state vertraag.

Die kaart het dieselfde perke as SNAP -voordele. Dit kan gebruik word om vrugte, groente, vleis, suiwel, brood, graan en ander voedsel te koop. Dit kan nie gebruik word om items soos alkohol, tabak, medisyne, warm kos of ander nie -voedselitems te koop nie.

Sizi Goyah, 'n wiskunde -onderwyser aan die Brooklyn Center High School in Minnesota, het gesê dat hy en sy kollegas gereeld praat oor hoe hul studente akademies 'n paar tree terugstap gedurende die somer. Maar hy het gesê dat hy ook opgemerk het dat sommige van hulle na hul lessenaars terugkeer na die maande asof dit gewig verloor het en honger is.

'Dit sal groot wees vir gesinne hier', sê Goyah, 'n lid van die Liberiese immigrantegemeenskap in Brooklyn Center, 'n plek van nasionale aandag nadat die polisie Daunte Wright tydens 'n verkeersstop vermoor het. 'Nou weet ek dat as al my kinders vir die somer weg is, diegene wat nie uit ekonomies sterk gesinne is nie, toegang tot 'n maaltyd sal hê.'

Goyah het gesê dat selfs tydens die skooljaar voedselonsekerheid steeds 'n probleem onder sy studente is. Dit is een van die redes waarom hy, na Wright se dood, gehelp het met 'n kosbestuur by sy skool, wat duisende mense in die omgewing kos gegee het.

'N Geldinsameling van $ 1,000 vir die voedselopbrengs het meer as $ 120,000 ingebring. Die hulp was nodig, veral as gevolg van die swaarkry wat die koronaviruspandemie veroorsaak het.

'Die skade was nog altyd daar, maar die pandemie het as die groot onthuller opgetree,' het Goyah gesê. "Die ongelykhede en uitdagings is nie nuut nie. Ons kan dit nou duidelik sien."

Die kongres het P-EBT vroeg in die pandemie geskep om die maaltye te vervang wat kinders met 'n lae inkomste ontbreek toe beperkings op nabyheid ingestel is. Om dit tot die somer uit te brei, is in wese 'n nuwe program waarvoor hongerte en kenners al lankal gevra het.

Kinders is gewoonlik beperk tot die Summer Food Service -program van die Departement van Landbou, wat volgens kritici 'n groot hoeveelheid burokrasie bevat wat die doeltreffendheid daarvan beperk. Volgens die niewinsorganisasie No Kid Hungry bereik die somerprogramme slegs 16 persent van die kinders wat voedselhulp nodig het as die skool buite die sessie is.

Direkte betalings vir voedsel, soos dié wat deur SNAP gedoen word, is baie meer effektief, het kenners gesê. Maar hulle kom met 'n stewige koste.

Die program kos $ 12 miljard, volgens die Departement van Landbou - 'n skerp ommeswaai van die Trump -administrasie, wat daarop gemik was om geskiktheid en uitgawes aan voedselprogramme te beperk.

Advokate het gesê dat dit 'n geringe prys is om te verseker dat kinders nie honger ly nie, en kenners het gesê dat die geld direk in die ekonomie terugkeer en dat dit ook op lang termyn besparings kan bied deur die gesondheidsorg van pasiënte te verminder. koste.

"As ons ernstig is om voedselonsekerheid in ons land te verlig, kom dit nie gratis nie. Ons moet geld betaal om voedselonsekerheid te verminder," het Craig Gundersen, professor in landbou en verbruikersekonomie aan die Universiteit van Illinois in Urbana, gesê. Champaign, wat die Amerikaanse voedselvoordeelprogramme vir meer as twee dekades bestudeer het. "USDA het in studies erken dat dit 'n probleem is: kinders word honger gedurende die somer."

Die departement van landbou het ook bevind in 'n studie wat in 2016 vrygestel is dat slegs 60 dollar per maand aan 'n kind gestuur word, die "ernstigste kategorie voedselonsekerheid onder kinders gedurende die somer met 'n derde verminder."

'N Studie wat in Julie deur die Brookings Institution gedoen is, het bevind dat Pandemic EBT -geld' voedselontbering 'vir kinders met 30 persent verminder in die week nadat dit uitbetaal is.

Diane Whitmore Schanzenbach, 'n ekonoom en direkteur van die Institute for Policy Research aan die Noordwes -Universiteit, het aan die studie gewerk. Sy het gesê dat voedselonsekerheid nie so hoog is as vroeg in die pandemie nie, danksy baie van die noodlenigingsprogramme wat deur die kongres goedgekeur is, maar dat honger landwyd 'n groot probleem bly.


Bekleërs is 'n moeilike wet om te volg

Daar is uitgebreide en bekende literatuur oor die voordele van die posgeval by presidentsverkiesings, wat wissel van naamherkenning tot die moontlikheid om gebeure van die Ovale Kantoor te beïnvloed tot voordele in die bou van 'n veldtog (u kan 'n voorbeeld hier, hier, hier, sien) en hier). Hierdie voordele neem moontlik toe namate veldtogte duurder word en die kontakpersoon en die opkoms tegnologie meer gesofistikeerd word. Ons het baie gehoor van die voordele van posgeval in 2012, terwyl die Obama -veldtog meer as 'n miljard dollar ingesamel en bestee het, sy hulpbronne gebruik het om 'n ongeëwenaarde meningspeiling en Big Data -operasie te bou, en 'n verskeidenheid media versadig met advertensies en boodskappe wat ontwerp is om te definieer Mitt Romney vroeg. Maar wat gebeur as 'n politieke party die resultate van 'n herverkiesingsveldtog probeer herhaal sonder die voordele van die skuld?

Kom ons begin met die 11 vorige verkiesings (sedert 1856) waarin (1) daar geen pos op die stembrief was nie en (2) 'n posbekleër in die vorige verkiesing herkies is. Die 11 verkiesings bied dus 'n appel-tot-appel-vergelyking vir die taak wat die Demokrate in die gesig staar om Obama se prestasie in 2012 te herhaal sonder om 'n pos op die kaartjie te hê.

Hier is 'n tabel van die 11 verkiesings wat die verandering in die huidige party se aandeel in die twee-party stemme en die totale stemaandeel toon. Op die eerste oogopslag lyk dit miskien nie so kommerwekkend nie, aangesien die huidige party ses uit 11 keer die volgende verkiesing gewen het (almal Republikeine, en almal behalwe een voor FDR). Maar hierdie partye het in die vorige verkiesing tussen 55 en 65 persent van die stemme met twee partye geëis, terwyl Obama in 2012 'n skaduwee van minder as 52 persent gekry het. Kyk na die twee-party stemaandele, en u sal dit sien al 11 verloor veld teen die uitdagende party, met 'n gemiddelde van 6,9 punte.

Die gemiddelde Demokratiese kaartjie verloor 8,9 punte, wat die probleme weerspieël om 'n Progressiewe party vir meer as twee termyne bymekaar te hou, veral (soos in 1920, 1952 en 1968) wanneer internasionale krisisse die Demokratiese administrasies tot buitelandse militêre avonture verbind, wat die party se duiwelvleuel vervreem . Tien van die elf het ook veld verloor in die algehele algemene stemming, die uitsondering is Herbert Hoover na Calvin Coolidge in 1928 (meer oor die verkiesing later vir eers, dit is voldoende om daarop te let dat daar 'n beduidende stem van derde partye was in 1924, maar nie in 1928 nie ). Die laaste tien in 'n ry, almal sedert Grant, het ten minste 4,5 punte in die stemming met twee partye laat val-meer as genoeg om Republikeine as die uitdagende party die oorwinning te gee in 2016. En Grant het die voordeel gehad om as 'n de facto opposisiekandidaat: Andrew Johnson, die president van die voorafgaande drie jaar, het hom in die middeltermyn van 1866 vir die opponerende party, die Demokrate, beywer en is in die lente van 1868 deur die Republikeinse beheerde kongres beskuldig en byna uit sy amp verwyder.

As u wonder, het ons nasionale volksgetalle van slegs een herverkiesing in die tweede tweepartstelsel (1828-1852), en dit volg dieselfde patroon: Andrew Jackson in 1832 wen 59,2 persent van die twee -party -stem (54,2 persent algehele), wat in 1836 tot 50,9 persent gedaal het vir sy vise -president, Martin Van Buren (Van Buren het 50,8 persent in die algemeen 58,1 persent gekry as jy net vergelyk met die hoofkandidaat van Whig, William Henry Harrison, maar terwyl die Whigs het drie kandidate gehardloop, hulle het slegs een Whig op die stembrief in elke staat, in 'n bisarre strategie wat nog nooit herhaal is om die verkiesing in die huis te gooi nie). Die gegewens wat ons voorheen het, is minder bruikbaar, aangesien baie minder state voor 1824 verkiesers by volksverkiesing gekies het, twee van die vier herverkiesings in daardie era (George Washington in 1792 en James Monroe in 1820) was in werklikheid onbetwis, en die "Twee-party" stem is 'n bietjie 'n verkeerde benaming vir wat gebeur het toe die Demokrate-Republikeine in 1824 uitmekaar is, aangesien Jackson en John Quincy Adams elkeen beweer dat hulle dieselfde party verteenwoordig. Nogtans, selfs in die vroeë Amerika, was die enigste verkiesing wat die historiese neiging opgedoen het, die terugslag van James Madison se relatief noue herverkiesing in die oorlog in 1812 tot Monroe se oorwinning in 1816 oor 'n Federalistiese Party in sy sterfte ná sy oorlog en dreigende afstigting:

As ons terugkeer na die era na 1856, wat van die ander vyf verkiesings wat gevolg het op 'n herverkiesing, maar wat probeer het om die reeks te verleng met nog 'n posbekleër? Vier van die vyf (insluitend die derde en vierde termyn van FDR, waarin dieselfde kandidaat weer op die stembrief was) het herverkiesing gewen, maar weer vier uit vyf verloor in die twee-party stemme, twee van hulle (FDR in 1940 en Ford in 1976) met aansienlike marges. Die enigste uitsondering is Teddy Roosevelt, wat drie volle jare in die amp gehad het om 'n ander koers te kies as sy voorganger in 1904, wat sy party as 'n vertroue-kampioen van die outjie hermerk het na vyf jaar van William McKinley se meer tradisioneel sakevriendelike konserwatisme. . As u hierdie vyf verkiesings insluit, is die gemiddelde afname steeds 5,7 punte, en die gemiddelde demokrasie is 6,5.

Ons het tot dusver na persentasies gekyk, maar om te verstaan ​​hoe en waarom hierdie verskuiwings in die algemene kieserskorps plaasvind, is dit belangrik om in gedagte te hou dat die kiesers nie staties is nie. Nuwe kiesers registreer, en kiesers wat nie voorheen gestem het nie, verskyn by die stembus, terwyl ander sterf of tuis bly. In die verlede kan hierdie verskuiwings selfs meer dramaties wees as gevolg van 'n vinniger groeiende bevolking, veranderinge in kiesregels en praktyke vir kiesers, jong kiesers en Afro-Amerikaners en die toelating van nuwe state. Maar selfs vandag nog bly die kieserskorps 'n bewegende teiken wat meganistiese ontleding weerstaan, des te meer gegewe die bestendige afwaartse afname in die persentasie geregistreerde of stemgeregtigde kiesers wat stem. As u na die gegewens sedert 1980 kyk, kyk dan na hoe die bevoegde nie-stemgeregtigde bevolking by die stemme in werklikheid uitkom vir die verskillende kandidate:

Hier, verdeel in twee kaarte, sien ons die verskuiwings in die stempersentasie in hierdie 16 verkiesings (in teenstelling met die opkomsverskuiwing in die vorige herverkiesing) en die verskuiwings in die totale aantal stemme vir die huidige en uitdagende partye:

Soos u kan sien, is die verkiesing met die posbekleërs geneig tot 'n aansienlik stadiger groei in die kiesers, aangesien 'n herverkiesingsveldtog meestal gaan oor die kiesers se mening van dieselfde persoon wat vier jaar tevore op die stemming was. In die 11 verkiesings sonder 'n gevestigde, was die opkoms 'n (ongeweegde) gemiddelde van 19,1 persent, vergeleke met 4,3 persent in die vorige verkiesing. Sommige hiervan word deur ongewone gevalle skeefgetrek: die kieserskorps het in 1920 feitlik verdubbel toe vroue die stem gekry het, en die verskuiwing van 'n oorlogsverkiesing na heropbou en emansipasie het 'n groot impak op die kiesers in 1868 gehad. Maar ons sien hierdie dinamika nog steeds aan die werk deels weens die nabyheid van die verkiesings — die kieserskorps het vinnig gegroei in 2000 nadat hulle in 1996 aangegaan het, en het gegroei in 1960 (hoewel met twee nuwe state) nadat hulle in 1956 gestagneer het. En in die grootste deel van hierdie rasse was die totale stemme vir die uitdagerparty het ongeveer twee keer so vinnig gegroei as die kiesers, wat (ongeveer) aandui dat die uitdagerparty ongeveer die helfte van die groei van nuwe kiesers en die helfte van bekeerlinge kry (hetsy bekeerlinge van die huidige party of van derde partye).

Laat ons net hier stilstaan ​​en let op die merkwaardige politieke prestasie, wat ons blykbaar uit ons gesamentlike herinneringe uitgewis het, van George W. Bush wat die totale stem vir die Republikeinse kaartjie met meer as 20 persent verhoog het, twee verkiesings in 'n ry, van 39 miljoen stemme in 1996 (met Ross Perot nog op die stembrief, hoewel swakker as in 1992), tot 50 miljoen in 2000, tot 62 miljoen in 2004. FDR in 1932 en 1936 is die enigste ander kandidaat na 1856 wat sy party se totale stemme met 20 persent in opeenvolgende verkiesings agter dieselfde kandidaat (die Demokrate pas dit in 1960 en 1964 agter JFK en LBJ, en het ook in 1928 meer as 20 persent gegroei agter Al Smith die Republikeine, herstel van die partydeling van 1912 en met die hulp van stemreg vir vroue, het dieselfde gedoen agter Charles Evans Hughes in 1916 en Warren Harding in 1920).

Ek noem Bush (en kan noem dat die Demokrate hul totale stem met meer as 15 persent agter John Kerry in 2004 en Obama in 2008 vergroot het, voordat hulle met 5 persent in 2012 toegetree het), want dit is belangrik om te onthou dat selfs vandag nog 'n kandidaat vir die uitdagerparty kan verander die dinamika. Al Gore het eintlik 7,6 persent meer stemme gekry as wat Bill Clinton in 1996 gehad het, maar het gesien hoe Clinton se groot voorsprong bo Bob Dole verdamp. In ander verkiesings, soos 1968 en 1988, het die uitdagerparty meer direk gegroei ten koste van 'n dalende huidige party. Terwyl elke verkiesing 'n ander verhaal vertel, ondersteun hulle almal die algemene tema dat die jare na die herverkiesing van 'n posbekleër vrugbare grond is om die opposisie vinniger te laat groei as wat die posbekleër kan byhou, aangesien sy koalisie breek of nie daarin slaag om nuwe bekeerlinge te wen nie sy basis.


Swart musiekgeskiedenis: van plantasies tot by die Withuis

Deur Pascal Archimède. In elke stadium van hul integrasie op Amerikaanse bodem het swart mense die soort musiek geskep wat hul sosiale integrasie sowel as hul gemoedstoestand weerspieël. Dit was die beginpunt van Die jong Afro-Amerikaner en die rap-verskynsel, 'n studie uitgevoer deur Pascal Archimède, afrigter in Engels en skrywer van die boek «Music in professional language training».

Van Werk liedjies op plantasies aan Rap vandag se musiek, kyk hierdie navorsing agter die skerms na die swart Amerikaanse geskiedenis.
Die Afrikaanse slaaf en die werk -liedjies

In Augustus 1619 land 'n Nederlandse skip ongeveer twintig negers in Jamestown, Virginia. Hulle kom uit Wes -Afrika en was op die plantasies werksaam as bediende: swart Amerikaanse geskiedenis het begin.

Die Europeërs, tevrede met die goedkoop arbeidsmag, het hulle baie vroeg tot slawe gemaak. Teen 1640 was die meeste Afrikane in Virginia slawe.

Om te sing terwyl jy werk, was nog altyd deel van Afrikaanse tradisies. Die werksliedere, gesing deur die slawe, is gebore uit die transformasie van Afrikaanse gesange en litanië op Amerikaanse velde. Hulle dateer uit die tweede geslag slawe en word gebruik as die skakel tussen oorspronklike Afrikaanse musiek en die een wat ontwikkel is toe die slawe in kontak gekom het met die Euro-Amerikaanse samelewing.

Hierdie liedere, in wese a capella gesing, het vroeër ritme in die slawe se werk geplaas. Hulle is meestal geïmproviseer en gekenmerk deur die oproep- en reaksiepatroon.

Die werksliedere weerspieël die situasie van die Swartes as slawe. Hulle het gesterf nadat die plantasiesisteem gebreek is, maar hulle het tot in die sestigerjare in die suidelike gevangenisse aangehou.
Weerlig: Lang John :


Die evangeliseerde Negro en die Negro spirituals

Die Afrikaanse kultuurpraktyke en veral godsdienstige rites is op plantasies verbied. Dus, baie vroeg, het die Swartes amptelik probeer om deel te wees van die godsdiens van hul meesters. Aanvanklik is hulle verwerp omdat hulle nie as mense beskou is nie. Maar hulle evangelisasie en gevolglik hulle toelating tot plekke van aanbidding het daartoe gelei dat hulle in 'n westelike manier.
Later het die verskyning van swart kerke die evolusie van die voormalige gesange na die Negro Spirituals moontlik.

Eintlik, Negro Spirituals was die insidentele gesange herleef deur die slawe wat hul eie gesange, ritmes en gewoontes opgelê het.

Baie gebore in die 18de eeu Spirituals vergelyk die situasie van die slawe in die Nuwe Wêreld met die situasie van die Jode in Egipte in die Bybelse tyd. Die opvallendste voorbeeld is die klassieke Gaan af met Moses. Die meesters beskou dit as bedankingsliedere terwyl hulle eintlik hoopvolle boodskappe oordra wat slegs deur die slawe verstaanbaar is.

Golden Gate -kwartet: Gaan af van Moses

Nie net gedoen nie Negro Spirituals weerspieël die evangelisering van die slawe, maar dit was ook 'n belangrike mylpaal vir emansipasie, omdat musiek in diens van die swartes se kultusse 'n ontkenning van die hoofstroomkultuur weerspieël het.

Dan, Evangelie, Christelike godsdienstige liedere in die voetspore van die Spirituals, sou in die 1920's/ 1930's verskyn.

Edwin Hawkins Singers: Oh Happy Day :

Die deelhouer en die Hollers

Van 1861 tot 1865 is die Verenigde State in 'n burgeroorlog gewerp met die afskaffing van slawerny.
Die einde van hierdie oorlog het gelei tot die verdwyning van plantasies in een blok en in hul verdeling in klein plase. 'N Groot meerderheid van die voormalige slawe het dus deelnemers geword met die plig om 'n stuk grond te bewerk in ruil vir verregaande regte, dit wil sê 80 tot 90 persent van die oes wat die eienaar toekom.
Werk liedjies sou dan verander in Hollers of Hollies, dit wil sê eensame uitroepe wat deur naburige werkers weerklink en wat van plase na plase sou versprei.
Die musiek weerspieël 'n nuwe stap wat swart mense op Amerikaanse bodem geneem het. Selfs al is hulle nog uitgebuit, was hulle nie meer slawe nie en die Hollies was daar om dit te getuig.

Cornfield Holler: Werkliedere en Field Hollers:

Die rondreisende Afro-Amerikaner en die Blues

Blues was die skepping van swart Amerikaanse mense wat in isolasie en wanhoop verwerp is weens slawerny en later as gevolg van segregasie. Daar word algemeen aanvaar, veral onder blues -sangers, dat Blues het tydens slawerny bestaan. Volgens sommige musikoloë sou dit egter in die 1880's/1890's verskyn het.

Dit lyk waarskynlik dat die konsolidasie van hierdie tipe musiek die gevolg was van die konvergensie van die werkslied, veldholler en geestelike tradisies van negers met Europese kulturele elemente soos Anglo-Skotse ballades.

Blues Hy het geprofessionaliseer danksy die negerteaters en is bevorder deur die migrasie van swartes, aan die begin van die 20ste eeu, uit die diep suide na die geïndustrialiseerde noorde. Hierdie musiek was 'n geleentheid om hul lewe en ervarings in die nuwe wêreld te vertel.

Die verspreiding van Blues in Amerika en in die wêreld was 'n belangrike stap in die bevordering van swart mense.

Robert Johnson: Lieflike huis :

Erkenning van Afro-Amerikaanse kultuur danksy Jazz

Volgens kenners, Jazz sou aan die begin van die 20ste eeu gebore word. Hulle erken egter dat dit afkomstig is van meer ou musiekgenres en Afrikaanse mondelinge tradisies wat verryk is deur die Euro-Amerikaanse neiging.
Sodra dit ontdek is, kon hierdie kosmopolitiese musiek die hindernisse tussen blankes en swartes afbreek.
Hierdie musiek het daarin geslaag om verskeie kulture in een saam te smelt: Jazz -kultuur.

Miles Davis: Freddie Freeloader :

Sielmusiek, Funk en die ontwaking van Swart bewussyn

Die Afro-Amerikaanse burgerregtebeweging het in die 1950's/1960's in die Verenigde State ontstaan. Dit was daarop gemik om gelyke regte en geregtigheid aan die Swartes te gee.
Gedeeltelik beïnvloed deur beide Ritme en blues en Evangelie, Sielmusiek verskyn teen die einde van die 1950's.

Dit versterk die kultuur en trots van die Afro-Amerikaanse gemeenskap en word gebruik as 'n uitdrukkingsmiddel in die soeke na gelykheid.

Aretha Franklin: Ek bid 'n bietjie :

Die einde van die 1960's is gekenmerk deur die sluipmoord op twee swart leiers: Malcolm X (1965) en Martin Luther King (1968). Die spanning was merkbaar in die Verenigde State wat in 'n oorlog in Viëtnam gewikkel was en 'n beduidende agteruitgang van die sosiale en ekonomiese situasie van die swart burgers beleef het.

Dit is in die 1950's geskep, en dit is in hierdie konteks van rassespanning Funk musiek verskyn. Hierdie feestelike musiek, beliggaam deur kunstenaars soos James Brown, verskyn toe as 'n betwisende kreet van vryheid.

James Brown: Sê dit hard - ek is swart en ek is trots :

Rap: van die ghetto na die Withuis

Aan die einde van die sewentigerjare, geïnspireer deur Jamaican klanke stelsels, Blokkeer partytjies is in swart ghetto's in New York gereël met 'n D.J (Disc Jockey) op die dekke en 'n M.C (seremoniemeester) wat verantwoordelik was vir vermaak: Rap-musiek is gebore.
In 1979, Sugarhill Bende vrygestel Rappers 'Delight, die eerste wêreldwye rap -treffer wat hierdie musiekgenre op die kaart geplaas het.

Hierdie musiek wat oorspronklik staaltjies vertel het met spogende feestelike en materialistiese ponslyne sou 'n werklike veroordeling word van die verval van die ghetto's onder die Reagan -administrasie in die 1980's.

Die lied Beveg die mag deur Publieke vyand is 'n perfekte illustrasie:

In 1988, oorgedra deur NWA (Niggas With Attitude) van Los Angeles, Gangsta Rap na vore gekom. Hierdie rap -styl beskryf die somber daaglikse straatlewe.

NWA: Reguit uit Compton :

Dokter Dre, een van die stigterslede van NWA sou later saam met kunstenaars werk soos Snoop Doggy Dog en Tupac.

Dr. Dre feat. Snoop Dogg: Nothin 'But a G Thang :

Dr. Dre feat. Tupac Shakur: California Love:

In die negentigerjare het die oplewing van Rap in die Verenigde State, maar ook oor die hele wêreld.
Vir sommige het hierdie musiekgenre 'n geleentheid geword om uit armoede te ontsnap en die maklike lewe te lei wat deur talle rappers beskryf word, terwyl dit vir ander die kulturele uitdrukking van die onderdruktes simboliseer.
Die afgelope veertig jaar is hierdie strydende en opstandige musiek verheerlik, maar dit bly steeds 'n draer van hoop.
Aan die einde van hierdie navorsing in 1999 het ek nooit gedink dat minder as 'n dekade later, Barack Obama, 'n Afro-Amerikaner, sou president van die Verenigde State word en dat rappers met volle eer in die Withuis ontvang sou word.

Deur Pascal Archimède.

Bibliografiese verwysings

DAVIDAS, Lionel. Chemins d'identité. LeRoi Jones/Amiri Baraka et le fait culturel africain-american. Ibis Rouge -uitgawes. Collection Identité et Culture, 1997.

JONES, LeRoi. Blues mense: Die neger -ervaring in Wit -Amerika en die musiek wat daaruit ontwikkel het. Payback Press, 1995.

ROSE, Tricia. Swart geraas. Rapmusiek en swart kultuur in die hedendaagse Amerika. Londen: Geredigeer deur Wesleyan University Press. Uitgegee deur University Press of New England, 1994.


Van slawerny tot die Withuis: die buitengewone lewe van Elizabeth Keckly

In 1868 publiseer Elizabeth (Lizzy) Hobbs Keckly (ook gespel Keckley) haar memoires Agter die skerms of dertig jaar 'n slaaf en vier jaar in die Withuis. 1 Hierdie onthullende verhaal weerspieël Elizabeth se fassinerende verhaal en beskryf haar lewenservarings van slawerny tot haar suksesvolle loopbaan as presidentsvrou Mary Todd Lincoln se kleremaker. Ten tyde van die publikasie daarvan was die boek omstrede. Dit versuur haar noue verhouding met mev Lincoln en vernietig die reputasie van beide vroue. Alhoewel die Amerikaanse publiek nie bereid was om die verhaal van 'n vrye swart vrou wat tydens die publikasie beheer oor haar eie lewensverhaal neem, te lees nie, is baie herinneringe deur baie historici gebruik om die Lincoln White House te rekonstrueer en een van die land se mense beter te verstaan. mees fassinerende en misverstaande eerste dames. Haar verhaal is 'n integrale deel van die geskiedenis van die Withuis en verstaan ​​die ervarings van slawerny en vrye swart vroue. Klik hier om meer te wete te kom oor die huishouding van president Abraham Lincoln.

Elizabeth Hobbs Keckly is in Februarie 1818 in Dinwiddie County, Virginia, gebore. Die omstandighede rondom haar geboorte was kompleks. Iewers in die lente van 1817, terwyl die eienaar van die plantasie kolonel Armistead Burwell se vrou, Mary, swanger was met die tiende kind van die egpaar, het 'n slaaf vrou met die naam Agnes (Aggy) Hobbs swanger geword van kolonel Burwell. Alhoewel dit onbekend is hoe hierdie swangerskap ontstaan ​​het en die aard van die verhouding tussen Aggy en Burwell, is die swangerskap waarskynlik die gevolg van verkragting of 'n nie-konsensuele ontmoeting. 2 Ondanks haar ouerskap is Elizabeth Hobbs as slaaf gebore. Aggy se man, George Pleasant Hobbs, was 'n slaaf wat op 'n nabygeleë plantasie gewerk het. Alhoewel Elizabeth nie sy kind was nie, was George toegewyd aan Agnes en Elizabeth en het sy hom as haar vader beskou. Haar ma het haar die familienaam van George gegee, 'n direkte teken van outonomie en verset. Elizabeth het ook eers later in die lewe die waarheid agter haar ouerskap geken. Haar naam en geboorte is opgeteken in 'n gewone plantasieboek deur kolonel Burwell se ma Anne, "Lizzy-kind van Aggy/Feby 1818." 3

Elizabeth (Lizzy) Hobbs Keckly, ongeveer 1861.

Moorland-Spingarn Navorsingsentrum, Howard Universiteit

Elizabeth het grootgeword met ander verslaafde kinders en het haar ma bygestaan ​​in haar werk as 'n verslaafde huishulp. Aggy is hoog aangeslaan deur die Burwells. Sy was baie geliefd by die Burwell -kinders, en die gesin het haar selfs toegelaat om te lees en skryf. Aggy het ook klere vir die gesin vasgewerk, 'n vaardigheid wat sy haar dogter geleer het. 4 Volgens Elizabeth was haar eerste plig as 'n verslaafde vyfjarige kind om te sorg vir Burwell se babadogter, ook Elizabeth genoem. Keckly was baie lief vir die baba en noem haar 'my vroegste en liefste troeteldier'. Sy onthou ook 'n ernstige straf wat toegepas is rondom haar sorg vir die baba:

My ou minnares het my aangemoedig om die wieg te skommel deur vir my te sê dat as ek die baba goed oppas, die vlieë uit sy gesig hou en nie laat huil nie, ek die klein diensmeisie moet wees. Dit was 'n goue belofte, en ek het geen beter aansporing nodig gehad vir die getroue uitvoering van my taak nie. Ek het die ywer die hardste begin wieg, toe kyk! uitgestrekte klein troeteldier op die vloer. Ek het dadelik uitgeroep: 'O, die baba is op die vloer', en sonder om te weet wat ek moet doen, gryp ek my vuur en graaf in my verwarring aan en probeer my teer beskuldiging toe my meesteres na my roep om laat die kind alleen, en beveel toe dat ek uitgehaal en geslaan moet word weens my nalatigheid. The blows were not administered with a light hand, I assure you, and doubtless the severity of the lashing has made me remember the incident so well. This was the first time I was punished in this cruel way, but not the last. 5

As Elizabeth grew up, she became increasingly aware of slavery’s cruel practices. In addition to lashings for misbehavior, she remembered Mary Burwell as a “hard task master” and Colonel Burwell for an incident regarding George Hobbs. When Elizabeth was around seven years old, Burwell decided to “reward” Aggy by arranging for George Hobbs to come live with them. According to Elizabeth, her mother was very happy about the move “The old weary look faded from her face, and she worked as if her heart was in every task.” 6

Unfortunately, these happy moments were short-lived. One day, Colonel Burwell went to the Hobbs’ cabin, and presented the couple with a letter stating that George must join his enslaver in the West. George was given two hours to say goodbye to his family. Elizabeth related the details of the painful separation in her memoir:

The announcement fell upon the little circle in that rude-log cabin like a thunderbolt. I can remember the scene as if it were but yesterday--how my father cried out against the cruel separation his last kiss his wild straining of my mother to his bosom the solemn prayer to Heaven the tears and sobs--the fearful anguish of broken hearts. The last kiss, the last good-by and he, my father, was gone, gone forever. 7

The separation of the Hobbs family was not unique. Very few enslaved families survived intact and family separations through sale occurred frequently. Enslaved parents lived in persistent fear that either themselves or their children could be sold away at any moment. These separations were usually permanent, as was the case with George Hobbs. Agnes and Elizabeth never saw him again, although he continued to correspond with them. This was a rarity for enslaved people because most were barred from learning to read and write, let alone send letters. One letter read:

Dear Wife: My dear beloved wife I am more than glad to meet with opportunity writee thes few lines to you by my Mistress. I hope with gods helpe that I may be abble to rejoys with you on the earth and In heaven lets meet when will I am detemnid to nuver stope praying, not in this earth and I hope to praise god In glory there weel meet to part no more forever. So my dear wife I hope to meet you In paradase to prase god forever * * * * * I want Elizabeth to be a good girl and not to thinke that becasue I am bound so fare that gods not abble to open the way. 8

Photograph of Elizabeth Keckly taken circa 1870.

When Elizabeth was fourteen years old, she was sent to North Carolina to work for Burwell’s son Robert and his new wife. Robert was a Presbyterian minister and made very little money, meaning that Elizabeth was initially their only enslaved servant. 9 She did not recall her experiences there fondly. Elizabeth was severely whipped, often with no discernible provocation. 10 She was also repeatedly raped by local white store owner Alexander McKenzie Kirkland for four years, beginning in 1838. 11 One of these rapes resulted in a pregnancy and the birth of her only son, George, named after the man she believed to be her father, George Hobbs. Her words about his birth reveal the deep pain that came from her experience: “If my poor boy ever suffered any humiliating pangs on account of birth, he could not blame his mother, for God knows that she did not wish to give him life he must blame the edicts of that society which deemed it no crime to undermine the virtue of girls in my then position.” 12

Elizabeth’s painful time in North Carolina came to an end in 1842 when she returned to Virginia. By this time Armistead Burwell had died, and Elizabeth and her son were sent to live with her former mistress, Mary, and her daughter and son-in-law Anne and Hugh A. Garland. At this point she reunited with her mother. Due to financial hardships, Hugh Garland found himself on the brink of bankruptcy in 1845, placing all of his property as collateral against his debts including his enslaved people. Searching for a new opportunity, Garland set out for St. Louis, Missouri in 1846 and the rest of the family, including Agnes and Elizabeth, followed a year later. When the family joined Garland in St. Louis, they found that his fortunes had not improved. 13 Initially, the family planned to hire out Aggy, but Elizabeth strongly objected: “My mother, my poor aged mother, go among strangers to toil for a living! No, a thousand times no!” She confronted Garland and she offered to use her skills as a seamstress in order to make the family money. Elizabeth was soon taking dress orders from “the best ladies in St. Louis.” 14

With the advantage of the Garland’s connections to white society and Elizabeth’s ability to successfully promote her business and network, she soon became a highly successful businesswoman. She worked in St. Louis for twelve years. It was there that she first caught the attention of a midwestern white woman named Mary Lincoln. 15

In 1850, a free Black man named James Keckly, who Elizabeth had met back in Virginia, traveled West and asked for her hand in marriage. At first, she refused to consider the proposal because she did not want to be married as an enslaved woman, knowing that any future children would be enslaved. She decided to pursue her freedom, asking Mr. Garland if he would allow her to purchase herself and her son. Although he initially refused, when pressed, he handed Elizabeth a silver dollar and told her: “If you really wish to leave me, take this: it will pay the passage of yourself and boy on the ferry boat.” Elizabeth was shocked by this offer and refused. The recent Compromise of 1850 had resulted in the passage of a strengthened fugitive slave act. 16 Elizabeth knew the offer was hollow and that unless she legally obtained her freedom, she would not be truly free and subject to capture. After discussion, Garland agreed to accept $1,200 for Elizabeth and George. It is likely Garland agreed because she had faithfully served the family for many years and he knew how difficult it would be for her to raise that sum of money. 17

With the advantage of the Garland’s connections to white society and Elizabeth’s ability to successfully promote her business and network, she soon became a highly successful businesswoman.

With a price set for her family’s freedom, she agreed to marry James Keckly. Mr. Garland walked her down the aisle and the entire family celebrated. However, married life soon soured for Keckly. She discovered that her new husband was not a free man but likely a fugitive slave. Elizabeth mentioned him sparingly in her memoir and he quickly faded from her life story. She wrote: “With the simple explanation that I lived with him eight years, let charity draw around him a mantle of silence.” 18

She found it was quite hard to raise the $1,200 dollars for her freedom. Although she supported the family with her seamstress business, she was still forced to keep up with the household chores for the Garlands and found it difficult to accumulate any savings. Eventually, Mr. Garland died and Anne Garland’s brother, Armistead, arrived in St. Louis to settle his debts. Armistead agreed to honor her original agreement with Hugh Garland. She still needed the money, so she decided to travel to New York in an attempt to raise the funds by appealing to vigilance committees, groups that existed in the North providing assistance to those hoping to achieve their freedom. As she prepared to leave, Mrs. Garland insisted that Keckly obtain the support of six men who could vouch for her and make up the lost money if she failed to return. She obtained the support of five men but could not convince a sixth. Luckily for Elizabeth, her loyal patrons stepped forward. With the help of a Mrs. Le Bourgois, she raised the money for her freedom and on November 13, 1855, Anne Garland signed her emancipation papers: “Know all men that I, Anne P. Garland, of the County and City of St. Louis, State of Missouri, for and in consideration of the sum of $1200, to me in hand paid this day in cash, hereby emancipate my negro woman Lizzie, and her son George…” 19

After obtaining her freedom, Elizabeth decided to separate from her husband. She continued working in St. Louis as a seamstress for several years, raising money to pay back the loans used to purchase her freedom. During this time, her mother died. Aggy had moved to Vicksburg, Mississippi to live with other Burwell relatives. 20 After paying her debts, Elizabeth left St. Louis in the spring of 1860 and moved to Washington, D.C. where District laws made it difficult for her to establish herself. She was required to obtain a work permit and also had to find a white person to vouch that she was indeed a free woman. With a limited network in Washington, Elizabeth reached out to a client who started connecting her with many prominent southerners, including Varina Davis, wife of Mississippi Senator and future Confederate President Jefferson Davis. In her memoir, she recounts a conversation with Varina where she asked Elizabeth to accompany her back to the South, telling Elizabeth that there would be a war between the North and the South. Elizabeth agreed to think over the proposal. In the end she chose not to accompany Varina Davis to the South, preferring the North’s chances in the impending conflict: “I preferred to cast my lost [sic] among the people of the North.” 21

North view of the White House taken by photographer Matthew Brady in the 1860s.

White House Collection/White House Historical Association

As Varina Davis departed for the South, President-elect Abraham Lincoln arrived in Washington. In the weeks leading up to Lincoln’s inauguration, Keckly was approached by one of her patrons, Margaret McClean. McClean wanted Elizabeth to make a dress for the following Sunday when she would be joining the Lincolns at the Willard Hotel. After Elizabeth refused the offer because of the short notice, Mrs. McClean told her: “I have often heard you say that you would like to work for the ladies of the White House. Well, I have it in my power to obtain you this privilege. I know Mrs. Lincoln well, and you shall make a dress for her provided you finish mine in time to wear at dinner on Sunday.” 22

Spurred by the potential opportunities of sewing for the White House, Elizabeth worked furiously to finish the dress on time. Mrs. McClean was very pleased with the result and recommended Elizabeth to Mrs. Lincoln. She was already familiar with Elizabeth after hearing about her years earlier from friends in St. Louis. They met before the inauguration at the Willard Hotel and Mrs. Lincoln instructed Elizabeth to go to the White House the day after the inauguration at 8:00 am. When Elizabeth arrived, she discovered three other dress makers. One-by-one the others were dismissed and finally Mrs. Lincoln greeted Elizabeth. The women discussed Keckly’s employment and then she took Mrs. Lincoln’s measurements for a new dress. 23

Elizabeth returned to the White House ahead of the event for which Mrs. Lincoln wanted the dress. When she arrived, Mrs. Lincoln was enraged, claiming that Elizabeth was late and that she could not go down to the event because she had nothing to wear. After some reasoning, Mrs. Lincoln agreed to wear the dress. President Lincoln entered the room with their sons and declared: “You look charming in that dress. Mrs. Keckley has met with great success.” 24

Pleased with her work, Mrs. Lincoln continued to employ Elizabeth. Over the course of that spring, Elizabeth sewed fifteen or sixteen dresses for the first lady. When Mary returned to Washington in the fall, she continued to employ Keckly, establishing a strong business relationship. Over time, the women became confidants and Keckly noted that Mrs. Lincoln began calling her “Lizabeth” after she “learned to drop the E.” 25 In her role as Mrs. Lincoln’s seamstress, Elizabeth had a unique view of the White House as the Civil War progressed. She interacted with the Lincolns closely, divulging details of their wartime life in her memoir. When Willie Lincoln passed away on February 20, 1862, Keckly was present. She wrote:

I assisted in washing him and dressing him, and then laid him on the bed, when Mr. Lincoln came in. I never saw a man so bowed down with grief. He came to the bed, lifted the cover from the face of his child, gazed at it long and earnestly, murmuring, "My poor boy, he was too good for this earth. God has called him home. I know that he is much better off in heaven, but then we loved him so. It is hard, hard to have him die!" 26

Willie’s death bonded the two women as they both mourned the loss of their sons. Elizabeth’s son, George, had joined Union forces and was killed in a bloody skirmish at Wilson’s Creek in Missouri six months earlier. It was his first battle. 27 In the aftermath of Willie’s death, Mrs. Lincoln collapsed, grieving the loss of her son. Her sister stayed with her for a time, but after she left, Mrs. Lincoln wanted a companion and invited Elizabeth to join her on an extended trip to New York and Boston. Mrs. Lincoln wrote to her husband of the trip, “A day of two since, I had one of my severe attacks, if it had not been for Lizzie Keckley, I do not know what I should have done.” 28 Keckly wrote about Mrs. Lincoln’s grief in her memoir, believing the grief changed Mrs. Lincoln while providing detailed accounts. These descriptions later shaped historical analyses of Mary Lincoln and her reaction to the tragic death. In one memorable passage, Keckly recalled a moment where President Lincoln led his wife to the window and pointed towards an asylum saying, “Mother, do you see that large white building on the hill yonder? Try and control your grief, or it will drive you mad, and we may have to send you there.” 29

African-American refugees at Camp Brightwood in Washington, D.C. As the Civil War progressed, Elizabeth Keckly found time to help found a relief society called the Contraband Relief Association to aid contraband camps in the summer of 1862. President Lincoln donated money to the cause.

In addition to her dress-making business, Elizabeth found the time to help found a relief society called the Contraband Relief Association to aid contraband camps in the summer of 1862. The camps were home to enslaved refugees that flooded into the nation’s capital. Their legal status was unclear. Although they were considered “contrabands of war,” it was not determined whether they were enslaved, free, or something else. 30 After establishing the Association, Keckly approached Mrs. Lincoln about donating to the organization. She wrote to her husband on November 3, 1962:

Elizabeth Keckley, who is with me and is working for the Contraband Association, at Wash[ington]--is authorized. to collect anything for them here that she can….Out of the $1000 fund deposited with you by Gen Corcoran, I have given her the privilege of investing $200 her, in bed covering….Please send check for $200. she will bring you on the bill. 31

Keckly remained a keen observer of White House life up until President Lincoln’s violent death on April 15, 1865, less than a week after the Confederate surrender at Appomattox Court House. The morning of April 15, a messenger arrived at Keckly’s door and took her by carriage immediately to the White House to console Mrs. Lincoln. Later Elizabeth learned that when the first lady was asked who she would want to have by her side in her grief she responded, “Yes, send for Elizabeth Keckley. I want her just as soon as she can be brought here.” Mrs. Lincoln remained in the White House for several weeks before finally departing. She convinced Keckly to accompany her to Chicago for a short time before Elizabeth returned to Washington with Mrs. Lincoln’s “best wishes for my success in business.”

In 1866, Mary Lincoln, drowning in debt, reached out to Elizabeth Keckly, asking her to meet in New York in September “to assist in disposing of a portion of my wardrobe.” In New York, Elizabeth attempted to find buyers for Mrs. Lincoln’s wardrobe, but the trip was disastrous. In the end, Mrs. Lincoln gave permission to a man named William Brady to stage a public exposition to sell her wardrobe, a decision much discussed and derided in the media. After the trip, Mrs. Lincoln corresponded frequently with Elizabeth who did her best to support and publicly defend the former first lady. She wrote letters to prominent friends in the Black community, asking them to take up offerings for Mrs. Lincoln in churches. She even asked Frederick Douglass to take part in a lecture to raise money, although the lecture ultimately did not come to fruition. 32

However, Elizabeth also made decisions regarding Mary’s possessions that strained their relationship. She donated Lincoln relics without Mary’s knowledge and granted Brady permission to display the clothing in a traveling exhibition. Mary Lincoln was not pleased as she had been attempting to have the dresses returned. Their relationship frayed and faltered. Elizabeth could not keep up with Mrs. Lincoln’s letters and demands and started to back away from the relationship. 33

Photograph of Mary Todd Lincoln taken in 1861 by photographer Matthew Brady

At the same time, Elizabeth was working on her memoir. She published Behind the Scenes or Thirty Years a Slave, and Four Years in the White House in 1868, detailing her life story, but also including details of the disastrous dress selling saga. Keckly believed that writing this story would redeem her own character as well as Mrs. Lincoln’s. Unfortunately, the book was not well received for several reasons. By writing down the story of her enslavement, her intimate conversations with Washington’s elite women, and her relationship with Mary Lincoln, Keckly violated social norms of privacy, race, class, and gender. Although other formerly enslaved people like Frederick Douglass wrote generally well received memoirs during the same time period, Keckly’s was more divisive. Her choice to publish correspondence between herself and Mary Lincoln was seen as an infringement on the former first lady’s privacy. Keckly attempted to address this critique in the preface to her memoir:

If I have betrayed confidence in anything I have published, it has been to place Mrs. Lincoln in a better light before the world. A breach of trust--if breach it can be called--of this kind is always excusable. My own character, as well as the character of Mrs. Lincoln, is at stake, since I have been intimately associated with that lady in the most eventful periods of her life. I have been her confidante, and if evil charges are laid at her door, they also must be laid at mine, since I have been a party to all her movements. To defend myself I must defend the lady that I have served. The world have judged Mrs. Lincoln by the facts which float upon the surface, and through her have partially judged me, and the only way to convince them that wrong was not meditated is to explain the motives that actuated us. 34

The media began attacking her directly, with some groups arguing that the book was an example of why Black women should not be educated. Her position in society as a free Black woman writing a memoir that disclosed personal information about Washington’s white elite was simply unacceptable at the time. Keckly fought back against these attacks arguing that nothing she wrote about Mrs. Lincoln compared to the consistent abuse she suffered at the hands of the newspapers in the wake of the dress selling scandal. Although the book caused quite a stir upon its publication, it soon faded to the background. The book did not sell many copies and Elizabeth believed that Mary Lincoln’s son, Robert, may have been successful in suppressing its publication. 35

Cover page of Elizabeth Keckly's controversial memoir, Behind the Scenes, Thirty Years a Slave and Four Years in the White House.

Dokumentasie van die Amerikaanse Suide

Mary Lincoln read the memoir a few weeks after its release. She felt betrayed by the intimate details and conversations described and refused to mention Keckly’s name again. Elizabeth Keckly continued sewing after the book’s publication, but some of her customers disappeared. She later began training Black seamstresses and passed on her knowledge. In 1892, she accepted a position as the head of Wilberforce University’s Department of Sewing and Domestic Science Arts and moved to Ohio before returning to Washington after suffering a possible stroke. She died in 1907 at the age of eighty-nine, after living an extraordinary and remarkable life.


Trump fires National Security Adviser John Bolton in tweet

The report focuses on the top 65 positions in the Executive Office of the President, which includes jobs like national security adviser, chief of staff, communications director, press secretary and director of national intelligence.

The study found 51 of the 65 positions have turned over since Trump took office.

Sixteen of those positions have turned over twice — or more, the study found.

The most recent departee was national security adviser John Bolton, Trump's third permanent pick for the job, who was forced out earlier this month. Trump's first national security adviser, Michael Flynn, was pushed out for lying about contacts with Russia and is currently awaiting sentencing for lying to the FBI about those same dealings. His successor, H.R. McMaster was ousted to make room for Bolton.

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Tenpas, who's studied White House staffing since the 1990s, attributed the high rate of the change to "the president himself. In all of my studies, I've never seen a chief executive who fires staff more frequently and more publicly than President Trump."

"It's extraordinary," she said.

The A-Team figures do not include Trump's Cabinet, where there's also been an unprecedented amount of tumult and turnover. Nine out of the 15 Cabinet positions that are in the presidential line of succession have turned over at least once, Tenpas found. That number surpasses the amount of change during entire first terms of Presidents Ronald Reagan, Bill Clinton, George W. Bush and Barack Obama, and the one term of George H.W. Bush.

The elder Bush is the only president who came close to the amount of Cabinet turnover: eight, but that was over four years.

Prior to Trump, the trends in Cabinet and A-Team turnover were similar, Tenpas said. "There's a little turnover in the first year, a bigger uptick in year two, slightly bigger in year three, and then smaller in year four," with staff and Cabinet members generally staying on during a president's re-election campaigns.

The problems at the top are emblematic of a larger problem plaguing the Trump administration — a large number of vacancies in high-level positions across the federal government. Trump has not nominated people to fill 143 positions that require Senate confirmation, according to an online tracker by The Washington Post and the Partnership for Public Service, a nonpartisan nonprofit that monitors presidential appointments.

The number of vacancies and employees temporarily filling other jobs leads to "upheaval and chaos" and is hampering the president's ability to get the most out of his agencies, Tenpas said.

Asked about the churn during an event at the southern border last week, Trump had a different take.

"I think we have tremendous stability," Trump told reporters in California. He added that having "acting" agency heads instead of ones confirmed by the Senate gives him "flexibility" and an opportunity to see if they're the right people for the jobs.


In 2003, terrorism was a more immediate national danger than infectious diseases. Dr. Anthony Fauci’s National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases (NIAID) had just redirected $117 million from infectious diseases to fund a new anthrax vaccine effort in response to the anthrax attacks that happened a week after 9/11.

The millions were just a small part of the $1.8 billion Fauci had poured into defense from bioterrorist attacks over the preceding two years. More than half of those funds were devoted to anthrax and smallpox alone. In 2004, Fauci launched the $5.6 billion “Project Bioshield,” the National Institutes of Health’s biggest outlay for a single research issue until then.

Some microbiology researchers at the time, however, according to the journal Nature, were concerned that Fauci’s actions would ultimately “distort priorities in infectious-disease research, sucking money away from work to understand and counter natural disease outbreaks that ultimately pose a greater threat to public health.” The 2003 Nature article cited a Stanford University microbiologist saying “that diseases such as influenza and other respiratory-tract infections routinely kill far more people than would die in a bioterrorist attack, and therefore deserve a greater share of the NIAID budget.”

The criticism turned out to be warranted. In 2007, after spending billions under the opposite premise, Fauci admitted that “at the end of the day, you’re not going to kill as many people [with an anthrax attack] as you would if you blasted off a couple of car bombs in Times Square.” His anthrax vaccine effort had failed, having been “sunk by lobbying.”

The anthrax vaccine failure followed on the heels of Fauci’s controversial leadership of the nation’s AIDS response in the 1980s and ‘90s. According to “Good Intentions,” a 1990 book by investigative author and innovation expert Bruce Nussbaum, Fauci started his career as “a lackluster scientist,” who “found his true vocation—empire building” when he took the reins at NIAID in 1984.

To ensure that AIDS would be his exclusive demesne within the federal government, Fauci “started the most important bureaucratic battle in the history of the fight against AIDS,” squeezing out more scientifically competent, but less conniving administrators. According to Nussbaum, if Fauci had not won the battle, “many people who died might have lived.”

Having won his monopoly over AIDS within the federal government, Fauci, by training an immunologist who focuses on how the body fights infections itself, favored a vaccine approach in the fight against the then-terminal illness. This understandable professional bias came at the expense of research into the anti-retroviral drugs that ultimately reduced AIDS from a death sentence to a chronic disease in remission. As Nussbaum wrote in 1990:

Tony Fauci’s managerial incompetence had exacted a staggering cost. By 1987, more than a million Americans were infected by the AlDS virus. Not a single drug treatment had come out of the government’s enormous biomedical research system. In the end, Fauci barely survived by handing over control of the government’s only AIDS drug trial program [to a pharmaceutical company].

As a result, a single drug, AZT, was the only AIDS treatment that came out of Fauci’s government research system, and only after help from the private sector. In 1988, the playwright and prominent AIDS activist Larry Kramer published an “Open Letter to Dr. Anthony Fauci” in the Village Voice, writing, in part:

You admitted that you are an incompetent idiot. Over the past four years, $374 million has been allocated for AIDS treatment research. You were in charge of spending much of that money. . . . Yet after three years you have established only a system of waste, chaos, and uselessness.

According to “Good Intentions,” in “an attempt to salvage his reputation, if not his career,” Fauci coopted Kramer, becoming the well-connected activist’s top ally within the federal government’s public health apparatus. Kramer, in turn, was Fauci’s “vector” into elitist American society, perfectly positioning the technocrat for his favorite role as “a hit-the-front-page-every-day kind of guy,” according to an unnamed health official Nussbaum quotes.

With the AIDS treatment research strategy continuing to face setbacks, Fauci focused on developing an HIV vaccine. This quest, however, offered less and less glory as the 1990s progressed. Starting in 1995, private industry began developing effective drug therapies that would drastically reduce AIDS mortality in the developed world by the turn of the millennium, making the HIV vaccine much less of a potential game-changer. While the bioterrorism threat restored Fauci’s prominence in national politics, neither the bioterrorism threat nor the anthrax vaccine ever materialized.

Things got even worse for Fauci before they became better. On Feb. 3, 2020, the journal Science reported that, after almost four decades, Fauci’s “failure-ridden search for a vaccine that can stop the AIDS virus has delivered yet another frustrating defeat.” According to the scientist heading the study in South Africa, “[t]here’s absolutely no evidence of efficacy” from the $104 million study. “Years of work went into this. It’s a huge disappointment.”

Fauci admitted to Science that all those years and millions were spent on an effort that he knew was very unlikely to succeed: “We were struggling for years and years, and so we grabbed onto the slightest positive effect, a potential correlate of immunity, and it looked interesting.” Fauci, however, had had just become unfireable, with the first U.S. COVID-19 patient diagnosed only a week prior.

“I was always saying [a respiratory illness like COVID-19] would be my worst nightmare,” he claimed in June. Yet, only a few months earlier, Fauci was telling Americans that, far from being his biggest fear, the danger from the Wuhan virus was “just minuscule,” so “there is absolutely no reason whatsoever to wear a mask.” The media buried long-standing scientific concerns that Fauci had been “sucking money away from work to understand and counter natural disease outbreaks.”

A March 2020 hagiography published in the Washington Post’s Style section noted how the dapper doctor is, once again these days, a hit-the-front-page-every-day kind of guy, who “seems to transcend time and space, appearing in all media at all times.” The newspaper quoted House Majority Leader Steny Hoyer lamenting: “It’s a shame that at the first hint of this we didn’t just say to Tony Fauci, ‘You’re in charge, you have all the power you need, tell us what needs to be done.’”

The first COVID-19 vaccine granted emergency use authorization by the U.S. Food and Drug Administration was developed by scientists at Pfizer, which took no funding from Fauci’s NIAID. “All the investment for R&D and manufacturing has been made by Pfizer at risk,” says the company.

Thirty years ago, Nussbaum correctly diagnosed the primary cause of Fauci’s many setbacks:

[T]he best scientists do not become administrators. The best scientists do not become coordinators of programs for other scientists in medical schools around the country. The best scientists stay in the labs, they don’t push paper.

Fauci is an excellent politician who survived four decades and five presidents — two Democrats, and three Republicans. Considering the mental acuity of the country’s incoming president, and the ongoing anxiety among its citizens, it appears the politically skilled but scientifically inept Fauci administration is not going anywhere soon.


Watch unattended protesters inside Capitol building, Senate chamber

Deep into the lame-duck period of his single term as president, Trump is getting in his last licks against America's republican form of government. The military won't help him. Federal agencies won't do it, either. And his mob proved as ineffective at executing a rebellion as it was capable of vandalizing the seat of the republic — "the people's house" — and delaying the pro forma certification of President-elect Joe Biden's victory by a meaningless matter of hours.

The real aid he got came from Republican lawmakers, Sens. Josh Hawley of Missouri and Ted Cruz of Texas, most memorably, who began the day by raising unfounded objections to the electoral vote counts of several states. Their actions demonstrated that Trump's lasting legacy will be not about great victories at the ballot box or in the legislative arena but rather about his utter domination of fellow Republicans desperate to be seen as his political heir.

From our Francis Chung, Sen. Josh Hawley greeting protesters in the east side of the Capitol before riots began. pic.twitter.com/I8DjBCDuoP

— Manuel Quinones (@ManuelQ) January 6, 2021

And his biggest impact will be on a Republican Party that is deeply divided over whether to get on with America's business or share in Trump's delusion that he was robbed in November.

Hawley and Cruz, for example, are both widely considered potential candidates for the 2024 Republican presidential nomination. Both supported House members' efforts to overturn the will of the electorate Wednesday, prompting Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, R-Ky., to explain his view that it was a bad idea. And, in a moment that will surely be iconic for his fans and his detractors, Hawley gave a fist pump to Trump's riot brigade Wednesday.

"They should be ashamed," Rep. Ruben Gallego, D-Ariz., said on MSNBC, adding that the two lawyers — Hawley educated at Yale and Cruz at Harvard — are "traitors to the Constitution."

Did they understand the relationship between their actions and those of the mob? To many Americans, that became apparent after pro-Trump forces stormed the Capitol, chased police officers and destroyed federal property. And, of course, someone lost her life in the building.

But some people think they knew exactly what they were doing.

"They are more responsible in my mind than poor Mr. Trump, who is sort of an impulsive buffoon," retired Army Gen. Barry McCaffrey said Wednesday on MSNBC.

Some Republicans have taken stands against Trump's fact-free challenge of election results that already have been certified at the state level, criticizing him for misleading his voters.

"The president is abusing the trust of the American people and abusing the trust of the people who supported him," Rep. Liz Cheney, R-Wyo., said Wednesday on Fox News. "The mob will not prevail."

In broadcast remarks, Biden pleaded with Trump to simply give a stand-down order to his loyalists.