Pol Pot, leier van die volksmoordregering in Kambodja, sterf in sy slaap

Pol Pot, leier van die volksmoordregering in Kambodja, sterf in sy slaap


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Pol Pot, die argitek van Kambodja se moordvelde, sterf aan oënskynlik natuurlike oorsake terwyl hy 'n lewenslange vonnis uitdien wat deur sy eie Rooi Khmer opgelê is.

Die Khmer Rouge, wat in die sestigerjare deur Pol Pot in die Kambodjaanse oerwoud georganiseer is, het 'n radikale kommunistiese revolusie voorgestaan ​​wat Westerse invloede in Kambodja sou uitwis en 'n uitsluitlik agrariese samelewing sou stig. In 1970, gesteun deur Noord-Viëtnamese en Viët-Cong-troepe, begin die Rooi Khmer-guerrillas met 'n grootskaalse opstand teen die Kambodjaanse regeringsmagte, en kry spoedig beheer oor byna 'n derde van die land.

Teen 1973 het geheime Amerikaanse bombardemente op Kambodjaanse gebied wat deur die Viëtnamese kommuniste beheer is, die Viëtnamese uit die land gedwing en 'n magsvakuum geskep wat gou gevul is deur Pol Pot se vinnig groeiende Khmer Rouge -beweging. In April 1975 verower die Rooi Khmer Phnom Penh, die hoofstad van Kambodja, wat die pro-VSA omvergewerp het. regime, en 'n nuwe regering gestig, die Kampuchean People's Republic.

As die nuwe heerser van Kambodja, het Pol Pot begin om die land te verander in sy visie van 'n landbou -utopie. Die stede is ontruim, fabrieke en skole gesluit, en valuta en privaat eiendom is afgeskaf. Almal wat vermoedelik 'n intellektueel is, soos iemand wat 'n vreemde taal praat, is onmiddellik dood. Bekwame werkers is ook dood, benewens enigiemand wat in die besit was van 'n bril, 'n polshorlosie of enige ander moderne tegnologie. In gedwonge optogte wat deurtrek was met gruweldade uit die Rooi Khmer, is die miljoene wat nie uit Kambodja ontsnap het nie, op plattelandse plase geplaas.

Tussen 1975 en 1978 sterf na raming twee miljoen Kambodjane aan teregstelling, dwangarbeid en hongersnood. In 1978 het Viëtnamese troepe Kambodja binnegeval en Phnom Penh vroeg in 1979 ingeneem. 'N Gematigde kommunistiese regering is tot stand gebring, en Pol Pot en die Rooi Khmer het teruggetrek in die oerwoud.

In 1985 tree Pol Pot amptelik af, maar bly die effektiewe hoof van die Rooi Khmer, wat sy guerrilla -optrede teen die regering in Phnom Penh voortsit. In 1997 is hy egter deur die organisasie tereggestel nadat 'n interne magstryd hom uit sy leiersposisie verdryf het. Pol Pot is tot lewenslange gevangenisstraf gevonnis deur 'n 'volkstribunaal', wat deur kritici as 'n skouverhoor bespot is, en verklaar later in 'n onderhoud: 'My gewete is skoon.' 'N Groot deel van die internasionale gemeenskap het gehoop dat sy gevangenes hom sou uitlewer om tereg te kom vir sy misdade teen die mensdom, maar hy het in 1998 onder huisarres aan skynbaar natuurlike oorsake gesterf.


Kambodjaanse volksmoord: verhale van oorlewendes toon hoe geregtigheid kan geskied in die nasleep van selfs die ergste gruweldade

Twintig jaar gelede, op 15 April 1998, is Pol Pot, die leier van die volksmoordregering van Kambodja gedurende die laat sewentigerjare, in sy slaap op 73 -jarige ouderdom oorlede. jare, agt maande en 20 dae het sy Khmer Rouge -regering die Kambodjaanse bevolking aan 'n skrikbewind onderwerp. Byna 2 miljoen mense, 'n kwart van die land se bevolking, het gedurende hierdie tyd omgekom weens hongersnood, siektes en teregstelling.

In die soeke na waarheid en geregtigheid het baie Kambodjaanse oorlewendes na die VN-gesteunde tribunaal gekyk wat tans in die hoofstad Phnom Penh aan die gang is. Die tribunaal, wat in 2006 byeengeroep is, het die hoof van die belangrikste Khmer Rouge -martelingsentrum tot lewenslange tronkstraf gevonnis.

Die tweede verhoor van die tribunaal is naby afgehandel en sal na verwagting ook lewenslange vonnisse tot gevolg hê vir twee bykomende hooggeplaaste Khmer Rouge -leiers. Op daardie stadium sal die tribunaal waarskynlik sy deure sluit, en die VN-aangestelde regters en prokureurs sal huis toe gaan. Die tribunaal is 'n klassieke voorbeeld van 'geregtigheid vertraag word geregtigheid ontken'.

Aanbeveel

Ek het die afgelope 30 jaar die regs-, politieke en literêre reaksies op die Kambodjaanse volksmoord bestudeer. Dit is die literêre reaksies - verslae wat die oorlewendes self geskryf het - wat toon hoe hulle in staat was om hul stilte te verbreek en namens diegene wat gesterf het, geregtigheid en genesing te soek.

Die moordvelde

Twee belangrike tekste, Haing Ngor 'N Kambodjaanse Odyssey, gepubliseer in 1987, en Vann Nath's 'N Kambodjaanse gevangenisportret, wat 11 jaar later gepubliseer is, onthul die buitengewone gebeure wat gelei het tot die skryf en publikasie daarvan, asook die redes van die skrywers om hul literêre getuienis op te neem.

Voordat die Rooi Khmer op 17 April 1975 aan die bewind gekom het, was Haing Ngor 'n suksesvolle ginekoloog by 'n mediese kliniek in Phnom Penh. Tydens die volksmoord is Ngor by drie aparte geleenthede deur die Khmer Rouge gearresteer en ernstig gemartel. Elke keer het Ngor se vrou, Huoy, hom van die rand van die dood af gesond gemaak. Ironies genoeg, naby die einde van die volksmoord, sterf Huoy tydens die bevalling omdat Ngor nie die eenvoudige mediese toerusting gehad het om haar en hul eerste kind te red nie.

Kambodja konfronteer sy verlede terwyl die moordenaar van die Rooi Khmer wag op die uitspraak van die hof

1 /6 Kambodja konfronteer sy verlede, aangesien die Khmer Rouge -moordenaar op die hof se uitspraak wag

Kambodja konfronteer sy verlede terwyl die Khmer Rouge -moordenaar op die hof se uitspraak wag

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Kambodja konfronteer sy verlede terwyl die moordenaar van die Rooi Khmer wag op die uitspraak van die hof

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NIC DUNLOP/ PANOS/ Andrew Buncombe

Kambodja konfronteer sy verlede terwyl die moordenaar van die Rooi Khmer wag op die uitspraak van die hof

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Kambodja konfronteer sy verlede terwyl die moordenaar van die Rooi Khmer wag op die uitspraak van die hof

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Kambodja konfronteer sy verlede terwyl die Khmer Rouge -moordenaar op die hof se uitspraak wag

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Kambodja konfronteer sy verlede terwyl die moordenaar van die Rooi Khmer wag op die uitspraak van die hof

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Ngor kon die volksmoord oorleef. Hy het die status van vlugteling gekry deur die Amerikaanse regering en hervestig in Long Beach, Kalifornië, met die grootste bevolking van Kambodjane in die Verenigde State. Hy het egter steeds skuldgevoelens beleef omdat hy Huoy se lewe nie kon red nie.

In die vroeë 1980's is die eerste film oor die Kambodjaanse volksmoord, "The Killing Fields", gemaak op grond van die boek deur die oorlogskorrespondent van die New York Times, Sydney Schanberg, wat oor die Viëtnam -oorlog van Phnom Penh berig het. By die rol van Dith Pran, Schanberg se Kambodjaanse vertaler, is Ngor uit 'n skare gekies tydens 'n Kambodjaanse troue in Los Angeles.

Ondanks geen vorige toneelspelervaring nie, het Ngor in 1985 die Oscar -toekenning vir beste byspeler gewen. Ngor se onmiddellike roem met die wen van die Oscar het hom van 'n anonieme oorlewende verander in die wêreld se prominentste getuie van die Kambodjaanse volksmoord.

Twee jaar later publiseer Warner Books sy literêre getuienis van 500 bladsye, 'N Kambodjaanse Odyssey, wat die uiterste toestande onder die Rooi Khmer beskryf en spesifiek sy verhouding met Huoy beskryf, vandat hulle voor 1975 ontmoet het tot haar tragiese dood tydens die volksmoord.

Om te getuig van Huoy se sinnelose dood was noodsaaklik vir Ngor se genesingsproses. Sy nuwe status as Oscar-bekroonde akteur het hom die geleentheid gebied om die waarheid van die Khmer Rouge se misdade te bevestig. Deur die slagoffers en oortreders van die volksmoord te identifiseer, het hy probeer om sy verantwoordelikheid teenoor Huoy en sy oorlede familielede na te kom. In die inleiding van die boek sê Ngor: 'Ek was al baie dinge in die lewe: 'n mediese dokter ... 'n Hollywood -akteur. Maar niks het my lewe so gevorm soos om die Pol Pot -regime te oorleef nie. Ek is 'n oorlewende van die Kambodjaanse holocaust. Dis wie ek is. ”

Gevangenisportret

Die tweede boek om uit te lig is 'N Kambodjaanse gevangenisportret, geskryf deur Vann Nath, 'n skilder uit die handel voor die Rooi Khmer -oorname in 1975. Tydens die volksmoord is Nath gearresteer en na die Tuol Sleng -gevangenis gestuur, waar ongeveer 15 000 mense gedwing is om te erken dat hulle misdade onder marteling was en daarna tereggestel is. Nath is op die laaste oomblik tereggestel om portrette van Pol Pot te skilder.

Binne 'n jaar is die Rooi Khmer -regime deur die Viëtnamese magte van die mag verwyder en Tuol Sleng is omskep in 'n museum om aan die wêreld die gruweldade te wys wat tydens die volksmoord plaasgevind het. As een van slegs sewe gevangenes wat bekend was dat hy Tuol Sleng oorleef het, is Nath gevra om die tonele van marteling en teregstelling wat hy gesien het in die museum te skilder.

Aanbeveel

Nath, diep getraumatiseer deur sy jaar in gevangenskap by Tuol Sleng, het Nath later probeer om sy gebroke lewe te herbou en 'n klein koffiewinkel in die sentrum van Phnom Penh geopen. Twee humanitêre werkers wat die koffiewinkel besoek het, was bevriend met Nath en het hom oortuig om sy verhaal te vertel, wat gelei het tot die skryf en publikasie van Gevangenisportret, in 1998.

In 2009 dien Nath ook as 'n primêre getuie by die VN-gesteunde tribunaal tydens die verhoor van Duch, die Tuol Sleng-gevangenishoof, wat uiteindelik lewenslange gevangenisstraf opgelê is. Net soos Ngor, het die inlig van die wêreld oor die toestande by Tuol Sleng 'n diepe verantwoordelikheid gehad om namens diegene wat gely het en gesterf het onder die Rooi Khmer te praat.

Deur hul persoonlike rekeninge te publiseer, soos ek in my navorsing gevind het, probeer oorlewendes 'n diepe verantwoordelikheid nakom om namens diegene wat gesterf het, te praat. Sodoende begin hulle 'n mate van beheer oor die traumatiese herinneringe wat hul lewens teister. Hierdie skrywers tree op teen vergeet in die hoop dat die wêreld nooit weer 'n ander Pol Pot sal toelaat om die stem van die mense te probeer stil nie.

George Chigas is 'n senior lektor in Kambodjaanse studies aan die Universiteit van Massachusetts Lowell. Hierdie artikel verskyn die eerste keer op The Conversation (theconversation.com)


DEATH OF POL POT Pol Pot, brutale diktator wat Kambodjane gedwing het om Fields te vermoor, sterf op 73

Pol Pot, wat in Kambodja een van die mees brutale en radikale regimes van die 20ste eeu geskep het, is Woensdag aan hartversaking dood, volgens sy Kambodjaanse tronkbewaarders. Hy was 73 jaar oud.

Pol Pot, wat reeds van malaria verswak was, het die afgelope maande ernstig siek geword terwyl hy onder huisarres was deur sommige van sy voormalige bondgenote. In die afgelope twee weke is hy omring deur die Kambodjaanse regeringsleër en het hy terug in die oerwoud teruggetrek. Sy vrou het gesê dat hy in sy slaap gesterf het.

Pol Pot het 'n terreurreël uitgevoer wat gelei het tot die dood van byna 'n kwart van die sewe miljoen mense in Kambodja, volgens die algemeenste ramings deur teregstelling, marteling, hongersnood en siektes.

Sy glimlaggende gesig en stil manier het sy brutaliteit ontken. Hy en sy binnekring van rewolusionêres het 'n kommunisme aangeneem wat op Maoïsme en Stalinisme gebaseer is, en dit dan tot uiterstes oorgedra: Hulle en hul Rooi Khmer -beweging het Kambodja uitmekaar geskeur in 'n poging om die land se agrariese samelewing te suiwer en maak mense revolusionêre arbeidersboere.

Vanaf die dag in 1975 toe sy guerrilla -leër stil in die hoofstad, Phnom Penh, opgeruk het, het Pol Pot die stede leeggemaak, gesinne uitmekaar getrek, godsdiens afgeskaf en skole gesluit. Almal is beveel om te werk, selfs kinders. Die Khmer Rouge verbied geld en sluit alle markte. Dokters is dood, net soos die meeste mense met vaardighede en opvoeding wat die regime bedreig het.

Die Rooi Khmer het veral lede van etniese groepe vervolg - die Chinese, Moslem Chams, Viëtnamese en Thais wat al generasies lank in die land gewoon het, en enige ander buitelanders - in 'n poging om een ​​te maak ' ' rein ' &# x27 Kambodja. Nie-Kambodjaanse is verbied om hul moedertale te praat of om enige ' ɻuitelandse ' ' eienskappe te toon. Die pogrom teen die minderheid van Cham was die verwoestendste en het meer as die helfte van die gemeenskap doodgemaak.

Moord wat hy beveel het, word sy ongedaanheid

Alhoewel Pol Pot verantwoordelik was vir 'n ontelbare aantal sterftes, het hy eers in Julie 1997 'n klag van beskuldiging opgelê toe sommige van sy voormalige volgelinge van die Rooi Khmer hom toegeslaan het vir misdade teen die mensdom in 'n noukeurig opgetekende vertoningsverhoor en hom in huisarres geplaas het vir lewe.

Pol Pot het die toorn van sy voormalige bondgenote opgedoen deur die moord op 'n politieke medewerker te beveel. In 'n patroon wat hy vasgestel het toe hy aan bewind was, blameer Pol Pot Son Sen vir sy vervaagde greep op die beweging. Hy het nie net beveel dat Son Sen vermoor moet word nie, maar ook vir volgelinge gesê om meer as 'n dosyn van sy familielede, insluitend kleinkinders, tereg te stel.

In 'n tydskrifonderhoud in Oktober 1997 spreek die sieklike eks-diktator spyt oor die dood van sy mededinger se familie: U weet, vir die ander mense, die babas, die jonges, het ek hulle nie beveel om vermoor word. ' '

In die onderhoud, met Nate Thayer vir die Far Eastern Economic Review, word 'n man uitgebeeld, wat vervelig en besig was met sy pyn, maar sonder berou. Ek het gekom om die stryd te voer, nie om mense dood te maak nie, en hy het vir sy vraesteller gesê. ' ' Selfs nou, en u kan na my kyk: is ek 'n wrede persoon? ' '

Baie kenners van Suidoos -Asië sowel as die Kambodjane wat sy heerskappy verduur het, sou hom met 'n dawerende antwoord ' ' ja. ' '

Maar Pol Pot, terwyl hy erken dat ons beweging foute gemaak het, het hy daarop aangedring dat hy moorde uit selfverdediging beveel het om Kambodja van sy Viëtnamese vyande te red, en dat die aantal dooies wreed oordrewe is.

Maar selfs vandag breek sy nalatenskap die land met voortdurende geweld, politieke vete, korrupsie en sosiale broosheid.

Die Pol Pol-leër het die hoofstad op 17 April 1975, ná 'n verwoestende burgeroorlog van vyf jaar, ingeneem. Die Verenigde State het tydens die veldtog teen Pol Pot meer bomme op Kambodja gegooi as wat dit tydens die Tweede Wêreldoorlog op Japan losgemaak het. Daarna, met asemrowende spoed, beveel Pol Pot en sy swart geklede volgelinge onmiddellik die vermoeide Kambodjane om hul huise na die platteland te verlaat en die lewe te begin by ' 'Year Zero. ' ' Na drie jaar van terreur was hy in 1979 van die mag verdryf deur 'n inval uit die naburige Viëtnam.

Van toe af gebruik Pol Pot die geopolitiek van die koue oorlog tot sy voordeel en oortuig die grootste deel van Asië en die nie-kommunistiese wêreld dat sy Rooi Khmer-regering onwettig deur Viëtnam uitgegooi is. Sy ballingskapregering het die politieke erkenning van die Verenigde State en 'n groot deel van die wêreld gedurende die 1980's behou terwyl Kambodja wat in Viëtnam beset is, onder ernstige internasionale sanksies geplaas is.

Totdat internasionale verkiesings in 1992 onder toesig gekom het, het die Rode Khmer die setel van Kambodja by die Verenigde Nasies beklee en 'n leidende rol gespeel in agentskappe soos Unesco.

Pol Pot was een van die geheimsinnigste nasionale leiers. Sy vaal gesig en onbedreigende manier, sy selfvernietiging, sy seldsame en troebel openbare verklarings en sy wegkruipplek-selfs gedurende sy jare van absolute mag-was 'n paar van sy belangrikste taktieke om sy mededingers uit balans te hou en sy greep op te hou sy volgelinge.

Daar was weinig duidelik op Pol Pot se agtergrond om enige persoonlike drama voor te stel. Sedert sy kinderjare was die frases wat gebruik is om hom te beskryf, oninspirerend: beleefd, middelmatig, saggeaard, geduldig, selfs skaam.

Mense wat hom geken het, beskryf hom egter as warm en gerusstellend, veral in klein groepies.

'N Onderhoudvoerder beskryf sy persoonlike beroep

Een van die min Westerse joernaliste wat 'n onderhoud met hom gevoer het, Elizabeth Becker, nou redakteur by The New York Times, beskryf sy persoonlike aantrekkingskrag in haar boek ' 'When the War was Over ' ' (Simon & Schuster, 1986).

Hy was eintlik elegant, met 'n aangename gesig, nie aantreklik nie, maar aantreklik, en sy het geskryf. ' ' Sy kenmerke was delikaat en waaksaam en sy glimlag byna innemend. Daar was geen sprake van sy appèl nie. Fisies het hy 'n sterk, gemaklike voorkoms gehad. Sy gebare en manier was gepoleer, nie onbeskof nie. ' '

In 'n uur lange onderhoud wat sy enkele weke voor sy val met Pol Pot gehad het, het hy teen Viëtnam geveg, maar nooit sy stem verhef nie, het me. Becker geskryf. ' ' Meestal knik hy effens met sy kop of druk met sy fyn pols vir nadruk, ' ' voeg sy by.

Pol Pot was minder gemaklik en onthullend in 'n groter arena, maar het min openbare optredes gemaak, selfs as hy aan bewind was, sy identiteit verduister, koshuise verander en elke kwartaal gewaarsku oor verraad. Toe hy 'n maagkwaal het, het hy gesê sy kokke probeer hom vergiftig. Toe die krag by sy woning misluk, het hy die onderhoudswerkers laat doodmaak.

Hierdie vrees vir verraad - deur vreemde lande of deur giftige mikrobes in sy eie organisasie - het baie van sy gedrag gemotiveer, van sy geheimsinnigheid tot die bloedige suiwerings wat sy revolusie begin in 1977 begin verteer het.

Hy het in 1976 met 'n partytjiekader gesê: ' 'Ons soek na die mikrobes binne die partytjie sonder dat hulle begrawe word. Namate ons sosialistiese rewolusie vorder, kan ons egter die lelike mikrobes opspoor in elke uithoek van die party, die weermag en onder die mense.

Pol Pot het hom omring met mans uit sy vroeë jare, diegene wat oorspronklik by die Viëtnamese-gedomineerde kommuniste of ander aangesluit het wat nader aan Thaise kommuniste was, waaronder Nuon Chea, Khieu Samphan en Son Sen. Maar hy het die soort absolute mag gehad wat Stalin gehad het. in die Sowjetunie.

As revolusionêr neem hy die naam Pol Pot aan, wat geen besondere betekenis het nie. Hy is gebore as Saloth Sar in 1925, in 'n dorpie naby Kompong Thom, 90 myl noord van Phnom Penh, die agtste van nege kinders van 'n landbesitter met die naam Pen Saloth en sy vrou, Nok Sem.

'N Student in Parys word 'n hondsdol kommunis

Op die ouderdom van 6 is hy, soos baie Kambodjaanse kinders, gestuur om by welvarender familielede te woon - in sy geval 'n broer wat in Phnom Penh gewerk het as klerk by die koninklike paleis en 'n neef wat 'n danser was daar in die Royal Ballet.

Kort na sy aankoms het hy etlike maande in 'n Boeddhistiese klooster deurgebring, 'n baie korter blootstelling aan Boeddhistiese onderrig as wat algemeen was in Kambodja, waar die meeste onderrig deur monnike uitgevoer is.

Hy voltooi die laerskool, maar slaag nie in sy eksamens om na die hoërskool te gaan nie en studeer skrynwerk aan 'n handelsskool.

In sy twintigjarige jare het hy 'n regeringsbeurs ontvang om radiotegnologie in Frankryk te studeer, waar hy drie jaar deurgebring het en betrokke was by kommunistiese aktiwiteite in 'n tyd toe die Franse party deur Staliniste oorheers is. Daar het hy sy lang verbintenis begin met Son Son, Ieng Sary en ander wat lede van sy binnekring geword het.

Daar ontmoet hy ook sy toekomstige vrou, Khieu Ponnary, 'n skoolonderwyser wat 'n paar jaar ouer was, wie se suster getroud was met Ieng Sary.

Pol Pot beweer dat hy 'n goeie student was toe hy die eerste keer in Parys aangekom het. Later het ek by die progressiewe studentebeweging aangesluit, en hy het in 1976 vir die Vietnam News Agency gesê. x27 '

Ander het gesê dat hy baie van sy tyd deurgebring het om Franse poësie te lees, en in 1950 het hy 'n maand lank aan 'n snelwegprojek in Joego -Slawië gewerk.

Terwyl hy in Parys was, het hy sy eerste traktaat gepubliseer, 'n aanval op die Kambodjaanse koninklikes. Dit was die koning, Norodom Sihanouk, wat hierdie beweging die Rooi Khmer, of Rooi Kambodjaanse, genoem het.

Uiteindelik het die konserwatiewe regering van die jong koning, wat onder die Franse koloniale bewind was, sy beurs gekanselleer en het hy teruggekeer huis toe, waar hy hom toegewy het aan die ondergrondse kommunistiese beweging.

In 1954 tydens die Genève-konvensie is Viëtnam verdeel in die kommunistiese noorde en nie-kommunistiese suide, en Kambodja het onafhanklik geword. In die hoop om aan die bewind te bly, het koning Sihanouk homself tot Prince gedegradeer en sy eie politieke party tot die oorwinning in die eerste verkiesings gelei. Hy is onmiddellik staatshoof gemaak.

In 1956, terwyl hy sy ondergrondse aktiwiteite voortsit, trou Pol Pot met Khieu Ponnary en word hy onderwyser in Frans, geskiedenis, aardrykskunde en burgerlikes aan 'n privaat hoërskool.

Hy styg tot die top van die partytjie wat hy gestig het

In 1960, in 'n uit die hoek van die Phnom Penh-spoorwerf, ontmoet Pol Pot in die geheim met ander Kambodjaanse kommuniste en help om die eie Kambodja se eie kommunistiese party, die Khmer Workers Party, te skei van die ou Vietnamees-gedomineerde. Indochinese kommunistiese party. Binne twee jaar het hy sy leier geword.

Uit vrees vir inhegtenisneming, vlug hy in 1963 na Vietnam, saam met Ieng Sary en Son Sen, en leef vir die volgende dekade onder die skuilplek, 'n patroon wat die grootste deel van sy lewe was.

By die besoek aan China aan die vooraand van die kulturele revolusie, het Pol Pot baie van die patrone waargeneem wat hy later in sy eie land ingestel het, van revolusionêre teorie tot die sagte hoede in Chinese styl wat deur die Rooi Khmer aangeneem is.

Die groter wordende oorlog in Viëtnam het die Kommunistiese beweging in Kambodja aangevuur, en na 'n boeropstand in die provinsie Battambang in 1967 begin Pol Pot sy gewapende rebellie. Teen 1970 het hy 3 000 vegters onder wapens gehad.

Vir jare het die Viëtnamese kommuniste Kambodja gebruik om rys te koop, wapens te vervoer en soldate van Noord -Viëtnam na die suide langs die Ho Chi Minh -roete te kanaliseer. Prins Sihanouk en sy regering - wat daarop gemik was om met die Viëtnamese kommuniste oor die weg te kom, wat volgens die prins waarskynlik die oorlog sou wen - het nooit teen die inbraak geprotesteer nie.

Hy het ook nie betoog toe die Amerikaners vermeende Viëtnamese posisies in die ooste van Kambodja begin bombardeer nie. Die bombardement het die Viëtnamese gedwing om dieper na Kambodja te beweeg, en die Rooi Khmer het saam met hulle versprei.

Prins Sihanouk kry kritiek, veral deur die Kambodjaanse leër, omdat hy beide kante van die Viëtnam -oorlog gespeel het. In Maart 1970 het die Nasionale Vergadering hom afgedank terwyl hy in die buiteland was en hom vervang deur pro-Amerikaanse amptenare onder leiding van sy voorheen lojale premier, genl Lon Nol.

Woedend het die prins hom met die Rooi Khmer verbind en gou is Kambodja in die Viëtnam -oorlog gedompel. Binne maande het die Viëtnamese kommuniste en hul Rooi Khmer -bondgenote groot dele van die land beheer.

In 1973, nadat die Verenigde State die Vredesooreenkomste van Parys met die Viëtnamese kommuniste onderteken het, het Amerikaanse B-52's groot hoeveelhede bomme op vermeende Khmer Rouge-posisies in Kambodja laat val om 'n kommunistiese oorwinning daar te voorkom. Phnom Penh het 'n geswelde vlugtelinge sentrum geword, en baie ontheemde of kwaai dorpsbewoners het saamgedrom om by die Rooi Khmer -leër aan te sluit. Teen die tyd van sy oorwinning in 1975, het die leër gegroei tot 'n mag van 70 000, 'n groei wat aangehelp is deur die aansien van prins Sihanouk, wat in een van sy vele politieke haarnaalddraaie titulêre president van die beweging geword het.

Strenger, meer gedissiplineerd en brutaler as die Amerikaanse gesteunde magte van genl Lon Nol, het die Rooi Khmer Phnom Penh gevange geneem twee weke voordat die kommuniste Saigon ingeneem het, met Pol Pot as 'n leidende bevelvoerder en politieke strateeg.

Teen die tyd dat Pol Pot self die stad binnegekom het, op 23 April 1975, 12 jaar nadat hy in die oerwoude gevlug het, was die hoofstad stil en verlate.

Van die begin af het sy troepe radikale planne gedryf om die land onderstebo te keer.

Almal - bejaardes, blindes, siekes, selfs babas - is dadelik beveel om terug te keer na die dorpe. Sowjet -Goelag. Ongeveer 20 000 hospitaalpasiënte is verplig om uit te trek, sommige op wiele. Tienduisende mense sterf aan hongersnood en siektes in die eerste weke van die revolusie se oorwinning.

Baie ander is doodgemaak: soldate van die verslaan leër, burokrate, handelaars, ' ' parasiete, ' ' ' ' intellektuele. ' '

In sy oorwinningstoespraak beweer Pol Pot dat sy kommuniste 'n revolusionêre samelewing sou bou en 'n welvarende land sou word met 'n gevorderde landbou en nywerheid, sodat ons mense se lewenstandaard sal bly vinnig verbeter. ' '

Vir hierdie doel het Pot Pot Kambodja tot een van die mees geïsoleerde lande ter wêreld gemaak en sy grense gesluit, wat slegs 'n paar buitelandse diplomate beperk het tot hul kanse in 'n vreemde stil Phnom Penh. Prins Sihanouk, die eerste president, was beperk tot sy paleis en daarna na 'n gastehuis.

Intussen het die radikale eksperiment die land vernietig. Die slawe -bendes het nie die nodige voedsel geproduseer nie. Sonder kontak van buite het die land se aandele uitgeput geraak. Die groot projekte vir openbare werke, veral in besproeiing, is skelm gemaak en uitmekaar geval.

Die getal van die dooies in die miljoene

Maar Pol Pot wou nie glo dat sy revolusie die skuld het nie. Hy het gesoek na sondebokke: eers die Kambodjane wat lojaal was aan die ou regime, daarna Kommunistiese leiers van uitgesoekte streke van die land, dan belangrike kommunistiese leiers na aan hom. Hierdie vermeende vyande is in hegtenis geneem en na veiligheidsentrums geneem, waaronder Tuol Sleng in Phnom Penh, waar hulle gemartel is om te erken dat hulle verbeelde misdade het en daarna vermoor is.

Pol Pot beveel die dood van sy naaste kamerade toe die Viëtnamese die land binnedring.

Vanweë die geslote aard van die land, was dit vir buitestaanders onduidelik wat gebeur, en verslae van vlugtelinge oor die gruwels van die Demokratiese Kampuchea het dikwels ongeloof gekry.

Die volledige prentjie het eers in 1979 na vore gekom toe die Viëtnamese veroweraars van Kambodja buitelanders toegelaat het, en honderdduisende siek en honger vlugtelinge na Thailand ingestroom het.

In die naam van 'n radikale utopie het die Rooi Khmer -regime die meeste mense in slawe verander. Mans is geskei van vroue, ouers van kinders. Vakansies, musiek, romanse en vermaak is verbied. Diktatoriale dorpsleiers en soldate het die mense vertel met wie hulle moet trou en hoe om te lewe, en diegene wat ongehoorsaam is, is doodgemaak. Kinders het op hul ouers ingelig dat baie ander jongmense wat hulle nie by die politieke manie gebuig het nie, lewend begrawe is, of in die lug gegooi en op bajonette gespuit is. Sommige is aan krokodille gevoer.

Godsdiens en gebed is verbied. Boeddhistiese monnike is vermoor en tempels is vernietig.

Kommunale werksbrigades is gestig om te boer, bosse skoon te maak en kanale te grawe. Byna al die werk is met die hand gedoen, sonder masjinerie, en mense moes van dagbreek tot laatnag werk.

Duisende sterf weens ondervoeding, duisende weens oorwerk.

Duisende is tronk toe gestuur om gemartel te word en te sterf. Die noukeurige rekords wat die Rooi Khmer gehou het van die mense wat hulle doodgemartel het, was een van die waardevolste dokumente wat hul misdade bevestig het.

Maar bo alles was die massagrafte en moordvelde wat ontbloot is ná die nederlaag van die Rooi Khmer.

Vietnam maak 'n einde aan die vreeslikheid

In plaas van utopie het die Rooi Khmer ondergang gebring.

Die ondergang van die regime kom nadat Pol Pot Viëtnam aangeval en probeer het om grondgebied langs die grens te beslaan. Op 25 Desember 1978 het Viëtnamese troepe die grens sterk oorgesteek en binnekort was daar 200,000 Viëtnamese in Kambodja. Binne twee weke het hulle Phnom Penh en 'n groot deel van die res van Kambodja beset en Pol Pot omvergewerp.

In die daaropvolgende jare het die stryd om beheer oor Kambodja voortgegaan, met China en Thailand wat Pol Pot en sy kring toevlug, mediese sorg en militêre ondersteuning in 'n spel van anti-Viëtnamese en anti-Sowjet geopolitiek gegee het.

In 'n duidelike poging om hul beeld te verbeter en hul setel by die Verenigde Nasies te behou, het die Rooi Khmer in 1980 aangekondig dat hulle nie meer kommunisties is nie en nou die demokrasie, godsdienstige verdraagsaamheid en vrye onderneming bevoordeel.

In die loop van die jare is verdere aankondigings gemaak dat Pol Pot uit verskeie poste bedank het, met 'n hoogtepunt in 1985 met een wat sê dat hy as militêre bevelvoerder uittree. Min het daardie verklarings geglo.

Nadat 'n omvattende vredesooreenkoms wat voorsiening maak vir Kambodjaanse verkiesings in 1991 in Parys onderteken is, het Thailand opgehou om die Demokratiese Kampuchea te erken of hul toevlug te gee aan Pol Pot en sy gevolg. Daar word vermoed dat hy destyds in 'n oerwoudhoofkwartier in Kambodja gewoon het voor sy onlangse omverwerping deur sy voormalige volgelinge.

Vroeër is die vrou van Pol Pot met 'n senuwee -ineenstorting in Beijing in die hospitaal opgeneem, en met haar toestemming hertrou hy in 1987 en kry 'n dogter saam met sy tweede vrou.

Sy geharde leër, steeds in hul swart klere en sandale, het afgeneem na die vredesplan van die Verenigde Nasies, met duisende soldate en hul gesinne wat die bergvesting verlaat het vir amnestie -aanbiedinge van die regering en 'n kans om 'n normale lewe te lei. Ten tyde van Pol Pot se dood was die Khmer Rouge -geledere slegs in die honderde.

Alhoewel Pol Pot in alle opsigte onwrikbaar gebly het gedurende sy jare aan bewind en in ballingskap, het Steve Heder, 'n Amerikaanse geleerde in Kambodja, 'n vreemde verslag van 'n ondersteuner berig wat hom in 1981 besoek het.

Hy het gesê dat hy weet dat baie mense in die land hom haat en dink dat hy verantwoordelik is vir die moorde, en dat die ondersteuner van Pol Pot gesê het. Hy het gesê dat hy weet dat baie mense gesterf het. Toe hy dit sê, breek hy amper en huil. Daar was mense aan wie hy baie na aan hom gevoel het, en hy het hulle volkome vertrou. Toe het hulle uiteindelik 'n gemors van alles gemaak. ' '

In die onderhoud verlede herfs is Pol Pot gevra of hy dink dat sy jong dogter later trots sou wees om haarself sy dogter te noem. ' ɾk weet nie daarvan nie, ' ' het hy gesê. Dit is in die geskiedenis om te oordeel. ' '


Waarom het die Rooi Khmer krag verloor?

Die Rooi Khmer is in 1979 deur verdedigers van die party en hul Viëtnamese bondgenote van die mag verdryf, maar waarom het die Rooi Khmer minder as 4 jaar nadat hulle dit gekry het, die krag verloor? Daar is talle redes wat ons in 'n volgende skakel sal uiteensit, maar dit kan ook redelik maklik opgesom word. Demokratiese Kampuchea het letterlik honger en geterroriseer oor sy werks- en vegkrag, terwyl hy terselfdertyd probeer het om oorlog met Viëtnam aan te wakker.

Klik hier vir 'n diepgaande oorsig van die rede waarom die Demokratiese Kampuchea geval het.

As gevolg van hul steun uit China, het die leierskap van die Demokratiese Kampuchea gevoel dat hulle hulle sou ondersteun in enige oorlog teen die Sowjet -gesteunde Viëtnamese. Tog was China onder Deng nie dieselfde land as onder Mao nie. Die Chinese het die leierskap probeer oortuig om met die Viëtnamese te onderhandel, wat hulle weens hul arrogansie en tot nadeel geweier het.

China sou Viëtnam later binneval in 'n strafaanval nadat die Rooi Khmer in 1979 die krag verloor het, maar hulle sou in werklikheid nooit 'n gevaarlike kernoorlog met die Sowjetunie oor Kambodja waag nie. U kan hier lees oor die Sino-Viëtnamese oorlog.

Toe 'n gekombineerde Viëtnamese en Kambodjaanse mag binnekom, het hulle 'n minimale weerstand gehad. Rather than being seen as invaders, they were by and large seen as liberators, or at the very least the lesser of two evils.. Ironically if Pol Pot and his clique had been slightly less arrogant and negotiated with the Vietnamese, they would not only have survived, but would have received western backing.

To read about American backing for the Khmer Rouge click here.

In any other scenario this should have meant Pol Pot and his cronies disappearing into exile, or better still facing trial for their crimes. These though were far from normal times and the Khmer Rouge, and the ever suffering people of Cambodia were about to become Cold War pawns.


Ke Pauk

Ke Pauk, who has died aged 67, was born Ke Vin in Baray, in Kompong Thom province of northern Cambodia. He was only 15 when French forces raided his village. He fled to join communist-led independence fighters. Following France's departure five years later in 1954, King Sihanouk's police welcomed Vin home with a six-year sentence. Released in 1957, he married Soeun, a local woman. They had six children. A neighbour recalls Vin "selling alcohol, buying chickens, and doing political work" in Baray.

In 1964, Vin was "attacked by police and driven into the forest". A witness saw the beginnings of the local Khmer Rouge insurgency: "54 men and women" with two carbines, secretly gathered in Bos Pauk forest. Vin assumed the revolutionary name Pauk, in memory of this hideout. One night in April 1968, the rebels struck, killing seven people in three villages. Pauk had launched a career that would catapult him to the top ranks of a genocidal regime.

When the Vietnam war smashed into Cambodia in 1970, Koy Thuon was running the Khmer Rouge underground's northern zone. Pauk became his military commander. Pauk attacked Lon Nol's US-backed Cambodian troops, Vietnamese communists, and Khmer civilians. A witness, Pon, says Khmer Rouge troops came to Baray in 1971 and "threw grenades into the houses of those who had sheltered the Vietnamese. In some cases they killed entire families." Lon Nol forces found 62 tombs and mass graves, containing 180 corpses.

Khmer Rouge internal divisions grew. According to Pon: "On this side of the Mekong (the north), the Khmer Rouge would not let people wear colourful clothing on the other side they would. On this side they wanted to know why the others did not obey the rules of the Organisation ( angkar ) and they would shoot people coming from there."

The US B-52 bombardment of Cambodia killed up to 150,000 peasants, and reached its height in 1973. Pauk's troops punished villagers for being "CIA agents" and allegedly "bringing in the US planes". Like extremists elsewhere in Cambodia, Pauk was the bombing's regional beneficiary. He became Thuon's rival.

One of his soldiers described Pauk's rule: "In the Kompong Thom region the Organisation (was) led by very severe men. Their discipline was terrible there were many executions. Buddha statues were destroyed and the pagodas secularised. there were camps for women, children, young women and young men meals were eaten communally and rations consisted only of rice soup without meat. children were forbidden to respect their parents, monks to pray, husbands to live with their wives." The totalitarian system of Pol Pot's "democratic Kampuchea" was emerging in northern Cambodia.

In 1973, northern troops invaded Kompong Cham city and deported 15,000 people to the countryside. Early the next year, Pauk's units were redeployed against Phnom Penh and the former royal capital, Oudong. Thousands of peasants took the chance to flee to the Lon Nol-held town of Kompong Thom. "We were forced to work very hard and got nothing," one explained. Black clothing was compulsory, and executions common. Ethnic minorities were to be "broken up". A northern zone order prohibited Muslim Chams from "concentrating in one area". Troops fired into a crowd of Cham fishermen, killing and wounding more than 100.

Forces led by Pauk and southwest zone commander Mok overran Oudong in 1974. A peasant recalls: "40,000 people were sent in all directions. The Khmer Rouge burned houses everywhere."

Khmer Rouge victory came with the capture of Phnom Penh, in April 1975. Pauk's forces helped evacuate its 2m inhabitants at gunpoint. Thuon, transferred to the capital, was purged by Pol Pot's Communist party "centre" in 1976. Pauk became party secretary of the northern zone. He executed Thuon's loyalists and appointed 10 of his own relatives to key positions. When popular revolt broke out in 1977, Pauk had hundreds massacred.

Across the Mekong in the eastern zone, Muslim Chams revolted in 1975. An official there complained to Pol Pot of his inability to implement "the dispersal strategy according to the decision that you, Brother, had discussed with us". Pol Pot had ordered 150,000 eastern Chams to be dispersed across the northern and northwest zones. But Pauk's northern officials rejected the 50,000 Cham deportees. They "absolutely refused to accept Islamic people", preferring "only pure Khmer people". In a message to Pol Pot, Pauk denounced "enemies" such as "Islamic people".

He was promoted to deputy chief of the general staff, under Mok. In 1977 Pauk took his forces to the east to attack across the Vietnamese border. Pol Pot joined him to address the troops: "Each Cambodian is to kill 30 Vietnamese" to take southern Vietnam.

But internal rivals came first. In May 1978, in concert with Mok's forces and Pol Pot's centre units, Pauk's northern troops began slaughtering the suspect eastern zone administration and population. In the largest mass murder in Cambodian history, they murdered more than 100,000 easterners in late 1978.

Vietnam's January 1979 invasion ended the genocide. The Khmer Rouge remnants fled to the Thai border.

In 1996, Pol Pot's former deputy, Leng Sary, defected to Hun Sen's Cambodian government for a "pardon". Fearing more defections, Pol Pot murdered Son Sen, his security chief. Pot's last loyalists drove their trucks over the bodies of their final victims: Son Sen's entire family. Mok turned and arrested Pol Pot.

Then, in 1998, Pauk mutinied against Mok, defecting to the government. As the factions slugged it out, Pol Pot died in his sleep. Cambodian officials captured Mok the next year. He is awaiting trial.

Like Pol Pot and Son Sen, Ke Pauk escaped justice. But they all lived to savour defeat.


Marking the end of Pol Pot’s rule in Cambodia

Invoking Syria and ISIL, Prime Minister Hun Sen warns opposing his party equals supporting the murderous Khmer Rouge.

Phnom Penh, Cambodia Days ago, Prime Minister Hun Sen had a strong message for his people: you are either with me or against me.

Invoking embattled Syrian President Bashar al-Assad and the devastating war being fought by ISIL and other rebel groups, Hun Sen drew parallels between Islamic fighters in Syria, Pol Pot’s Khmer Rouge regime – which he helped to topple 36 years ago – and his domestic political opponents.

Those opposing the Syrian president had strengthened the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant, said Hun Sen, and those who oppose his own government are, similarly, modern-day supporters of the equally radical Khmer Rouge.

Hun Sen’s tirade came just ahead of Wednesday’s “January 7” anniversary that marks the day in 1979 when Vietnamese forces, and members of Hun Sen’s government, deposed Pol Pot.

Pol Pot’s Khmer Rouge regime started in 1975 and was responsible for the deaths of an estimated 1.7 million people through starvation, execution, and overwork .

“Any acts that weaken Assad help strengthen ISIS … so it means the same here,” Hun Sen said in a speech broadcast on local TV and radio on Monday .

Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen [AP]

“You loathe the Pol Pot regime but you also oppose those who overthrew Pol Pot. So, what does it mean?” Hun Sen said.

“It means that they are allies of the Pol Pot regime. If they oppose January 7, they are in alliance with the Khmer Rouge and the genocidal regime.”

Opinions divided

January 7 is a contentious commemoration in Cambodia.

Traditionally, it is a partisan affair celebrated by members and supporters of Hun Sen’s ruling Cambodian People’s Party (CPP), which first came to power on the back of the Vietnamese victory over the Khmer Rouge.

Critics see January 7 as the day Vietnam invaded to install a government sympathetic to Hanoi, and which remains in power and indebted to the Vietnamese to this day.

This month also marks Hun Sen’s 30th year at the centre of power. He was first appointed prime minister in 1985 by the country’s then-communist government.

“It’s a very sad day for Cambodia when we continue to label the victims of the Khmer Rouge as perpetrators,” Mu Sochua, a prominent member of the opposition Cambodian National Rescue Party (CNRP), said in response to Hun Sen’s comments.

Referring to Hun Sen’s position as a mid-level Khmer Rouge military commander before defecting to Vietnam in 1977, Sochua said it was ironic the person labelling others as Khmer Rouge sympathisers was himself a former member of the regime, and so were many members of his current government.

“We know who the Khmer Rouge were, and who came out of the Khmer Rouge,” she told Al Jazeera. “The prime minister cannot hide the truth.”

Hun Sen’s equating of January 7 detractors with Pol Pot allies comes after many voters turned away from his long-ruling party in the 2013 national election, and unprecedented protests against Vietnam in Phnom Penh last year. Hun Sen’s CPP now controls just 68 seats in parliament to the CNRP’s 55 seats.

Access to the Vietnamese Embassy was blockaded for several days during the protests by hundreds of Cambodians, including a vocal contingent of Buddhist monks, who hurled abuse and burned Vietnamese flags.

Vietnam’s alleged transgressions were both historic and contemporary: loss of border territory, continuing influence over Cambodian politics, and unchecked migration of Vietnamese citizens to Cambodia.

“January 7th is a very old agenda,” said Ou Ritthy, a blogger, youth activist and founder of the popular weekly public discussion forum known as Politikoffee.

Young people “don’t care much” about January 7, Ritthy said. “ It ‘ s about the past, and we have a lot of issues now.”

More important issues for young people are economic development, improving governance, and ending corruption.

Invasion or liberation?

Politically, January 7 is polarising with supporters and detractors generally adopting diametrically opposed views, said Ritthy, adding young people have a more nuanced understanding.

“It was clearly a liberation from Pol Pot, but it was also an invasion from Vietnam,” he said.

Roeun Kosal cut a lonely figure marching on the streets of the Cambodian capital late last year.

His one-man protest saw him slog for hours through rainstorms and flooded streets to reach the courthouse on the outskirts of Phnom Penh, where two former leaders of the Khmer Rouge movement are on trial for atrocities committed during their regime.

Kosal carried a black umbrella on his long march to the war crime tribunal. To it he had affixed paper placards naming the culprits he blames for the mass killings, including his parents, during the Pol Pot years.

None of those he named were Cambodian, however.

The Khmer Rouge’s Khieu Samphan and Nuon Chea
[Reuters]

Pol Pot, who died in 1998, was not one of the names on the protest placards. Neither were the two surviving senior leaders of the Khmer Rouge currently on trial: Nuon Chea, the regime’s second in command, and Khieu Samphan, its former head of state.

“Pol Pot, Ieng Sary, Khieu Samphan, Nuon Chea – they did not kill even one person,” Kosal, 44, said this week.

“The one to blame is the Hanoi government … they killed the people,” he said, recounting a conspiracy that goes as follows: the Khmer Rouge movement was infiltrated by the Vietnamese, along with treacherous Cambodians with “Vietnamese minds”, who engineered genocide against the Khmer race.

Blaming Vietnam

Kosal is not alone in his belief.

A surprising number of Cambodians entertain suspicions, or ardent beliefs, that the mass killing during the Khmer Rouge years was not carried out by Pol Pot and his followers.

It’s not a new rendering of revolutionary history.

Craig Etcheson, a scholar who has researched the Khmer Rouge for decades, said public assertions by the Khmer Rouge that it was the Vietnamese who had committed mass crimes date to 1979 and were a propaganda response to Vietnam’s intervention in Cambodia.

The Khmer Rouge popularised the slogan “Khmer do not kill Khmer”, said Etcheson, who spent six years investigating Pol Pot-era crimes at the co-prosecutors’ office at the UN-backed war crimes tribunal.

It was Vietnamese who killed Cambodians. Everything was under the control of Vietnam - even the cooks were Vietnamese.

- Nuon Chea, Khmer Rouge official

“Since the Cambodian people clearly knew that there had indeed been a lot of killing, this slogan begged the question of just who then did all that killing. For the Khmer Rouge, an easy answer was close to hand: it was the Vietnamese. They have stuck with that line ever since.

“The bottom line is that it is the opposite of the truth,” he added.

Ongoing tribunal

On Thursday, the Khmer Rouge tribunal will restart hearings in the second case against Nuon Chea and Khieu Samphan, which includes the charge of genocide against ethnic Cham Muslims and Vietnamese people. Both men were convicted of crimes against humanity in their first case, and sentenced to life in prison in August.

Giving testimony in 2011, Nuon Chea used his time in the dock to warn the youth of Cambodia of the dangers posed by Vietnam, and blamed all the crimes during his regime – even scarce meals prepared – on the Vietnamese. As Cambodians are devout Buddhists, the Khmer Rouge could not have committed the acts they are accused of, he said.

“These crimes – war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide – were not from Cambodian people,” Nuon Chea told the court, according to the Cambodia Daily.

“It was Vietnamese who killed Cambodians. Everything was under the control of Vietnam – even the cooks were Vietnamese.”


Today In History April 15: Death Of Pol Pot

Pol Pot, born Saloth Sar on 19 May 1925, and known in Cambodia as Brother Number One during the Democratic Kampuchea (Khmer Rouge) regime of 1975-79, died on 15 April, 1998.

After the collapse of Democratic Kampuchea in late 1979, Pol Pot continued to lead the Khmer Rouge forces in a fight against the Vietnamese occupation forces, and later the government of the restored Kingdom of Cambodia.

Following the successful restoration of the Kingdom, the Khmer Rouge lost most of their power, and by the mid 1990’s, factional in-fighting had reduced the forces even further. Many former fighters had defected to the government and major leaders had accepted amnesties and crossed the line.

Pol Pot, by now in his 70’s, had grown suspicious of his former deputy Son Sen (Comrade Khieu) and in June 1997 ordered his death after reports of his imminent defection were reported.

Khmer Rouge cadres killed Son and 13 of his family members and aides, although Pol Pot later claimed he did not order the deaths. Top KR leader Ta Mok (who himself was implicated in Son’s execution) was concerned that Pol Pot could turn on him too. Mok gathered loyal troops one of the last KR strongholds in Anglong Vang, informing them that Pol Pot had betrayed their movement, he took his troops out of the area.

Fearing an attack from Mok’s forces, Pol Pot, along with his family, and several bodyguards fled on foot on 12 June 1997. Pol Pot was now old and virtually crippled and had to be carried. After Mok’s troops apprehended them, Pol Pot was placed under house arrest.

Former top KR leaders Khieu Samphân and Nuon Chea, who were both looking to secure amnesties from the government, sided with Mok.

In late July, Pol Pot and the three Khmer Rouge commanders who remained loyal to him were brought before a mass meeting, with American journalist Nate Thayer invited to film the event.

The Khmer Rouge court sentenced Pol Pot to life imprisonment and three other commanders were sentenced to death. Three months later, Ta Mok permitted Thayer to visit and interview Pol Pot.

On 15 April 1998, Pol Pot died in his sleep, apparently of heart failure. He was 72. His body was preserved with ice and formaldehyde so that his death could be verified by journalists attending his funeral.

Three days later, his wife cremated his body on a pyre of tyres and rubbish, with traditional Cambodian Buddhist funerary rites. There were suspicions that he had committed suicide by taking an overdose of medication.

Nate Thayer later reported that Pol Pot killed himself when he became aware of Ta Mok’s plan to hand him over to the United States, saying that “Pol Pot died after ingesting a lethal dose of a combination of Valium and chloroquine”.

**FILE**A Khmer Rouge soldier stands near the body of leader Pol Pot in a small hut near the Thai-Cambodia border about a mile from Chong Sangam Pass, Thailand, Thursday, April 16, 1998, in this file photo. Pol Pot died on April 15, 1998, and this marks the ten-year anniversary of the death of Pol Pot, who as the leader of the Khmer Rouge was responsible for the deaths of about 1.7 million of his countrymen. (AP Photo/David Longstreath, FILE)


Pol Pot, leader of Cambodia’s genocidal government, dies in his sleep - HISTORY

"Why should we flagellate ourselves for what the Cambodians did to each other?"-- Henry Kissinger

[ Like Sadam Hussein, Pol Pot was a CIA asset . Phase one was US "secret bombing" by Kissinger and Nixon which killed up to 600,000 civilians and paved the way for Phase two: Pol Pot/Khmer Rouge killings from 1975 to 1979 where a t least 200,000 people were executed (while estimates of the total number of deaths resulting from Khmer Rouge policies, including disease and starvation, range from 1.4 to 2.2 million out of a population of around 7 million) .]


Khmer Rouge flag Red Black X sign

[2011 Sept] French Revolution's Hidden Depopulation Agenda by Andrew Smith "Pol Pot's regime is surprisingly similar to the French Revolution, 200 years before. Both revolutions began in the French capitol of Paris. Both revolutions conducted deadly purges, resulting in the death of many. Also, when they took over, both Pol Pot and the French declared, 'This is the year zero.' They both made their own 10 day calendar and rejected the thought of any God. Both revolutions were curtailed within a decade." And both were financed by the Illuminati Bankers.

Aanhalings
According to Webster Tarpley and Anton Chaitkin, the Pol Pot Regime was "a demonstration model of the NSSM 200 policy". The Khmer Rouge could not have made the gains it did in Cambodia without the aid of Kissinger and Nixon. It was the Nixon Administration's bombing of Cambodia that aided the Khmer Rouge in their takeover of Cambodia. Tarpley and Chaitkin elaborate:
" The most important single ingredient in the rise of the Khmer Rouge was provided by Kissinger and Nixon, through their systematic campaign of terror-bombing against Cambodian territory during 1973. This was called Arclight, and began shortly after the January 1973 Paris Accords on Vietnam. With the pretext of halting a Khmer Rouge attack on Phnom Penh, U.S. forces carried out 79,959 officially confirmed sorties with B-52 and F-111 bombers against targets inside Cambodia, dropping 539,129 tons of explosives. Many of these bombs fell upon the most densely populated sections of Cambodia, including the countryside around Phnom Penh. The number of deaths caused by this genocidal campaign has been estimated at between 30,000 and 500,000. Accounts of the devastating impact of this mass terror-bombing leave no doubt that it shattered most of what remained of Cambodian society and provided ideal preconditions for the further expansion of the Khmer Rouge insurgency, in much the same way that the catastrophe of World War I weakened European society so as to open the door for the mass irrationalist movements of fascism and Bolshevism. & quot
The ruin visited upon Cambodia by the Nixon Administration paved the way for Pol Pot and his murderous insurgents. The Khmer Rouge forced the Cambodian people out of the cities and into brutal agrarian slave labor. The end result was the death of some two million Cambodians. [2007] The Cambodian Memory Hole by Paul David Collins

[1990] On the Side of Pol Pot: U.S. Supports Khmer Rouge by Jack Colhoun For the last eleven years the United States government, in a covert operation born of cynicism and hypocrisy, has collaborated with the genocidal Khmer Rouge in Cambodia. More specifically, Washington has covertly aided and abetted the Pol Potists' guerrilla war to overthrow the Vietnamese backed government of Prime Minister Hun Sen, which replaced the Khmer Rouge regime.

The "secret bombing" of Cambodia by the Nixon-Kissinger gang may have killed as many Cambodians as were executed by the Khmer Rouge and surely contributed to the ferocity of Khmer Rouge behavior toward the urban elite and citizenry whose leaders had allied themselves with the foreign terrorists. . Over a fourteen-month period, ending in April 1970, Nixon and Kissinger authorized a total of 3,630 flights over Cambodia by the Pentagon's count, the planes dropped 110,000 tons of bombs. [1997] Pol Pot And Kissinger . On war criminality and impunity by Edward S. Herman

Henry Kissinger's role in the Cambodian genocide, Chile, and East Timor, makes him a first class war criminal, arguably at least in the class of Hitler's Foreign Minister Joachim Von Ribbentrop, hanged in 1946. But Kissinger has the impunity flowing naturally to the leaders and agents of the victorious and dominant power. He gets a Nobel Peace prize, is an honored member of national commissions, and is a favored media guru and guest at public gatherings. [1997] Pol Pot And Kissinger . On war criminality and impunity by Edward S. Herman

T he United States gave direct as well as indirect aid to Pol Pot-in one estimate, $85 million in direct support-and it "pressured UN agencies to supply the Khmer Rouge," which "rapidly improved" the health and capability of Pol Pot's forces after 1979 (Ben Kiernan, "Cambodia's Missed Chance," Indochina Newsletter, Nov.-Dec. 1991). U.S. ally China was a very large arms supplier to Pol Pot, with no penalty from the U.S. and in fact U.S. connivance-Carter's National Security adviser Zbigniew Brzezinski stated that in 1979 "I encouraged the Chinese to support Pol Pot. Pol Pot was an abomination. We could never support him but China could." [1997] Pol Pot And Kissinger . On war criminality and impunity by Edward S. Herman

before Pol Pot came to power in 1975, the United States had devastated Cambodia for the first half of what a Finnish government's study referred to as a "decade" of genocide (not just the four years of Pol Pot's rule, 1975-78). The "secret bombing" of Cambodia by the Nixon-Kissinger gang may have killed as many Cambodians as were executed by the Khmer Rouge and surely contributed to the ferocity of Khmer Rouge behavior toward the urban elite and citizenry whose leaders had allied themselves with the foreign terrorists. [1997] Pol Pot And Kissinger . On war criminality and impunity by Edward S. Herman

. "U.S. B-52s pounded Cambodia for 160 consecutive days [in 1973], dropping more than 240,000 short tons of bombs on rice fields, water buffalo, villages (particularly along the Mekong River) and on such troop positions as the guerrillas might maintain," a tonnage that "represents 50 percent more than the conventional explosives dropped on Japan during World War II". This "constant indiscriminate bombing" was of course carried out against a peasant society with no air force or ground defenses. The Finnish government study estimates that 600,000 people died in this first phase, with 2 million refugees produced. Michael Vickerey estimated 500,000 killed in phase one. [1997] Pol Pot And Kissinger . On war criminality and impunity by Edward S. Herman

Scholars uniformly pointed to the important contribution the first phase made to Khmer Rouge behavior in phase two: by destroying the fabric of society and providing the victors "with the psychological ingredients of a violent, vengeful, and unrelenting social revolution" (David Chandler). But for the mainstream media, phase one did not exist Cambodian history began with Khmer Rouge genocide starting in April 1975. [1997] Pol Pot And Kissinger . On war criminality and impunity by Edward S. Herman

To bring about depopulation of large cities according to the trial run carried out by the Pol Pot regime in Cambodia. It is interesting to note that Pol Pot's genocidal plans were drawn up in the US by one of the Club of Rome's research foundations, and overseen by Thomas Enders, a high-ranking State Department official. It is also interesting that the committee is currently seeking to reinstate the Pol Pot butchers in Cambodia. Targets of the Illuminati and the Committe of 300 By Dr. John Coleman.

What is remarkable about the U.S. coverage of his death is the omission of U.S. complicity in his rise to power, a complicity that sustained him for almost two decades. For the truth is that Pol Pot and the Khmer Rouge would be historical nonentities-and a great many people would be alive today- had Washington not helped bring them to power and the governments of the United States, Britain, China and Thailand not supported them, armed them, sustained them and restored them.
. Between 1969 and 1973, U.S. bombers killed perhaps three-quarters of a million Cambodian peasants in an attempt to destroy North Vietnamese supply bases, many of which did not exist. During one six-month period in 1973, B-52s dropped more bombs on Cambodians, living mostly in straw huts, than were dropped on Japan during all of World War II, the equivalent of five Hiroshimas. The Friends of Pol Pot by John Pilger

One of their favorites was the writer Coudenhove-Kalergi who wrote a book in 1932 entitled "REVOLUTION THROUGH TECHNOLOGY which was a blueprint for the return of the world to a medieval society. The book, in fact, became a working paper for the Committee of 300's plan to deindustrialize the world, starting with the United States. Claiming that pressures of over-population are a serious problem, Kalergi advised a return to what he called "open spaces." Does this sound like the Khmer Rouge and Pol Pot? Here are some extracts from the book:
"In its facilities, the city of the future will resemble the city of the Middle Ages. and he who is not condemned to live in a city because of his occupation, will go to the countryside. Our civilization is a culture of the major cities therefore it is a marsh plant, born by degenerated, sickly and decadent people, who have voluntarily, or involuntarily, ended up in this dead-end street of life."
Isn't that very close to what "AnkarWat" gave as "his" reasons for depopulating Phnom Penh?
. Industry is to be totally destroyed along with nuclear powered energy systems. Only the Committee of 300 members and their elitists shall have the right to any of the earth's resources. Agriculture shall be solely in the hands of the Committee of 300 with food production strictly controlled. As these measures begin to take effect, large populations in the cities shall be forcibly removed to remote areas and those who refuse to go shall be exterminated in the manner of the One World Government experiment carried out by Pol Pot in Cambodia. CONSPIRATORS' HIERARCHY: THE COMMITTEE OF 300 by Dr. John Coleman


What happened at Tuol Sleng prison?

Comrade Duch ran Phnom Penh's S-21 prison, also known as Tuol Sleng, the most notorious Khmer Rouge torture site.

It is thought that at least 15,000 men, women and children deemed enemies of the regime passed through the gates of the former school-turned-prison.

Most of them were tortured, forced to confess to fictitious crimes against the Khmer Rouge and then put to death at the so-called "killing fields" just outside the capital.

Prisoners were initially officials from the old government, people accused of being middle class and later mainly Khmer Rouge members suspected of disloyalty.

The guards, who were often teenagers, forced the prisoners to write detailed confessions to whatever they were accused of and implicate friends and family who were then imprisoned in turn.

Those who survived the torture where eventually taken to the "killing fields" at Choeung Ek where they were killed, sometimes after digging their own mass graves.


In the history of totalitarian states, Pol Pot’s Khmer Rouge regime comes forth as one of the most brutal and inhumane because of the sheer number of people who died because of Pol Pot’s machinations.

In the four years that the Khmer Rouge laid waste to Cambodia, it is estimated that upward to two million people died due to overwork, starvation and government violence that led to the arrest, detention and subsequent execution of perceived enemies of the Khmer Rouge.

Khmer Rouge Killing Fields | Jeremy Canuto

What started as a hopeful union between right-wing military forces and Pol Pot’s forces soon became a nightmare for Cambodians as the subsequent social engineering failed, even with the support of China.

The Killing Fields

One would think that spaces where unspeakable crimes against humanity would rather be covered up and buried, to prevent these sites from harming the psyche of the future generations in Cambodia.

But history is as much a balm as a somber reminder of things that must not be repeated, so Cambodia, instead of ‘covering up and forgetting’ the Khmer Rouge killing fields, decided to create memorials, museums, and historical sites to explain what these sites were, not just to the ever-curious international community, but to the young Cambodians who deserve to know the truth.

Khmer Rouge Killing Fields | Jim George

And the truth is at one point in history, the country suffered from systematic genocide that claimed millions of lives. Surely a mouthful that no one can really swallow, but it is what it is. One of these sites is the S-21 Genocide Museum in Phnom Penh, which used to be the most notorious prisons used by the regime. Around 17,000 men, women, and children were imprisoned and executed at this site alone.

If the military didn’t get them first, diseases and starvation, as well as overwork from the “communal farms” killed them. What Pol Pot thought was the beginning of a glorious return to “Year Zero” turned out to be a dystopian twisting of communism. None of what Pol Pot did could be qualified as neither revolutionary nor scientific. The Khmer Rouge regime, for all intents and purposes, was an oppressive, totalitarian regime that decimated enemies and suppressed intellectuals, branding them as enemies of the state.

Misdade teen die mensdom

It is unfortunate that so many years after the fall of Pol Pot’s regime, only three people have been sentenced by the United Nations tribunal for crimes against humanity.

Torture Room – Khmer Rouge | ScreenPunk

The prosecution against surviving Khmer Rouge leaders began in 2009. Pol Pot himself died in his jungle home after he was denounced by fellow Party members. He did not live long enough to be brought to justice, as he died in his sleep, presumably due to cardiac arrest.

Only two top leaders of the regime live to this day – Khieu Samphan and Nuon Chea. Samphan served as the KR’s chief diplomat. He was once one of the most respectable politicians in Cambodia, as he also served as the international face of the regime.

Nuon Chea, who was slightly older than Samphan, was the chief ideologue of the KR. The two had been neighbors (as cellmates) since the legal proceedings began, and both have also been found guilty of genocide against the Cambodian people in 2018. The third person to be sentenced is Kaing Guek Eav, who was sentenced to life for his lead participation in running the infamous Tuol Sleng prison.

Both Samphan and Chea have been noted as to saying that “bygones should be bygones,” and that they “only killed bad people.” The current sentences say otherwise.


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