Segregasie in die Verenigde State

Segregasie in die Verenigde State


We are searching data for your request:

Forums and discussions:
Manuals and reference books:
Data from registers:
Wait the end of the search in all databases.
Upon completion, a link will appear to access the found materials.

Segregasie is die gebruik om afsonderlike behuising, opvoeding en ander dienste vir kleurlinge te vereis. In die 18de en 19de-eeuse Amerika is verskeie kere wetgewing geskei omdat sommige geglo het dat swart en wit mense nie saam kon bestaan ​​nie.

In die aanloop tot die bevryding van slawe onder die Dertiende Wysiging, het afskaffingsbewustes geargumenteer oor wat die lot van slawe moet wees sodra hulle bevry is. Een groep het vir kolonisasie gepleit, hetsy deur die voorheen slawe na Afrika terug te keer of hul eie tuisland te skep. In 1862 erken president Abraham Lincoln die voormalige slawelande van Haïti en Liberië, in die hoop om kanale vir kolonisasie oop te maak, met die kongres wat $ 600 000 toewys om te help. Alhoewel die koloniseringsplan nie uitgewerk het nie, het die land eerder 'n pad van wettige verpligte segregasie aangepak.

Black Codes en Jim Crow

Die eerste stappe in die rigting van amptelike segregasie het gekom in die vorm van 'Black Codes'. Dit was wette wat omstreeks 1865 in die suide aangeneem is, wat die meeste aspekte van die lewe van swart mense bepaal het, insluitend waar hulle kon werk en woon. Die kodes verseker ook dat swart mense beskikbaar is vir goedkoop arbeid nadat slawerny afgeskaf is.

Segregasie het gou 'n amptelike beleid geword wat toegepas is deur 'n reeks suidelike wette. Deur middel van sogenaamde Jim Crow-wette (vernoem na 'n afbrekende term vir swartes), het wetgewers alles van skole tot woongebiede tot openbare parke tot teaters tot swembaddens tot begraafplase, asiel, tronke en woonhuise geskei. Daar was aparte wagkamers vir blankes en swart mense in professionele kantore, en in 1915 het Oklahoma die eerste staat geword wat selfs openbare telefoonhokkies geskei het.

Kolleges is geskei en aparte swart instellings soos Howard University in Washington, DC en Fisk University in Nashville, Tennessee, is geskep om te vergoed. Virginia se Hampton Institute is in 1869 gestig as 'n skool vir swart jeugdiges, maar met blanke instrukteurs wat vaardighede leer om swart mense in diensposisies na blankes te verplaas.

LEES MEER: Hoe die swart kodes die vordering van Afro -Amerikaanse na die burgeroorlog beperk

Die Hooggeregshof en Segregasie

In 1875 het die uittredende Republikeinse beheerde Huis en Senaat 'n wetsontwerp op burgerregte aangeneem wat diskriminasie in skole, kerke en openbare vervoer verbied. Maar die wetsontwerp is skaars toegepas en is in 1883 deur die Hooggeregshof omgekeer.

In 1896 het die Hooggeregshof beslis Plessy v. Ferguson daardie skeiding was grondwetlik. Die uitspraak het die idee van 'apart maar gelyk' gevestig. Die saak het betrekking op 'n gemengde ras wat gedwing is om in die swart motor te sit onder die Louisiana's Separate Car Act.

Behuising Segregasie

As deel van die segregeringsbeweging het sommige stede soneringswette ingestel wat swart gesinne verbied het om in wit-dominante blokke in te trek. In 1917, as deel van Buchanan v. Warley, het die Hooggeregshof bevind dat die sonering ongrondwetlik was omdat dit die eiendomsreg van eienaars belemmer het.

Met die gebruik van skuiwergate in die uitspraak in die 1920's, het Herbert Hoover, minister van handel, 'n federale soneringskomitee gestig om plaaslike rade te oorreed om reëls te aanvaar wat verhoed dat gesinne met 'n laer inkomste in middelinkomste woonbuurte verhuis, 'n poging wat op swart gesinne gemik was. Richmond, Virginia, het bepaal dat mense verblyfreg mag verbied op enige blok waar hulle nie wettiglik met die meerderheid inwoners kan trou nie. Dit maak 'n beroep op Virginia se huwelikswet teen gemengde rasse en was tegnies nie in stryd met die uitspraak van die Hooggeregshof nie.

Segregasie tydens die groot migrasie

Tydens die Groot Migrasie, 'n tydperk tussen 1916 en 1970, het ses miljoen Afro -Amerikaners die Suide verlaat. Groot getalle het noordoos beweeg en diskriminasie en segregasie gerapporteer soortgelyk aan wat hulle in die Suide beleef het.

So laat as in die veertigerjare was dit nog steeds moontlik om bordjies met slegs 'blankes' op besighede in die noorde te vind. Geskeide skole en woonbuurte het bestaan, en selfs na die Tweede Wêreldoorlog het swart aktiviste vyandige reaksies gerapporteer toe swart mense probeer het om na wit woonbuurte te trek.






The Green Book: The Black Travellers 'Guide to Jim Crow America

Segregasie en die Openbare Werke Administrasie

Die pogings van die Openbare Werke -administrasie om behuising te bou vir mense wat tydens die Groot Depressie ontheem was, het gefokus op huise vir blanke gesinne in wit gemeenskappe. Slegs 'n klein deel huise is vir swart gesinne gebou, en dit was beperk tot gesegregeerde swart gemeenskappe.

In sommige stede is voorheen geïntegreerde gemeenskappe deur die PWA afgebreek en deur gesegregeerde projekte vervang. Die rede vir die polis was dat swart gesinne eiendomswaardes sou laat daal.

Rooi voering

Vanaf die dertigerjare het die Federale Huisleningsbank en die Huiseienaarsleningskorporasie saamgespan om kaarte te maak met gemerkte gebiede wat as 'n slegte risiko vir verbande beskou word, in 'n praktyk wat bekend staan ​​as 'rooi voering'. Die gebiede wat in rooi gemerk is as 'gevaarlik', beskryf tipies swart woonbuurte. Hierdie soort kartering het gekonsentreerde armoede gekarteer, aangesien (meestal swart) inwoners in rooi omlyngebiede geen toegang tot of baie duur toegang tot lenings gehad het nie.

LEES MEER: Hoe 'n New Deal -behuisingsprogram segregasie afdwing

Die praktyk het eers in die sewentigerjare begin eindig. Toe, in 2008, het 'n stelsel van "omgekeerde rooi voering", wat krediet op onbillike voorwaardes met subprima-lenings uitgebrei het, 'n hoër afskermingskoers in swart woonbuurte tydens die behuisingskrisis veroorsaak.

Behuisingskeiding

In 1948 het die Hooggeregshof beslis dat 'n Swart gesin die reg het om in hul nuut gekoopte huis in 'n stil woonbuurt in St. Louis in te trek, ondanks 'n verbond uit 1911 wat die gebruik van die eiendom in die gebied verhinder het deur " enige persoon wat nie van die Kaukasiese ras is nie. ” In Shelley v. Kramer het advokate van die National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), onder leiding van Thurgood Marshall, aangevoer dat die toestemming van sulke verbintenisse net vir wit mense nie net moreel verkeerd is nie, maar ook strategies mislei word in 'n tyd waarin die land probeer 'n verenigde, anti-Sowjet-agenda onder president Harry Truman bevorder. Burgerregte -aktiviste het die belangrike saak as 'n voorbeeld beskou van hoe om te begin met die onbehoorlike afsondering van segregasie op federale vlak.

Terwyl die Hooggeregshof beslis het dat wit verbonde nie afdwingbaar is nie, is die speelveld van eiendomme skaars gelyk. Die Huisvestingswet van 1949 is deur Truman voorgestel om 'n tekort aan huisvesting op te los wat veroorsaak word deur soldate wat uit die Tweede Wêreldoorlog teruggekeer het. Die wet het behuising slegs vir blankes gesubsidieer, en selfs bepaal dat swart gesinne selfs nie by herverkoop die huise kon koop nie. Die program het daartoe gelei dat die regering wit vlug uit stede gefinansier het.

Een van die berugste van die wit gemeenskappe wat deur die Wet op Behuising geskep is, was Levittown, New York, wat in 1949 gebou is en gevolg deur ander Levittowns op verskillende plekke.

Segregasie in skole

Die skeiding van kinders in openbare skole is in 1954 deur die Hooggeregshof as ongrondwetlik geskrap met Brown v. Board of Education. Die saak is oorspronklik in Topeka, Kansas, aanhangig gemaak nadat die sewejarige Linda Brown van die wit skole daar verwerp is.

'N Opvolgingsmening het besluitneming by plaaslike howe ingedien, wat sommige distrikte in staat gestel het om die desegregasie van skole te trotseer. Dit het gelei tot 'n kragmeting in Little Rock, Arkansas, in 1957, toe president Dwight D. Eisenhower federale troepe ontplooi het om te verseker dat nege swart studente die hoërskool binnegaan nadat die goewerneur van Arkansas, Orval Faubus, die National Guard ingeroep het om hulle te blokkeer.

Toe Rosa Parks in 1955 gearresteer is nadat sy geweier het om haar busstoel aan 'n wit man in Montgomery, Alabama, af te staan, het die burgerregtebeweging ernstig begin. Deur die pogings van organiseerders soos dr. Martin Luther King jr. En die gevolglike protesoptredes, is die Wet op Burgerregte in 1964 onderteken, wat diskriminasie verbied, hoewel desegregasie veral in skole 'n stadige proses was.

LEES MEER: Hoe Dolls gehelp het om Brown v. Onderwysraad te wen

Boston Bus Crisis

Een van die ergste voorvalle van anti-integrasie het plaasgevind in 1974. Geweld het in Boston uitgebreek toe howe 'n busstelsel opdrag gegee het om swart studente van oorwegend Roxbury na skole in Suid-Boston te vervoer, en omgekeerd om die probleme met die skeiding van skole in die stad op te los, en omgekeerd .

Die staat het die wet op die uitskakeling van rassebalans in 1965 goedgekeur, maar dit is deur die Ierse Katolieke opposisie in die hof gehou. Die polisie het die swart studente beskerm terwyl daar 'n paar dae van geweld tussen die polisie en inwoners van Southie uitgebreek het. Wit skare het die busse met beledigings begroet, en verdere geweld het ontstaan ​​tussen inwoners van Southie en weerwraak in Roxbury. Staatstroepe is ontbied totdat die geweld na 'n paar weke bedaar het.

Segregasie in die 21ste eeu

Segregasie duur voort in die 21ste eeu. Studies toon dat hoewel die publiek geïntegreerde skole oorweldigend ondersteun, maar slegs 'n derde van die Amerikaners wil hê dat die regering se ingryping dit moet toepas.

Die term “apartheidskole” beskryf steeds bestaande, grootliks gesegregeerde skole, waar blankes 0 tot 10 persent van die studentegroep uitmaak. Die verskynsel weerspieël residensiële segregasie in stede en gemeenskappe regoor die land, wat nie geskep word deur openlik rassewette nie, maar deur plaaslike verordeninge wat minderhede buite verhouding teiken.

Bronne

Van die begin af gestempel: Die definitiewe geskiedenis van rassistiese idees in Amerika deur Ibram X. Kendi, uitgegee deur Bodley Head.
Die saak vir herstel deur Ta-Nehisi Coates, Die Atlanties.
Ontmanteling van Desegregasie deur Gary Orfield en Susan E. Eaton deur die New Press.


Rasseskeiding in die Amerikaanse weermag

Die oorlog vir onafhanklikheid Mense van Afrika -afkoms het aan elke Amerikaanse oorlog deelgeneem. Inderdaad, swart rewolusionêre het gedien voordat die kolonies 'n nasie geword het in die oorlog vir onafhanklikheid. Afro-Amerikaanse slawe en vrymanne het uiteindelik aan beide kante in die konflik gedien. Na raming het ongeveer 5000 swart soldate in beide die noordelike en suidelike kolonies skouer aan skouer saam met wit eweknieë in die kontinentale leër gedien. Ten minste 20 000 swartes het saam met die Britte gedien. Swartes het aanvanklik in die noordelike milisies gedien, maar in die suide is dit verbied omdat slawe gevrees het vir die bewapening van slawe. Lord Dunmore, koninklike goewerneur van Virginia, het dit verander deur 'n emansipasie -afkondiging in November 1775 uit te reik, wat vryheid verleen aan weglopers wat vir die Britte sou veg. Sir Henry Clinton, Britse bevelvoerder in New York, het 'n soortgelyke bevel in 1779 uitgevaardig. Meer as 100 000 slawe het na Britse linies ontsnap, maar waarskynlik het slegs 'n duisend met wapens gedien. Talle ander vervul nie-gevegsrolle. Meer as die helfte van die swart soldate in Britse magte is dood aan pokke. Nog meer is verdryf toe kos opraak. Die meerderheid is nooit vryheid verleen nie.* As gevolg van 'n tekort aan mannekrag het generaal George Washington in Januarie 1776 'n verbod op swart toetrede tot die kontinentale leër opgehef. Heel-swart eenhede is in Rhode Island en Massachusetts gevorm. Baie slawe het in hul meesters se plek gedien. 'N Ander swart eenheid het met Franse magte uit Haïti aangekom. Swart vrywilligers het by die guerrilla -eenhede in Suid -Carolina gedien - insluitend dié van Francis Marion,#34Swamp Fox " - soms die helfte van sy troepesterkte. Swart vegters het voortgegaan nadat baie van hul wit eweknieë deur malaria geval is. Eersgenoemde was egter immuun teen die siekte, danksy sekelvormige selle in hul bloedstrome. Die oorlog van 1812 Weens 'n chroniese tekort aan mannekrag tydens die Oorlog van 1812, was 25 persent van die vlooteskadrons beman deur Afro-Amerikaanse rekrute tydens die Slag van Lake Erie. 'N Wet van 1792 wat swart toelating tot die weermag verbied, bestaan ​​egter tot 1862. Prominente 19de-eeuse Afro-Amerikaners, insluitend burgerregte-leiers Frederick Douglass en W.E.B. DuBois, het mede -swartes aangemoedig om by die weermag aan te meld om dapperheid en lojaliteit aan die dag te lê en hul posisie in die Amerikaanse samelewing te verhoog. Mexikaanse Oorlog Tydens die Mexikaanse Oorlog het baie Afro-Amerikaanse soldate as amptenare gedien. Soldate van die Louisiana Battalion of Free Men het deelgeneem. Afro -Amerikaners het ook op vlootvaartuie gedien. Die Burgeroorlog Gewoonlik het Afro-Amerikaanse soldate, gewoonlik onder wit geleide, nie-gevegte arbeidseenhede, hulself as vrywilligers vir stryd- en mediese veldtogte aangemeld. Vrymanne en weglopers het aan die kant van die Unie aangemeld. Meer as 186,000 Afro -Amerikaners bedien, bestaande uit 163 eenhede. Baie meer het in die Unie -vloot gedien. Die 54ste Massachusetts Volunteer Infantry Regiment het beroemd geword. Een van sy eerste swart eenhede, saamgestel uit bevryde swart slawe uit die noordelike state, het op 18 Julie 1863 roem verwerf in die Slag van Battery Wagner, 'n Konfederale fort op 'n eiland naby Charleston, Suid -Carolina. Alhoewel 'n onsuksesvolle Unie -aanslag groot ongevalle opgedoen het, kon Kompanjie C daarin slaag om 'n gedeelte van die fort vas te vang. Eenheidsleier kolonel Robert Gould Shaw is dood. Die sersant met die kleure is ook getref, maar sersant William H. Carney het die vlag gehaal. Nadat hy beveel is om terug te trek, het Carney die vlag gedra terwyl hy 'n hewige vuur in die gesig gestaar het en die oorblywende mans na 'n borsteling gelei waar hy dit geplant het voordat hy teruggeval het. Hy is twee keer gewond, maar het oorleef as die eerste swart soldaat wat die Erepenning ontvang het (23 Mei 1900). Aan die Konfederale kant het vrymanne en slawe in arbeidsbendes gedien. Daar was baie debat oor die vraag of hulle hulle wil bewapen. Op 13 Maart 1865 het die Konfederale kongres 'n statuut uitgevaardig om Afro-Amerikaanse inskrywing toe te laat, maar min is gewerf. Indiese oorloë Van die 1870's tot 1900's is Afro-Amerikaanse eenhede ontplooi om inheemse Amerikaners te beveg. Die kongres het toestemming gegee om gesegregeerde Afro-Amerikaanse regimente vir die naoorlogse leër, onder bevel van wit offisiere **: die 9de en 10de Kavallerieregimente en die 38ste tot en met 41ste Infanterieregimente. Hulle was hoofsaaklik in die suidweste en die groot vlaktes gestasioneer om forte te bou en orde te handhaaf op 'n grens met onwettiges en beset deur inheemse Amerikaners wat sukkel met landgrypers. Die swart kavalerie -eenhede was bekend as "Buffalo Soldiers ". Die troepe is deur die Cheyenne so genoem vir hul donker vel en hare, sowel as hul gevegsvermoë. Uiteindelik het die regimente saamgesmelt tot die 4de Kavalerie Brigade, onder leiding van die eerste swart generaal van die weermag, Benjamin O. Davis Sr. Dertien inskrywings en ses offisiere van die vier regimente verwerf die Medal of Honor tydens die Indiese oorloë. Buffelsoldate het ook in nie-gevegte gedien. Spaans-Amerikaanse oorlog Buffelsoldate het ook aan die Spaans-Amerikaanse oorlog deelgeneem en die Mexikaanse grens bewaak. Beide kavalerieregimente het op die eiland Kuba geveg, wat optrede op die San Juan -heuwel ingesluit het. John J. Pershing versus Pancho Villa Die 10de Kavalerieregiment gedien onder J.J. Pershing teen die Mexikaanse rewolusionêre Pancho Villa in 1916. Tydens die strafekspedisie en die Filippyns-Amerikaanse oorlog is nog vyf eremedaljes deur Afro-Amerikaners verdien. Eerste Wêreldoorlog Afro -Amerikaners het gedurende hierdie oorlog geskei gebly. Baie swartes was nog steeds vrywillig. Meer as 350 000 Afro -Amerikaners het in die Amerikaanse ekspedisiemag aan die westelike front gedien. Die meeste swart eenhede is oorgedra na nie-gevegsrolle. Die 369th Infantry "Hell Fighters van Harlem " het egter ses maande langer gedien as enige ander eenheid. Hulle het bekendheid verwerf vir dapperheid en bekwaamheid in gevegte, en word bekroon met die Croix de Guerre deur die Franse bondgenote. Honderd een en sewentig soldate verdien Legioen van verdienste medaljes. Die enigste Medal of Honor wat aan 'n swart soldaat toegeken is, is op 24 April 1991 postuum aan Freddie Stowers van die 371ste Infanterieregiment oorhandig. Tweede Wereldoorlog Terwyl die Tweede Wêreldoorlog opdaag, het die VSA gekant teen fascistiese regimes en hul rassistiese ideologie, maar 'n geskatte 10 persent van Afro-Amerikaanse burgers het basiese burgerregte en geleenthede ontbreek. Twee en 'n halfmiljoen swart mans het egter vir die konsep geregistreer. Meer as een miljoen sal in alle takke dien, insluitend 125,000 oorsee. Daarbenewens het duisende Afro-Amerikaanse vroue vrywillig aangebied om gevegsverpleegsters te word. Tydens [: Pearl Harbor] -aanval het ene Doris Miller, 'n vloot-gemorswagter, 'n lugafweergeweer op Japannese vliegtuie beman en afgevuur (wat hom die eerste vlootkruis van die aanval besorg het. Afro-Amerikaners plaas druk op die Amerikaanse regering vir rasse-gelykheid in die weermag. Die NAACP, Urban League en ander organisasies het suksesvol 'n beroep op die Withuis en die weermag gedoen om amptenaarskole te integreer en geleenthede vir swart eenhede uit te brei. In 'n gedeeltelike reaksie het die regering 'n heeltemal swart militêre lugvaartprogram by die Tuskegee Institute in Alabama opgestel, maar is deur Afro-Amerikaners gekritiseer vir voortgesette segregasie. Tog het van 1942 tot 1946 byna 1000 Afro-Amerikaanse vegvliegtuie en bomwerpervlieëniers opgelei by die gesegregeerde Tuskegee (Ala.) Army Air Field en 450 in die buiteland gedien. In Mei 1943 is Tuskegee-opgeleide vlieëniers na Noord-Afrika gestuur om by die Geallieerdes aan te sluit. Hulle is gelei deur destyds kaptein Benjamin O. Davis jr. Hulle het meer as 150 000 uitstappies oor Noord -Afrika, die Middellandse See en Europa gevlieg. Hulle het geallieerde bomwerpers begelei terwyl hulle meer as 250 vyandelike vliegtuie in die lug en nog 150 op die grond vernietig het. Prestasies deur die 99ste vegvliegtuig, veral in samewerking met die geheel-wit 79ste vegvliegtuiggroep in Oktober 1943, het gehelp om die weg te lê vir die integrasie van die lugmag. Die Tuskegee Airmen het hulself onderskei deur die enigste vegvliegtuig te word wat nooit 'n bomwerper weens vyandelike optrede verloor het nie. Op 29 Maart 2007 ontvang die Tuskegee -vlieëniers die goue medalje van die kongres by die Smithsonian Institution, die hoogste eer wat die kongres aan burgerlikes verleen. Baie Tuskegee -veeartse het die reis na Washington, DC onderneem vir die seremonie. President Bush en minister van buitelandse sake Powell lewer opmerkings. Die president erken die veterane vir hul diens te midde van ontelbare rasse -beledigings. Die geskiedenis van die eenheid bly grootliks onbekend, maar 'n film uit 1995, Tuskegee Airmen, het baie gedoen om hul prestasies gewild te maak. Teen die einde van die oorlog (1944-45) het die weermag begin eksperimenteer met geïntegreerde eenhede om menstekorte tydens die Slag van die Bulge te hanteer. Tagtig persent van die wit offisiere wat ondervra is, het gerapporteer dat swart soldate baie goed gevaar het in die geveg, 69 % sien geen rede waarom Afro-Amerikaanse infanteriste nie so goed sou presteer met dieselfde opleiding en ervaring nie. Die president tree op In die Verenigde State het rassisme egter voortgeduur. Toe teruggekeerde Afro-Amerikaanse veeartse slagoffers word van geweld in Suid-Carolina en Georgië, stuur president Harry S. Truman 'n pakket hervormings vir burgerregte aan die kongres, en as bevelvoerder beveel hy die skeiding van die weermag. Teen die einde van die Koreaanse Oorlog (1953) is die weermag byna gedesegregeer, insluitend basiskole en busse.

*Tans woon afstammelinge van swart lojaliste in Kanada. ** Uitsondering: Henry O. Flipper.


Inhoud

Agtergrond wysig

Die eerste Afrikaanse slawe is in 1619 na Amerika gebring. [1] Dit was net nege jaar nadat Britse setlaars die eerste permanente nedersetting in Amerika in Jamestown, Virginia, geskep het. [2]

Abolisioniste het in die middel van die 1700's probeer om slawerny onwettig te maak. [4] Teen 1804 het al die noordelike state slawerny beëindig. [4] Nie een van die suidelike state het dit gehad nie. [4] Die suidelike state het geglo dat slawerny hulle reg was, en hulle wou dit nie prysgee nie. Katoen het 'n baie belangrike gewas in die Suide geword. Eienaars van groot katoenplantasies was gewoond daaraan dat slawe gratis werk moes doen, wat die plantasie -eienaars ryker gemaak het omdat hulle niemand hoef te betaal om te werk nie. [5] pp. 232–233

Uiteindelik het die Suide probeer om die Verenigde State te verlaat. [5] bl. 278 Dit het die Amerikaanse burgeroorlog veroorsaak. Die Noorde het gewen, en in 1865 het die dertiende wysiging van die Amerikaanse grondwet slawerny oral in die land onwettig gemaak. [6] In 1868 en 1870 gee die veertiende en vyftiende wysigings Afro-Amerikaners burgerskap en gee hulle stemreg. [6]

Segregasie gaan voort in die South Edit

Die verlies van die burgeroorlog het nie die idees van mense oor Afro-Amerikaanse mense verander nie. Tydens slawerny het slawe -eienaars slawe nie as mense gesien nie. Hulle het dit as eiendom beskou, dinge om te koop en te verkoop, soos diere wat jy op 'n plaas sou gebruik. [2] Na die oorlog het baie wit mense nog steeds nie Afro-Amerikaners as gelyk aan blankes beskou nie.

Vanaf 1890 het die wit wetgewers in die suidelike state staatswette begin aanvaar wat skeiding vereis. [7] Hierdie rassistiese wette het bekend geword as Jim Crow -wette. Swartes kon byvoorbeeld nie: [8]

  • Gaan na dieselfde skole, restaurante of hospitale as blankes
  • Gebruik dieselfde badkamers as blankes, of drink uit dieselfde fonteine
  • Sit voor blankes op busse

In 1896, in 'n saak genaamd Plessy v. Ferguson, het die Hooggeregshof beslis dat hierdie wette wettig was. Hulle het gesê dat segregasie goed was, solank dinge 'afsonderlik maar gelyk' was. [9] In die Suide was alles apart. Plekke soos swart skole en biblioteke het egter baie minder geld gekry en was nie so goed soos plekke vir blankes nie. [9] [10] [11] Dinge was apart, maar nie gelyk nie.

Afsondering het Afro-Amerikaners daarvan weerhou om die basiese regte te hê wat die stigters in die Grondwet van die Verenigde State geskryf het. Wetgewers, regeringsamptenare, stemgeregtigdes en polisiebeamptes was almal wit. Dit het verhoed dat Afro-Amerikaners enige stem in hul regering kon hê om dieselfde stemreg te kry as wit mense wat polisiebeamptes hulle beskerm of geregtigheid kan kry vir misdade teen hulle. Omdat hulle nie kon vertrou dat wit polisiemagte hulle beskerm nie, het geweld teen Afro-Amerikaners, veral lynchings, toegeneem. [11] Omdat Afro-Amerikaners nie kon stem nie, kon hulle ook nie in die jurie dien nie. [12] [13] Dit het beteken dat as 'n swart persoon ooit vir 'n misdaad teregstaan, die jurie heeltemal wit sou wees.

Regoor die Verenigde State Redigeer

Probleme was die ergste in die Suide. Afro-Amerikaners het egter op ander plekke deur verskillende soorte segregasie gegaan. [14]

Regoor die Verenigde State was skeiding in behuising 'n probleem. Baie Afro-Amerikaners kon nie verbandlenings kry om huise te koop nie. Makelaars sou nie swart mense huise verkoop in die voorstede, waar wit mense gewoon het nie. Hulle sou ook nie woonstelle in wit gebiede huur nie. [15] Tot in die vyftigerjare het die federale regering niks hieraan gedoen nie. [15]

Toe hy in 1913 verkies word, het president Woodrow Wilson regeringskantore geskei. Hy het geglo dat segregasie die beste vir almal was. [16]

Swart mense het in die Eerste en Tweede Wêreldoorlog geveg. Die weermag was egter geskei swart offisiere moes selfs 'n paar militêre basisse binnegaan deur aparte ingange van wit offisiere. Swart soldate het ook nie dieselfde geleenthede as blanke soldate gekry nie. Uiteindelik, in 1948, het president Harry Truman die weermag geskei. [17]

Vroeë aktivisme Redigeer

Afro -Amerikaners het op baie maniere probeer om teen diskriminasie terug te keer. Hulle het meestal probeer om die howe te gebruik om geregtigheid te bekom. Byvoorbeeld, in 1909 is die National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) gestig. Die doel daarvan was om rassediskriminasie te beëindig deur regsgedinge, opvoeding en lobby. [18]

Uiteindelik het baie Afro -Amerikaners egter gefrustreerd geraak en die idee om stadige, wettige strategieë te gebruik om desegregasie te bewerkstellig, afkeer. In plaas daarvan het Afro -Amerikaanse aktiviste besluit om 'n kombinasie van protes, geweldloosheid en burgerlike ongehoorsaamheid te gebruik. Dit is hoe die Burgerregtebeweging van 1954-1968 begin het.

Burgerregtebeweging Wysig

Van ongeveer 1954 tot 1968 het baie Afro-Amerikaanse mense-en wit bondgenote-geveg om rasseskeiding te beëindig. Die beweging was afhanklik van nie-gewelddadige protesoptogte, optredes, optogte, burgerlike ongehoorsaamheid en regsgedinge. Sy oorwinnings sluit in: [1]

  • Brown v. Onderwysraad (1954) wat segregasie in skole onwettig gemaak het
  • Die Montgomery Bus Boikot (1955-1956), wat alle busskeiding in Alabama beëindig het
  • Laat federale soldate die Little Rock Central High School vir die eerste nege swart studente skei (1957)
  • Sit-ins (1958-1960), wat sommige winkels, middagete en ander plekke in die land geskei het
  • Amerikaanse soldate laat dwing om die Mississippi Southern College en die Universiteit van Alabama hul eerste swart studente in te laat
  • Skeiding van ondernemings in die sentrum van Birmingham, Alabama
  • Die burgerregtewet van 1964, die stemregwet van 1965 en die burgerregtewet van 1968 het geslaag. Hierdie federale wette het dit onwettig gemaak om teen swart mense te diskrimineer, om te verhoed dat hulle stem, en dat hulle nie billike behuising het nie

Hierdie oorwinnings was nie maklik nie. Betogers is dikwels gedreig en aangeval. Leiers se huise is gebombardeer. [1] In Birmingham het die polisie betogers, waaronder kinders, met polisiehonde en brandslange aangeval en dit toe tronk toe geneem. [19] In ander stede het die polisie betogers met klubs geslaan en op studentebetogings afgeskiet. [1] Drie van die leiers van die beweging - Martin Luther King, Jr., Malcolm X en Medgar Evers - is vermoor. [1]

Niemand weet presies hoeveel mense tydens die Burgerregtebeweging dood is nie. [20] Minstens 37 mense is egter vermoor, óf omdat hulle burgerregte verrig het, óf omdat rassistiese blanke groepe soos die Ku Klux Klan en die Wit Burgerraad swart mense wou terroriseer. [a] [21] Twaalf van hierdie mense was kinders of tieners toe hulle vermoor is. [21]

Uiteindelik het die Beweging daarin geslaag om die wette wat segregasie moontlik gemaak het, te verwyder. Die houding is egter moeiliker om te verander, en rassisme bestaan ​​steeds in die Verenigde State.

'N Swart man drink uit 'n "gekleurde" drinkfontein in Oklahoma City (1939)

Teken by 'n behuisingsprojek in Detroit (1942)

Rosa Parks word gearresteer omdat sy geweier het om agter 'n wit persoon op 'n bus te sit (1955)

'N Bord op 'n restaurantvenster in Lancaster, Ohio

Amerikaanse marshals beskerm die 6-jarige Ruby Bridges, die enigste swart kind in 'n Louisiana-skool (1960)

In die vroeë 1800's het die Verenigde State verder in die suide gegroei. Wit Amerikaners wou meer grond hê om katoen te plant. Baie verskillende inheemse Amerikaanse stamme het egter gewoon in die lande wat die Verenigde State wou oorneem. [22]

Andrew Jackson was 'n groot voorstander van 'Indiese verwydering' - inheemse Amerikaners oortuig of dwing om die suide te verlaat en weswaarts te trek, buite die Verenigde State. Eers as 'n generaal -majoor in die Amerikaanse weermag, en daarna as president, het hy die Verenigde State se "Indiese verwydering" -program gelei. [22]

Indiese verwydering Redigeer

Die program begin in 1814, toe Jackson 'n groep soldate gelei het wat die Creek Indiane verslaan het. Hy het hulle gedwing om 'n verdrag te onderteken om meer as 20 miljoen hektaar van hul grond aan die Verenigde State af te staan. Gedurende die volgende tien jaar het Jackson nege ander stamme gekry om verdrae te onderteken wat hul grond prysgee. [22]

In 1829 word Jackson president. Dieselfde jaar is goud in Georgië gevind, wat 'n goue stormloop veroorsaak het. [23] Dit het net veroorsaak dat wit mense in die Verenigde State beheer oor die Suide nog meer wou hê. In 1830 het Jackson die Indian Removal Act van 1830 aangeneem. Die wet het die stamme belowe dat hulle vir ewig op hul nuwe lande kan woon en deur die Amerikaanse regering beskerm kan word. [24] Teen die tyd dat sy presidentskap in 1837 geëindig het, het Jackson inheemse Amerikaners gekry om byna 70 verdrae te onderteken om hul grond prys te gee. Byna 50 000 inheemse Amerikaners verhuis na die "Indian Territory" wes van die Mississippirivier. Die regering het egter reeds 'n plan gehad om hulle in 'n kleiner gebied in die huidige oostelike Oklahoma te dwing. [22]

Die spoor van trane wysig

Die Cherokee -nasie het geweier om hul grond te verlaat. Hulle het selfs die Hooggeregshof van die Verenigde State laat besluit dat hulle soewerein is en nie die wette van die Verenigde State hoef te volg nie. [25] Jackson het hierdie uitspraak eenvoudig geïgnoreer. In 1835 het hy 'n klein groepie Cherokee om 'n verdrag te onderteken om hul grond te verlaat. [26] Die res van die Cherokee -nasie het probeer om hul lande te behou. In 1838 het die Amerikaanse weermag en die Georgia -burgermag hulle egter gedwing om hul land te verlaat. [27] Op wat bekend staan ​​as die 'Trail of Tears', is ongeveer 15 000 Cherokee gedwing om meer as 2 000 myl na Oklahoma te stap. [28] Ongeveer 4 000 is langs die pad dood. [29] [30]

Teen die 1840's, behalwe vir 'n paar Seminole -Indiane wat in Florida gewoon het, was daar geen inheemse Amerikaners in die Amerikaanse Suide oor nie. [22]

Besprekings wysig

In 1851 het die Amerikaanse kongres 'n wet aanvaar wat Indiese voorbehoude in Oklahoma geskep het. [31] Blanke setlaars het reeds begin trek na die lande waarheen die inheemse Amerikaners gedwing is om te trek. Dit veroorsaak konflikte tussen blankes en inheemse Amerikaners. Die doel van die voorbehoude was om die inheemse Amerikaners van wit setlaars te skei. [31]

In 1868 besluit president Ulysses S. Grant om meer voorbehoude te maak en inheemse Amerikaanse stamme wat in die weste gewoon het, te dwing om na hulle te verhuis. [32] Saam met die afsondering van die inheemse Amerikaners en die opruiming van hul grond vir wit gebruik, was Grant van plan om kerkamptenare die voorbehoude te laat bestuur sodat hulle die stamme die Christendom kon leer. [33]

Die mag van die [federale] regering oor hierdie oorblyfsels van 'n ras [wat eens] magtig was. noodsaaklik is vir hul beskerming sowel as vir die veiligheid van diegene onder wie hulle [woon].
- Die Hooggeregshof, in VS teen Kagama [34]

Baie stamme het geweier om hul lande te verlaat en is deur die Amerikaanse weermag op voorbehoude gedwing. As inheemse Amerikaners hul bedenkinge verlaat het, het die weermag agterna gegaan om hulle te probeer terugdwing op die voorbehoude. Dit het gelei tot bloedbad van inheemse Amerikaners en 'n paar oorloë.

In 1887 het die kongres die Dawes -wet aangeneem. [35] Hierdie wet het opgehou om grond aan hele stamme te gee, en het die grond in klein stukkies verdeel vir individuele gesinne om te gebruik vir boerdery. Indiërs wat die grond ingeneem het, alleen begin woon het in plaas van saam met hul stamme, en as boerdery begin kyk het, is beskou as 'beskaafd', en hulle is Amerikaanse burgers. [35] Indiane wat geweier het om hulself nog meer op klein stukke grond te skei, mag nie burgers wees nie. Wat ook al die grond oor is, is aan wit setlaars verkoop, wat die besprekings nog kleiner gemaak het. [35]

Eers in 1975 het die Hooggeregshof beslis dat stamme soewerein is oor stamlande en lede van die stam. [36]

Vanaf 2015 beslaan al die Indiese besprekings in die Verenigde State saam 87.800 vierkante kilometer - 'n oppervlakte van ongeveer die grootte van Idaho. [37] Inheemse Amerikaners mag egter nou woon of werk waar hulle wil, en vanaf 2016 het meer as die helfte die voorbehoude verlaat. [37]


Die vergete geskiedenis van hoe ons regering die Verenigde State geskei het

Deur Richard Rothstein

Racial segregation characterizes every metropolitan area in the United States and bears responsibility for our most serious social and economic problems — it corrupts our criminal justice system, exacerbates economic inequality, and produces large academic gaps between white and African American schoolchildren. We’ve taken no serious steps to desegregate neighborhoods, however, because we are hobbled by a national myth that residential segregation is de facto — the result of private discrimination or personal choices that do not violate constitutional rights. In truth, however, residential segregation was created by racially explicit and unconstitutional government policy in the mid-20th century, including the racially explicit federal subsidization of whites-only suburbs in which African Americans were prohibited from participating. Only after learning the history of these policies can we be prepared to undertake the national conversations necessary to remedy our unconstitutional racial landscape.

Such a national conversation is now possible. Without minimizing the terrible dangers of today’s resurgent white supremacist activity, we also should take hope from the reaction to it: a widespread willingness to confront, in many cases for the first time, the history of African American subjugation. Our previous failure, even refusal to do so, has impeded our ability to eliminate the racial caste conditions that permeate U.S. society.

Not to be underestimated is the wave of Confederate monument removals across the South, and the acknowledgement that these monuments were erected not after the Civil War to commemorate the misguided heroism of Confederate soldiers, but rather during the Jim Crow and post-Brown v. Onderwysraad eras, for the purpose of celebrating slavery and its residues in second-class citizenship. Who could have imagined, even a few years ago, that a white elected politician in the South, presiding over the removal of a Robert E. Lee statue, would proclaim that Confederate monuments celebrated a system “where hundreds of thousands of souls were bought, sold, and shipped up the Mississippi River to lives of forced labor of misery, of rape, of torture.”

Speaking to his fellow citizens in New Orleans of how we mis-celebrate our history, Mayor Mitch Landrieu continued:

America was the place where nearly 4,000 of our fellow citizens were lynched, 540 alone in Louisiana where the courts enshrined “separate but equal” where Freedom Riders coming to New Orleans were beaten to a bloody pulp. So when people say to me that the monuments in question are history, well, what I just described is real history as well, and it is the searing truth.

And it immediately begs the questions, why there are no slave ship monuments, no prominent markers on public land to remember the lynchings or the slave blocks nothing to remember this long chapter of our lives the pain, the sacrifice, the shame. . . all of it happening on the soil of New Orleans. So for those self-appointed defenders of history and the monuments, they are eerily silent on what amounts to this historical malfeasance, a lie by omission. There is a difference between remembrance of history and reverence of it.

Recognition of historic wrongs is an essential predicate of the resolve to correct them. As another Southern white politician, Joseph Riley Jr., mayor of Charleston, South Carolina from 1975 to 2016, recently put it, only after we “acknowledge the burden so many were forced to bear, and set the table for a deeper inquiry into the past we all share, [can] we begin to heal the wounds of racial injustice, bridge the gulf that divides us still and come together at last around a common understanding of who we truly are as American people.”

My recent book, The Color of Law, has become relevant only because of this new willingness to confront the reality of our racial history — as a first step toward remedy. It tells a “forgotten history of how our government segregated America,” resulting in the concentration of African Americans in segregated neighborhoods in every metropolitan area of the nation, not only in the South, but in the North, Midwest, and West as well. The book explains that the Constitution requires knowledge of this history before we can enact policies to integrate our communities.

That’s because the Supreme Court has made a distinction between de facto en de jure segregation. De facto segregation is racial concentrations that result from private prejudice, discriminatory practices of rogue real estate agents, personal choices to live with same-race neighbors, or income differences that have kept low-income families from moving to middle-class communities. De jure segregation, in contrast, results not from private activity but from government law and policy that violated the Fifth, Thirteenth, and Fourteenth amendments to the federal constitution.

The Supreme Court has said that if segregation is de facto, there is little we can do to correct it. What happened by accident can only be undone by accident. But if segregation has been created de jure, by government’s explicit racial policies, not only are we permitted to remedy it, we are required to do so.

We share a national myth that residential segregation is de facto. It is a myth embraced not only by conservatives, but by liberals as well. It is perpetuated by our standard high school history curriculum, in which commonly used textbooks routinely describe segregation in the North as de facto, mysteriously evolved without government direction. Yet, as The Color of Law recounts, the myth is false. Federal, state, and local governments deliberately segregated residential areas of every metropolitan area of the nation, designed to ensure that African Americans and whites would have to live separately.

For example, the federal government purposefully placed public housing in high-poverty, racially isolated neighborhoods to concentrate the black population. And it created a whites-only mortgage insurance program to shift the white population from urban neighborhoods to exclusively white suburbs. The Internal Revenue Service granted tax exemptions for charitable activity to organizations that openly enforced neighborhood racial homogeneity. Government-licensed realtors, with the open support of state regulators, enforced a “code of ethics” that prohibited the sale of homes to African Americans in white neighborhoods. In thousands of cases, police forces organized and supported mob violence to drive black families out of homes on the white side of racial boundaries. Federal and state regulators sanctioned the refusal of the banking, thrift, and insurance industries to make loans to homeowners in other-race communities.

By the time the federal government reversed its policy of subsidizing segregation in 1962, and by the time the Fair Housing Act banned private discrimination in 1968, the residential patterns of major metropolitan areas were set. White suburbs that had been affordable to the black working class in the 1940s, 50s, and 60s were now no longer so, both because of the increase in housing prices (and whites’ home equity) during that period, and because other federal policies had depressed black incomes while supporting those of whites. At the beginning of the New Deal the National Recovery Act established industrial wages at lower levels for industries where black workers predominated later, Social Security and Fair Labor Standards legislation excluded from coverage occupations in which African Americans predominated, for example, agriculture and domestic service. It was not until 1964 that the National Labor Relations Board for the first time refused to certify a union’s exclusive bargaining status because it openly refused to represent black workers.

Open housing demonstration in Seattle, October 20, 1963. Image: Seattle na-intelligensie Versameling.

I’ve summarized some of these policies on Terry Gross’s radio program, Fresh Air. But my articles and The Color of Law are not the only sources for correcting the de facto myth. Ta-Nehisi Coates, for example, in “The Case for Reparations” and other articles in Die Atlantiese Oseaan, also tells part of this story. Several scholars have done the same.

We promote the myth of de facto segregation by mis-teaching our young people about our past. When I was researching The Color of Law, I examined high school history textbooks that were commonly in use during the early years of this decade, and was shocked by their mendacity in describing racial history. For example, in the more than 1,200 pages of the widely used high school textbook The Americans, a single paragraph was devoted to 20th-century “Discrimination in the North.” That paragraph included one sentence on residential segregation, stating that “African Americans found themselves forced into segregated neighborhoods,” with no further explanation of how this happened or how public policy was responsible.

Another widely used high school textbook, Pearson’s United States History, also attributed segregation to mysterious forces: “In the North, too, African Americans faced segregation and discrimination. Even where there were no explicit laws, de facto segregation, or segregation by unwritten custom or tradition, was a fact of life. African Americans in the North were denied housing in many neighborhoods.” The passive voice construction — “were denied” — is not just bad writing, it hides who exactly denied housing to African Americans.

The popular high school textbook History Alive! also teaches a distorted view by suggesting that segregation was only a problem in the South. “Even New Deal agencies,” it says, “practiced racial segregation, especially in the South,” failing to explain that the New Deal’s Public Works Administration initiated the nationwide civilian public housing program by demolishing integrated neighborhoods even in the North to build segregated projects in their place, or that the New Deal’s Federal Housing Administration denied loan guarantees to developers of suburbs wherever the danger of “infiltration” of “incompatible racial groups” was present.

Such indoctrination of today’s high school students minimizes the possibility of progress toward equality when these students become our country’s leaders. As New Orleans’ Mayor Landrieu put it, referring to the South’s glorification of Confederate leaders, “We justify our silence and inaction by manufacturing noble causes that marinate in historical denial.” This is equally true of the de facto myth we have manufactured about how our nation became segregated. The next generation will do no better a job than our generation has done of progressing toward a better future, unless we teach our young people a less-sanitized version of the past.

This article is part of the Zinn Education Project’s If We Knew Our History series.

© 2017 The Zinn Education Project, a project of Rethinking Schools and Teaching for Change.

Richard Rothstein is a research associate of the Economic Policy Institute (EPI) and senior fellow of the Chief Justice Earl Warren Institute on Law and Social Policy at the University of California (Berkeley) School of Law. He is the author of numerous books including The Color of Law.

Verwante hulpbronne

How Red Lines Built White Wealth: A Lesson on Housing Segregation in the 20th Century

Teaching Activity. By Ursula Wolfe-Rocca. Rethinking Schools.
The mixer role play is based on Richard Rothstein’s The Color of Law, which shows in exacting detail how government policies segregated every major city in the United States with dire consequences for African Americans.

Burned Out of Homes and History: Unearthing the Silenced Voices of the Tulsa Massacre

Teaching Activity. By Linda Christensen. Rethinking Schools.
Teaching about racist patterns of murder, theft, displacement, and wealth inequality through the 1921 Tulsa Massacre.

Stealing Home: Eminent Domain, Urban Renewal, and the Loss of Community

Teaching Activity. By Linda Christensen. Rethinking Schools.
Teaching about patterns of displacement and wealth inequality through the history of Chávez Ravine and the building of Dodger Stadium.

“Why Is This the Only Place in Portland I See Black People?”: Teaching Young Children About Redlining

Teaching Activity. By Katharine Johnson. 10 pages. Rethinking Schools.
An elementary school teacher introduces the history of redlining through a role play designed for 1st and 2nd graders.

Burning Tulsa: The Legacy of Black Dispossession

Article. By Linda Christensen. As ons ons geskiedenisreeks geken het.
Students need to learn the hidden history of the 1921 Tulsa Massacre and how this links to racial wealth inequality today.

Our House Divided: What U.S. Schools Don’t Teach About U.S.-Style Apartheid

Article. By Richard Rothstein. As ons ons geskiedenisreeks geken het.
Housing segregation was not just the product of poverty or even biased attitudes it was created largely by U.S. government policy.

Tulsa Burning

Book – Fiction. By Anna Myers. 2004. 152 pages.
A young man must wrestle with his past and find the strength to pull free from the poisonous grip of racism.

Race — The Power of an Illusion

Film. By California Newsreel. 2003. Three episodes – 56 minutes each.
A three-part documentary series that questions the very idea of race as biology.


Inhoud

Agtergrond

The first African slaves were brought to America in 1619. Ώ] This was just nine years after British settlers created the first permanent settlement in America, at Jamestown, Virginia. ΐ ]

Abolitionists started trying to make slavery illegal in the mid-1700s. Β] By 1804, all of the northern states had ended slavery. Β] However, none of the Southern states had. Β] The Southern states believed that slavery was their right, and they did not want to give it up. Cotton had become a very important crop in the South. Owners of large cotton plantations were used to having slaves to do work for free, which made the plantation owners richer because they did not have to pay anybody to work. Γ] pp.𧇨–233

Eventually, the South tried to leave the United States. Γ] p.𧈖 This caused the American Civil War. The North won, and in 1865, the Thirteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution made slavery illegal everywhere in the country. Δ] In 1868 and 1870, the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments gave African-Americans citizenship, and gave them the right to vote. Δ ]

Segregation continues in the South

Losing the Civil War did not change people's ideas about African-American people. During slavery, slave owners had not seen slaves as humans. They saw them as property, things to buy and sell, like animals you would use on a farm. ΐ] After the War, many white people still did not see African-Americans as equal to whites.

Starting in 1890, the all-white legislatures in the Southern states began to pass state laws that required segregation. Ε] These racist laws became known as Jim Crow laws. For example, blacks could not: Ζ]

  • Go to the same schools, restaurants, or hospitals as whites
  • Use the same bathrooms as whites, or drink from the same water fountains
  • Sit in front of whites on buses

In 1896, in a case called Plessy v. Ferguson, the Supreme Court ruled that these laws were legal. They said that segregation was fine, as long as things were "separate but equal." Η] In the South, everything was separate. However, places like black schools and libraries got much less money and were not as good as places for whites. Η] ⎖] ⎗] Things were separate, but not equal.

Segregation kept African-Americans from having the basic rights that the Founding Fathers had written into the Constitution of the United States. Law-makers, government officials, voting officials, and police officers were all white. This prevented African-Americans from having any say in their government being able to get the same voting rights as white people having police officers protect them or being able to get justice for crimes against them. Because they could not count on all-white police forces to protect them, violence against African-Americans, especially lynchings, increased. ⎗] Because African-Americans could not vote, they also could not serve on juries. ⎘] ⎙] This meant that if a black person was ever on trial for a crime, the jury would be all-white.

Across the United States

Problems were worst in the South. However, African-Americans went through different kinds of segregation in other places. ⎚ ]

Across the United States, segregation in housing was a problem. Many African-Americans could not get mortgages to buy houses. Realtors would not sell black people houses in the suburbs, where white people lived. They also would not rent apartments in white areas. ⎛] Until the 1950s, the federal government did nothing about this. ⎛ ]

When he was elected in 1913, President Woodrow Wilson made government offices segregated. He believed that segregation was best for everyone. ⎜ ]

Black people fought in both World War I and World War II. However, the military was segregated black officers even had to enter some military bases through separate entrances from white officers. Black soldiers also were not given the same opportunities as white soldiers. Finally, in 1948, President Harry Truman de-segregated the military. ⎝ ]

Early activism

African Americans tried to fight back against discrimination in many ways. Mostly, they tried to use the courts to get justice. For example, in 1909, the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) was created. Its goal was to end race discrimination through lawsuits, education, and lobbying. ⎞]

However, eventually, many African Americans became frustrated and began to dislike the idea of using slow, legal strategies to achieve desegregation. Instead, African American activists decided to use a combination of protests, nonviolence, and civil disobedience. This is how the Civil Rights Movement of 1954-1968 began.

Burgerregtebeweging

From about 1954 to 1968, many African-American people – and white allies – fought to end racial segregation. The movement depended on non-violent protests, sit-ins, marches, civil disobedience, and lawsuits. Its victories included: Ώ]

  • Brown v. Onderwysraad (1954) which made segregation in schools illegal
  • The Montgomery Bus Boycott (1955-1956), which ended all bus segregation in Alabama
  • Getting federal soldiers to de-segregate Little Rock Central High School for its first nine black students (1957)
  • Sit-ins (1958-1960), which de-segregated some stores, lunch counters, and other places throughout the country
  • Getting United States Soldiers to force the Mississippi Southern College and the University of Alabama to let in their first black students
  • De-segregating businesses in downtownBirmingham, Alabama
  • Getting the Civil Rights Act of 1964, the Voting Rights Act of 1965, and the Civil Rights Act of 1968 passed. These federal laws made it illegal to discriminate against black people, keep them from voting, and keep them from having fair housing

These victories were not easy. Protesters were often threatened and attacked. Leaders' homes were bombed. Ώ] In Birmingham, the police attacked protesters, including children, with police dogs and fire hoses, then took them to jail. ⎟] In other cities, police beat protesters with clubs and fired into student protests. Ώ] Three of the movement's leaders – Martin Luther King, Jr., Malcolm X, and Medgar Evers – were murdered. Ώ ]

Nobody knows exactly how many people were killed during the Civil Rights Movement. ⎠] However, at least 37 people were murdered, either because they were doing civil rights work, or because racist white groups like the Ku Klux Klan and the White Citizens' Council wanted to terrorize black people. [a] ⎡] Twelve of these people were children or teenagers when they were murdered. ⎡]

Eventually, the Movement was successful in removing the laws that allowed segregation. However, attitudes are harder to change, and racism still exists in the United States.

A black man drinks from a "colored" drinking fountain in Oklahoma City (1939)

Sign at a housing project in Detroit (1942)

Rosa Parks is arrested for refusing to sit behind a white person on a bus (1955)

A sign on a restaurant window in Lancaster, Ohio

U.S. Marshals protect 6-year-old Ruby Bridges, the only black child in a Louisiana school (1960)


History of Racial Segregation in The United States

Racial segregation in the United States, as a general term, included the racial segregation or hypersegregation of facilities, services, and opportunities such as housing, medical care, education, employment, and transportation along racial lines. The expression refers primarily to the legally or socially enforced separation of African Americans from other races, but can more loosely refer to voluntary separation, and also to separation of other racial or ethnic minorities from the majority mainstream society and communities.

Racial segregation in the United States has meant the physical separation and provision of separate facilities (especially during the Jim Crow era), but it can also refer to other manifestations of racial discrimination such as separation of roles within an institution, such as the United States Armed Forces up to the 1950s when black units were typically separated from white units but were led by white officers.

Racial segregation in the United States can be divided into de jure en de facto segregation. De jure segregation, sanctioned or enforced by force of law, was stopped by federal enforcement of a series of Supreme Court decisions after Brown v. Onderwysraad in 1954. The process of throwing off legal segregation in the United States lasted through much of the 1950s, 1960s and 1970s when civil rights demonstrations resulted in public opinion turning against enforced segregation. De facto segregation — segregation "in fact" — persists to varying degrees without sanction of law to the present day. The contemporary racial segregation seen in America in residential neighborhoods has been shaped by public policies, mortgage discrimination and redlining among other things.

Hypersegregation is a form of racial segregation that consists of the geographical grouping of racial groups. Most often, this occurs in cities where the residents of the inner city are African Americans and the suburbs surrounding this inner core are often white European American residents. The idea of hypersegregation gained credibility in 1989 due to the work of Douglas Massey and Nancy A. Denton and their studies of "American Apartheid" when whites created the black ghetto during the first half of the 20th century in order to isolate growing urban black populations by segregation among inner-city African-Americans.

Famous quotes containing the words history of, united states, history, racial, segregation, united and/or states :

&ldquo It gives me the greatest pleasure to say, as I do from the bottom of my heart, that never in the history of the country, in any crisis and under any conditions, have our Jewish fellow citizens failed to live up to the highest standards of citizenship and patriotism. & rdquo
&mdashWilliam Howard Taft (1857�)

&ldquo I have ever deemed it fundamental for the Verenigde State never to take active part in the quarrels of Europe. Their political interests are entirely distinct from ours. Their mutual jealousies, their balance of power, their complicated alliances, their forms and principles of government, are all foreign to us. They are nations of eternal war. & rdquo
&mdashThomas Jefferson (1743�)

&ldquo Bias, point of view, fury—are they . so dangerous and must they be ironed out of geskiedenis, the hills flattened and the contours leveled? The professors talk . about passion and point of view in geskiedenis as a Calvinist talks about sin in the bedroom. & rdquo
&mdashCatherine Drinker Bowen (1897�)

&ldquo Most young black females learn to be suspicious and critical of feminist thinking long before they have any clear understanding of its theory and politics. Without rigorously engaging feminist thought, they insist that rasse separatism works best. This attitude is dangerous. It not only erases the reality of common female experience as a basis for academic study it also constructs a framework in which differences cannot be examined comparatively. & rdquo
&mdashbell hooks (b. c. 1955)

& ldquo Segregation nou, segregation tomorrow and segregation forever! & rdquo
&mdashGeorge C. Wallace (b. 1919)

&ldquo In the larger view the major forces of the depression now lie outside of the United States, and our recuperation has been retarded by the unwarranted degree of fear and apprehension created by these outside forces. & rdquo
&mdashHerbert Hoover (1874�)

&ldquo [Urging the national government] to eradicate local prejudices and mistaken rivalships to consolidate the affairs of the state into one harmonious interest. & rdquo
&mdashJames Madison (1751�)


[. ] On the 2nd of July 1964, what is probably the most important law against discrimination ever voted in the United States was declared. The Civil Rights Act, implemented by President Johnson, officially affirmed that any form of discrimination, at school, at work, in the army, in public transportion and public places was forbidden. It was the beginning of the Affirmative Action, whose aim was to integrate blacks into professional world, by imposing quotas. Almost a year later, in July 1965, Johnson signed the Voting Rights Act, which allowed black people to vote in every state of America, without any condition. [. ]

[. ] Today, in the USA percent of the population is black percent of the people in prison are black percent of the people given the death sentence are black percent of the black people are#poor. The amount of deaths of black babies at birth is two times larger than whites'. Life expectancy is 6 years longer for white people. " This somehow shows that people aren't yet equal years after the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of Citizen. [. ]

[. ] During the national anthem, they raised their hand, wearing a black glove, symbolizing the protest American blacks were fighting for. The black glove is the symbol of an organization called the Back Panthers, engaged against racism. After the incindent, they weren't allowed to run anymore in international competitions for having shown a politic sign. " Though King's fight changed some people's minds, a lot of people still think that it is normal for the blacks not to have the same rights as white people. [. ]

[. ] Sadly, racial segregation has a long history in the United States. The seperation between blacks and whites is deeply-rooted in American history because of its constitution, which established in 1787 that the weight of a black man was three-fifths of a white man. It also marked slavery as a constitutional fact. " Concretely, racial segregation touched colored people in as various fields as education, transports, employement and access to culture. It was based on the fact that black and white people didn't have the same rights. [. ]

[. ] The boycott lasted for 382 days, the situation becoming so tense that King's house was bombed. King was arrested during this campaign, which ended with a United States Supreme Court decision outlawing racial segregations on all public transport. ! In 1957, a group called SCLC (Southern Christian Leadership Conference) was created by Martin Luther King to lead non-violent protests in order to make black and white people equal. This year, he walked more than kilometers and gave 208 speeches all over the USA. [. ]


When Did Segregation Start and End?

Legal segregation began in 1896 when the Supreme Court sanctioned legal separation of the black and white races in the ruling H.A. Plessy v. J.H. Ferguson, but the decision was overruled in 1954. The Supreme Court in 1896 stated that separate but equal facilities did not violate the 14th Amendment however, it changed its mind thanks to the decision stemming from Brown v. Board of Education in 1954.

After the United States abolished slavery, the country passed three new Constitutional amendments to give newly freed African Americans legal status. The 13th Amendment abolished slavery, while the 14th Amendment provided citizenship to the newly freed slaves. The 15th Amendment guaranteed the right to vote. However, the Supreme Court handed down a series of judgments and rulings that put blacks in a different category from whites by law. This made the African Americans second-class citizens. They were forced via private action to separate themselves from the white people in areas such as transportation, public accommodations, recreational facilities, prisons, schools and even the armed forces.

The National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) was formed in 1909. The NAACP began a struggle for the elimination of racial discrimination and segregation that was prevalent in the American life, which culminated in the Supreme Court's landmark decision in 1954.


Segregation in the United States - HISTORY

We wrap up the discussion on our second book of June—and it’s time to vote for which of this month’s books you want to send to our end-of-summer finale!

Sweepstakes

Everything Now, the Skateboard Edition

To celebrate the release of Everything Now by TMN co-founder Rosecrans Baldwin, we’re partnering with his publisher to give away a skateboard.

Billionaire/Gawker stalker Peter Thiel hijacked his Roth IRA, turning it into a tax-free investment scheme worth billions.

&ldquoThe Truth Is Out There,&rdquo &ldquoTrust No One,&rdquo &ldquoDeny Everything&rdquo went the provocative catchphrases on The X-Files, but that was in the &rsquo90s, when we had a relatively shared reality. The slogans are now a fact of life.

X-Files creator Chris Carter says the government’s new UFO report reveals more about who we are than whether aliens exist.

↩︎ The New York Times
Long thought to have been created in a New York lab, titanium white was in fact used by Incans at least 400 years ago. Please take five minutes to find out why we ask for your support, and consider becoming a Sustaining Member today.

The hamster wheel in my head spun with the number of a patient&rsquos breaths in one minute, the number of heartbeats in the next. Numbers to measure blood pressure and blood gases, along with numbers for ventilator settings, heart monitors, and intravenous pumps.

A very good, painful personal essay by a travel nurse who worked through Covid.

↩︎ STAT
Up to 95% of the world’s total fish population lives in a deep layer of the ocean that is hard to detect and we know little about. The most accomplished disc golfer in the world recently extended his endorsement deal for $10 million.

I am no longer a figurehead. I am no longer a spot-filler. I am no longer the face of what is diverse. The goal for me was always to be that person until I could step away because the change had happened, and I could sit back and enjoy it.

Rachel Lindsay doesn’t regret being The Bachelorette, but she’s no longer making herself available to its universe.

↩︎ Vulture

The Civil Rights Act of 1964: A Long Struggle for Freedom The Segregation Era (1900&ndash1939)

As segregation tightened and racial oppression escalated across the United States, some leaders of the African American community, often called the talented tenth, began to reject Booker T. Washington’s conciliatory approach. W. E. B. Du Bois and other black leaders channeled their activism by founding the Niagara Movement in 1905. Later, they joined white reformers in 1909 to form the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP). Early in its fight for equality, the NAACP used the federal courts to challenge disenfranchisement and residential segregation. Job opportunities were the primary focus of the National Urban League, which was established in 1910.

During the Great Migration (1910&ndash1920), African Americans by the thousands poured into industrial cities to find work and later to fill labor shortages created by World War I. Though they continued to face exclusion and discrimination in employment, as well as some segregation in schools and public accommodations, Northern black men faced fewer barriers to voting. As their numbers increased, their vote emerged as a crucial factor in elections. The war and migration bolstered a heightened self-confidence in African Americans that manifested in the New Negro Movement of the 1920s. Evoking the “New Negro,” the NAACP lobbied aggressively for a federal anti-lynching law.

In 1933, President Franklin D. Roosevelt’s New Deal provided more federal support to African Americans than at any time since Reconstruction. Even so, New Deal legislation and policies continued to allow considerable discrimination. During the mid-thirties the NAACP launched a legal campaign against de jure (according to law) segregation, focusing on inequalities in public education. By 1936, the majority of black voters had abandoned their historic allegiance to the Republican Party and joined with labor unions, farmers, progressives, and ethnic minorities in assuring President Roosevelt’s landslide re-election. The election played a significant role in shifting the balance of power in the Democratic Party from its Southern bloc of white conservatives towards this new coalition.

NAACP Founder William English Walling

William English Walling (1877&ndash1936) was a prominent socialist and journalist. He was a founder of the Intercollegiate Socialist Society, the Women’s Trade Union League, the Social Democratic League, and the NAACP. In 1908 he traveled to Springfield, Illinois, to investigate a recent race riot in which whites had targeted blacks. In his article, The Race War in the North, Walling declared: “the spirit of the abolitionists, of Lincoln and Lovejoy, must be revived and we must come to treat the negro on a plane of absolute political and social equality.” He appealed for a “large and powerful body of citizens to come to [blacks] aid.” The article aroused the conscience of Mary White Ovington, who wrote a letter to Walling offering her support.

Bookmark this item: //www.loc.gov/exhibits/civil-rights-act/segregation-era.html#obj317

NAACP Founder Mary White Ovington

Mary White Ovington (1865&ndash1951), a social worker and freelance writer, was a principal NAACP founder and officer for almost forty years. Born in Brooklyn, New York, into a wealthy abolitionist family, she became a socialist while a student at Radcliffe College. Ovington befriended W.E.B. Du Bois in 1904, when she was researching her first book, Half a Man (1911), about black Manhattan. In 1906 she covered the Niagara Movement and the Atlanta anti-black riot for the New York Evening Post. Ovington played a crucial role in the NAACP’s evolution. She recruited women into the ranks, mediated disputes, and guided the transition to black leadership. She served as secretary (1911&ndash1912), acting secretary, treasurer, and board chairman.

Mary White Ovington, ca. 1910. Reproduction. NAACP Collection, Prints and Photographs Division, Library of Congress (318.00.00)

Bookmark this item: //www.loc.gov/exhibits/civil-rights-act/segregation-era.html#obj318

The Founding of the NAACP

William English Walling’s (1877&ndash1936) exposé about a bloody race riot in Springfield, Illinois, Abraham Lincoln’s hometown and burial site, resulted in the assembly of an interracial group to discuss proposals for an organization that would advocate the civil and political rights of African Americans in January 1909. The group issued a “call” resulting in the first National Negro Conference held in New York on May 31 and June 1, 1909. At the second annual meeting on May 12, 1910, the Committee adopted the formal name of the organization&mdashthe National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP). The NAACP’s goals were the abolition of segregation, discrimination, disenfranchisement, and racial violence, particularly lynching.

Platform adopted by the National Negro Committee. Printed document, 1909. NAACP Records, Manuscript Division, Library of Congress (019.00.00)

Bookmark this item: //www.loc.gov/exhibits/civil-rights-act/segregation-era.html#obj019

The Pink Franklin Case

The NAACP undertook its first major legal case in 1910 by defending Pink Franklin, a black South Carolina sharecropper accused of murder. When Franklin did not show up for work after receiving an advance on his wages, a warrant was sworn for his arrest. Armed policemen arrived at Franklin’s cabin before dawn to serve the warrant and shots were fired, killing one officer. Franklin, who claimed self-defense, was convicted and sentenced to death. The NAACP interceded and Franklin’s sentence was commuted to life in prison. He was set free in 1919. In this letter, Albert Pillsbury, an attorney and NAACP founder, recommends an appeal to South Carolina Governor Martin F. Ansel.

Albert Pillsbury to NAACP Secretary Mary White Ovington, July 26, 1910. Typed letter. NAACP Records, Manuscript Division, Library of Congress (021.00.00)


Kyk die video: Martin Luther King - I Have A Dream Speech - August 28, 1963