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Die eerste Anza-ekspedisie van 1775 het 'n paar van die eerste Spaanstalige koloniste na Alta Kalifornië gebring. Minstens een baba is onderweg gebore. Het Anza of iemand anders in sy party almal se name neergeskryf?
Ja. Die lys gesinne is beskikbaar op die webwerf van die U.S. National Park Service by: https://www.nps.gov/juba/learn/historyculture/people.htm. 'N Nota onderaan dui aan "*Hierdie lys is aangepas en bevat nie die Indiese gidse, vaqueros, mulateers, bediendes en ander lede van die Anza-ekspedisie van 1775-76 (insluitend Vader Font en Anza self)."
'N Omvattender lys is beskikbaar in die dagboeke wat hy vir al die ekspedisies gehou het. U kan dit in Spaans sowel as in Engels lees op die Anza -projekwebwerf van die Universiteit van Oregon by: http://anza.uoregon.edu/siteindex.html.
Wat hierdie Spaanse sendeling en ontdekkingsreisiger ons geleer het oor die geskiedenis van San Bernardino County
Dit was die 18de -eeuse Spaanse sendeling en ontdekkingsreisiger Vader Francisco Tomas Hermenegildo Garces, wie se dagboek ons gehelp het om die vroeë dae van die fassinerende geskiedenis van San Bernardino County te verstaan.
Gebore in Villa de Morata del Conde in Noord-Sentraal-Spanje op 12 April 1738, was Garces die eerste bekende ontdekkingsreisiger wat die tuisland van die magtige Mohave besoek het. Hy was miskien ook die eerste persoon wat deur San Bernardino County gereis het en 'n verslag van sy ervarings agtergelaat het.
Vader Francisco Tomas Hermenegildo Garces (met vergunning van Nick Cataldo)
Vader Garces, wat in Mission San Xavier del Bac naby die huidige Tucson was, het voorheen kaptein Juan Bautista de Anza in 1774 op 'n suidelike roete vergesel, van Arizona na die San Gabriel Mission.
In September die volgende jaar vertrek hy weer uit die suide van Arizona, hierdie keer as deel van Anza se beroemde ekspedisie, wat bestem was om Spaanse nedersettings in San Francisco Bay te vestig. Toe die ekspedisie vroeg in Desember die Yuma -dorpe aan die Colorado -rivier bereik, het Garces toestemming gekry om by die stam te bly.
'N Kort rukkie later, met slegs inheemse Amerikaanse gidse as metgeselle, insluitend Sebastián Tarabal, wat hy goed geken het van vorige Anza -ekspedisies en#8212, het die Franciskaanse monnik sy epiese ontdekkingstog onderneem.
Garces begin noordwaarts langs die Colorado -rivier na die Mohave -dorpe. Terwyl hy daar was, het hy geleer van hul handel met kusstamme. Hy het op 1 Maart 1876 langs die Mohave -roete vertrek vir 'n reis oor die Mojave -woestyn, die San Bernardino -gebergte en uiteindelik op 24 Maart na Mission San Gabriel. Hy het sy reise elke dag gedokumenteer. Hierdie belangrike dagboek (wat ander ekspedisies in 1775 en 1776 insluit) is in 1900 deur Elliott Coues vertaal en gepubliseer.
Die eerste deel van die roete het gelei vanaf Mohave -nedersettings aan die Colorado -rivier, naby die stad Needles, deur 'n heuwelagtige stuk woestyn waarin drie watergate was. 'N Dagreis met slegs 'n geringe hoeveelheid water en aan die einde van hierdie stuk was die sink van die Mojave -rivier by die Soda -meer.
'N Kykie na die Mohave -roete, afkom van Monument Peak en af in Devore. (Met vergunning van Nick Cataldo)
Vanaf die Soda -meer het die roete naby die Mojave -rivier gehou, en toe dit die San Bernardino -berge nader, volg die westelike vurk van die rivier verder as wat nou Las Flores Ranch genoem word. Toe dit uiteindelik die Mojave -rivier verlaat, het die roete die Sawpit Canyon binnegegaan en na die kruin van die reeks gelei. Die roete daal van die suidelike helling af op die rant wes van Devil Canyon, draai wes in Cable Canyon, steek die onderste punt van die Cajonpas oor, steek die Lytle Creek oor, lei deur die huidige Rancho Cucamonga en uiteindelik na die Stille Oseaan.
Hier (naby die Providence -berge) het ek vier Indiërs ontmoet wat van Santa Clara af gekom het in die dopkrale. Hulle het geen voedselvoorraad gehad nie, en selfs nie boë om te jag nie. Hulle het my verbasing hieroor opgemerk, en daar is niks om te eet nie, en gesê: 'Ons Jamajabs (Mojaves) kan tot vier dae lank honger en dors staan', sodat ek kan verstaan dat dit inderdaad geharde manne is. ”
Nadat hy langs die Mojave -rivier verby verskeie verlate dorpsplekke gereis het, het Garces groot getalle van die Vanyume -stam teëgekom.
Lede van die historiese samelewing, waaronder Nick Cataldo, wat regs staan, werk saam met sy pa, John, links, en Wayne Heaton, buigend naby die monument, om die Garces-Smith-monument in 1991 op die top van Monument Peak te laat herleef. (Met vergunning van Nick Cataldo)
Op 'n dorp op 19 Maart, naby die huidige Helendale, het die opperhoof Garces 'n string skulpkrale van ongeveer twee meter lank oorhandig, terwyl sy vrou akkers oor Garces se kop gegooi het, 'n teken van 'n respekvolle groet.
In sy dagboek op 20 Maart het die padre 'n rancheria van ongeveer 70 siele opgemerk en die volgende dag het hy 'n rancheria van ongeveer 80 gekry. bekend as Guapiabit, op die huidige Los Flores Ranch in Summit Valley.
Nadat hy Guapiabit op 22 Maart verlaat het, het Garces voortgegaan langs die roete, nou gedeeltelik onder die waters van die meer van Silverwood tot by die kruin van die San Bernardino -gebergte in die omgewing van wat nou bekend staan as Monument Peak.
'N Standbeeld van die 18de eeuse Spaanse sendeling en ontdekkingsreisiger Vader Francisco Tomas Hermenegildo Garces is in Bakersfield opgerig. (Met vergunning van Nick Cataldo)
Hy kyk uit oor die San Bernardino -vallei en let op in sy dagboek: Na drie ligas het ek die Sierra in die suidweste oorgesteek. Die bosse wat ek gister gesê het, het tot op die top van hierdie sierra gekom, waarvandaan ek die see (Stille Oseaan), die Rio de Santa Ana (Santa Ana -rivier) en die Valle de San Joseph (San Bernardino -vallei) duidelik gesien het. ”
Garces het afgedaal op 'n rant tussen kabel- en duiwelskloof: "Sy afkoms is min beboste. Op 'n entjie van sy voet af het ek 'n ander rancheria gevind waar die Indiërs my baie bly ontvang het. ”
Na 'n besoek aan hierdie Serrano -dorpie naby die kruising van die kabel- en Cajon -stroompies (vandag se Devore), het hy deur die San Bernardino -vallei gegaan en twee dae later in San Gabriel aangekom.
In 1779 stig Garcés en Juan Diaz twee sendingkerke aan die onderste Colorado -rivier by Yuma Crossing, in die vaderland van die Quechan (Yuma) stam.
Ongelukkig vir Garces en sy vriend, het die vroeëre vreedsame verhouding met die Quechan -stam verminder as gevolg van Spaanse setlaars wat die verdrag oortree het, insluitend beslaglegging op gewasse en landerye.
Uitgelese studenteblogs
Dit sal my eerste internasionale reis ooit wees, so ek voel baie opgewonde om die state te verlaat en 'n nuwe indruk te kry van die landskap en kultuur om in Kenia te wees, selfs om selfs die verskille (indien daar) tussen Amerikaanse lughawens en buitelandse te sien. . U kan dus sê dat ek redelik opgewonde is oor die ervaring, maar op die oomblik dat ek eintlik op die vliegtuig is en 'n klein deel van my by my inkom, sê ek nog steeds 'hierdie geleentheid is nie' nie, want eintlik is die meeste hoef nie internasionaal te reis nie, veral nie na Afrika nie. Laat staan dat die meeste nie in hul eie land reis nie, so ek is baie nederig om die kans te kry om so iets te beleef. Op die oomblik het ek geen idee hoe hierdie reis my gaan beïnvloed nie. Ek dink as ek 'n idee het oor die impak, kan dit my miskien verwagting gee van wat ek van hierdie reis wil sien of ervaar. Om eerlik te wees, ek weet dat dit lewens verander, ek weet net nie wat om te verwag nie. Op die oomblik is ek baie oop om nuwe dinge te leer en die geleentheid te kry om deur nuwe lense te kyk, wat my heel moontlik 'n ander manier van kyk na die wêreld gee.
Riley Vance - blog 2
Ek het nie 'n leeu gesien nie en ek het ook nie 'n stokkie gesien nie. Ondanks hierdie effense teleurstellings, is ek nog lank nie teleurgesteld nie. My eerste vliegtuigrit was slegs vyf uur, maar ek was seker ek is dood en het die vagevuur binnegekom. Vir almal wat dit lees, beveel ek nie United Airlines aan nie. Die volgende twee vlugte was egter nie half sleg nie. Ethiopiese lugdienste het die neiging om u elke keer te voed as u u mond oopmaak. Die flieks was ook baie bevredigend. 'N Vlug van 14 uur gevul met Bladerunner 2048, The Secret Life of Walter Mitty, The Hobbit, 'n kort natuurdokumentêr oor Ethiopië, en 'n bietjie ongemaklike stilte wat gedeel word met twee, nie so uitgaande, sitmaats nie. Dit klink nie veel tyd op papier nie, maar as u gretig wag om die eerste keer in 'n ander land te stap, voel die 14 uur soos dae of selfs weke. Nog 'n kort vlug uit Addis Abeba in Ethiopië en binnekort was ons in Nairobi.
My eerste stap uit die lughawe en my verwagtinge was reeds groot. Min het ek geweet dat dit 'n deurlopende algemene tema sou wees gedurende my eerste ervaring op die vasteland van Afrika. As u in Amerika woon, is dit maklik om 'n verkeerde indruk van Afrika te kry. Gewilde media gee ons die indruk dat Afrika die 'donker kontinent' is. Ons beskou dit meestal as 'n heel ander wêreld wat agter die tyd is, in die meeste, indien nie, in alle aspekte. Eers toe ek self besef dat ek op baie maniere besef dat die mense hier net soos ons is. Baie van hulle het dieselfde telefone, dra dieselfde klere en deel dieselfde stokperdjies. Wat egter anders is oor die mense hier, is die geluk wat hulle blykbaar deur dik en dun het. Die egte glimlagte wat hulle onderhou ondanks 'n soort teëspoed wat die Amerikas wat die beste daaraan toe het, op hul knieë kan laat sak. Ons kyk na hulle asof hulle niks het nie. Die produkte wat hulle ontbreek, die items wat ons dink vreugde verskaf, is egter presies wat ons daarvan weerhou om ooit die egtheid agter hul glimlagte te ken.
Ons eerste bestemming was die Wildebeest -ekokamp, wat ek sou besef dat dit niks anders as 'n omheinde en gesensureerde weergawe van Afrika is vir die westerlinge wat niks anders as 'n afslag op die emmerlys wou hê nie. Ons het in ons eie persoonlike "tente" gebly, wat in werklikheid hotelkamers van doek was. Gemaak met twee beddens en 'n volledige badkamer. Alhoewel ons 'n paar kameelperde moes voer, was dit steeds nie die Afrika wat ek wou sien nie. Dit sou nog spoedig kom.
Na 'n nag by die Eco -kamp, is ons reeds weg na die volgende bestemming. Hierdie een is die volgende stap na die regte Afrika -platteland. Na ure se ry op geplaveide paaie, het ons gekom waar die asfalt geëindig het. Die begin van 'n versameling van my gunsteling dinge, kampeer in 'n tent, veldry en baie diere. Dit was ons reis na die Mpala Wildlife Research Center. Dit sou ons tuiste wees vir die volgende twee aande, terwyl ons 'n paar lesings oor die vee en biodiversiteit gesit het en op 'n safari gegaan het. Met groot geluk het ons op die safari verskeie olifante, seekoeie in 'n rivier, koedoes en te veel ander gesien om te tel. Beslis 'n dag wat ek nie gou sal vergeet nie.
Alhoewel die tyd in Mpala monumentaal onvergeetlik was, was dit van korte duur. Om 07:00 op 'n dag wat ek nie eers onthou nie, het ons met 'n vliegtuig vertrek na ons volgende stop, die Turkana Basin Institute (TBI). Die uitsig vanaf die damdam was buitengewoon. Toe ek nie 'n boek oor TBI gelees het nie en die skepper daarvan, Richard Leakey, het ek stip deur die venster na die Rift Valley gestaar. Sodra ons aangekom en gevestig is, het ons 'n toer deur die fasiliteit geneem, waar ons fossiel na fossiel gesien het wat die oudste bekende boek 100 000 keer oor was. Alhoewel hierdie fossiele baie invloedryk was, was daar min tyd vir toere en ontspanning, maar die klas het die volgende oggend begin. Dit verg jare se voorbereiding om fossiele te grawe. Ons het egter net 'n week van 8 of meer uur klasdae gehad, gevolg deur 'n paar redelik lang leesopdragte. Ondanks die intensiteit het ek elke klasperiode verlaat met 'n groeiende begeerte om my hoofvak na antropologie te verander, indien nie aardse wetenskap nie. Maar dit is maklik om te sê in die gemak van 'n klas. Die ware toets vir die hipotese kom nog.
Dinsdag, 10 Junie (dink ek), het ons vertrek om nie die regte saak te wees nie. 'N Siek hobbelige rit van ses uur na die middel van die woestyn om na fossiele te kyk. Nog 'n datum wat ek nooit sal vergeet nie, ons eie weergawe van die oordeelsdag. Weereens was ontspanning geen opsie nie. Die oomblik toe ons uit die vragmotor klim, moes ons kamp opslaan. Daar was tente, afdakke, 'n kombuis en 'n paar storte om te bou. Toilette om te grawe, sakke om uit te pak, honger mae om te voed, maar die belangrikste is dat alles vinnig opgestel moes word omdat daar fossiele te vinde was. Na 'n week se stap, soek, grawe, vuil en sand beweeg, alles in die onvergeeflike Afrikaanse sonskyn (toe ons nie deur die wolke gered is nie), kan ek met selfvertroue sê ek voel tuis. Ek kan jare lank by die oog bly as iemand net vir my 'n oliedrom met sonskerm, wat in die volksmond bekend staan as Mazunga (wit mense), vir my bring.
Daar is 'n paar elemente van hierdie reis verwag, en baie daarvan het my amper sprakeloos gelaat. Ek het 'n wye verskeidenheid emosies op hierdie reis gevoel, met min tyd om dit werklik te voel, gewoonlik met te veel werk om aan iets anders te dink. Desondanks is daar 'n paar oomblikke wat die emosie van hierdie ervaring vasvang.
Terwyl ons op die safari in Mpala was, kom ons binne 20 meter van 'n bulolifant af. Dit kan my dramatiese kant wees, maar ek het gevoel dat dit my miskien 10-20 sekondes in die oë kyk, wat vir my 'n leeftyd was. 'N Pragtige voorbeeld van 'n oomblik wat my heeltemal sprakeloos gelaat het. Byna selfs roerloos, want dit lyk asof ek al my krag geneem het om 'n foto te neem om eendag die ervaring te deel.
My volgende ervaring het by TBI gekom toe 'n klein onbekende voël in my koshuis ingevlieg het. Die voël tref die venster en val op die grond neer en gryp op die vloer. Toe ek weer by my bewussyn kom, tel ek dit versigtig op en neem dit na die wasbak om water te kry. Nadat die voël 'n rukkie teruggekry het, was dit asof die voël gereed was om weg te vlieg. Maar oor hierdie tyd het dit my gewoond geraak en 'n rukkie op my skouer gesit, alhoewel dit kon vlieg. Alhoewel ek 'n bietjie hartseer was om die voël te verlaat, moes ek aan die kant van die kafeteria gaan lees. Ek het dit op die rand langs my koshuis gelos, sodat dit kon wegvlieg as dit gereed was. Na miskien 'n halfuur in die gemorsaal gewerk het, het ek teruggekom na die koshuis en die voël was nog steeds waar ek dit gelos het. Ek het 'n halwe verstand gehad om te glo dat dit op my wag voordat ek vertrek. Ek het daarheen gestap, 'n laaste keer 'n troeteldier op die kop gegee, en toe ek omdraai om na my koshuis te gaan, vlieg dit weg. Ek weet nie eers hoe om uit te druk wat ek gevoel het nie, maar dit was beslis iets goeds.
Toe ek die voël sien wegvlieg, stap ek by my koshuis in om my gereed te maak vir my volgende wonderlike ervaring. Ons het saam met 'n paar van die personeel van TBI in 'n vragmotor gelaai om saam met die plaaslike mense, bekend as die Dasenech, futbol te gaan speel. Ek het besef dat die middag futbol in byna alle dele van die wêreld geliefd en godsdienstig gespeel word, behalwe Amerika. Dit lyk asof die grootste Amerikaanse voetbalspelers op dieselfde vlak is as die gemiddelde voetbalspeler op die meeste ander plekke. Die plaaslike inwoners van ons span was ons enigste vegkans, tesame met 'n hopelik bewonderenswaardige verdediging wat deur u werklik uitgevoer is. Ons het die wedstryd met 2-2 voltooi, maar ongeag die telling, was dit net 'n belewenis op sigself om die mense uit die Dasenech te ontmoet. Ek is nie seker of ons die tyd sal kry nie, maar ek hoop regtig dat ons nog meer tyd kan spandeer om so 'n wonderlike sport te speel met ongelooflike mense.
Ek kon onmoontlik sê wat die res van hierdie lewensveranderende avontuur sal uitmaak. Maar ek weet dat dit steeds 'n pragtige ervaring sal wees wat 'n blywende impak sal hê op hoe ek die wêreld sien. Ek weet ook dat ek die mense by die huis kan lig, en vir hulle kan wys dat as daar 'n "donker kontinent" is, dit die een is waarop ons reeds is. Ons het soveel te leer by die mense wat ons dink ons die meeste moet leer.
Naomi Hayes - Blog 3
Aangesien ons laaste week homself onmiddellik voorstel en my hoofstuk hier in Turkana, Kenia, naby is, is daar 'n baie kenmerkende gevoel wat ek blykbaar agterlaat. 'N Persepsie waaroor sterk sprake was as 'n weerspieëling van die verandering en rekonstruksie van my oorspronklike grondbegrippe oor tyd, nederigheid en passie. As ek dit miskien sou herformuleer, sou dit meer gepas wees om die belyning van oorspronklike denke tot 'n verhoging van bewussyn te sê. Die vraag wat nou ontstaan, is waarvandaan die vordering van oorspronklike denke na transformerende denke gekom het? Wat het my geïnspireer om in die huidige tyd tot hierdie punt te vorder? Aangesien ons die kwessie van tyd betree, kan ek net sowel daar begin. Die afgelope week nadat ek by Buluk was, was ek en my mede -klasmaats byna die ergste wat ons gedurende ons hele verblyf was. Van ongelooflike droë hitte, 'n konstante spanning op ons spiere deur langdurig op en af heuwels te stap en vuil te versprei, en om fossiele te soek. Ek het baie tyd gehad om na te dink, en 'n konstante gedagte lyk asof ek onophoudelik in my gedagtes bly. Terwyl my spiere pyn en daar 'n ononderbroke hoeveelheid sweet op my voorkop kom, begin ek wonder hoeveel ure ons in Buluk was, en hoeveel tyd ons daaraan bestee het om hierdie fossiele uit te grawe. Kort in my asem begin ek 'n soet fluistering dat dit eindeloos moet wees, die moeisame en byna gevoelige ure wat ons van sonop tot die middag gewerk het.
Hierdie kennis het amper duidelik geword voordat hy teruggekeer het na die Turkana Basin Institute (TBI). Toe ons by TBI aankom, het ek egter 'n wonderlike kans gekry om die beste sjef by te staan terwyl hy voorberei het vir aandete. Sy naam was Edwin en hy was 'n pa van drie; hy werk al ongeveer vyftien jaar lank by TBI, en was 'n persoonlike sjef vir Richard Leakey se dogter, Louis Leakey. Hy is die beste sjef daar en het drie studente wat al drie tot vyf jaar onder hom werk. Gegewe die geleentheid om Edwin te ontmoet, was niks minder as 'n salige interaksie nie, maar hy het so 'n gedrag van suiwerheid en onbaatsugtigheid gehad. Toegegee, ek kon hom baie goed leer ken in die kort tydjie wat ek hom kon spreek. Hy het aan my gesê dat hy dit geniet om 'n sjef te wees en dat hy hoop om eendag sy eie klein restaurant in Nairobi saam met sy gesin te open. Voordat sy droom egter 'n werklikheid kan word, is hy daarop ingestel om sy kinders in privaatskole te kry en hulle die beste opvoeding te gee. Onder al die onderwerpe waaroor ons gepraat het, begin hy my sy werkskedule vertel. Hy werk gewoonlik sestien uur dae, van vyfuur in die oggend tot nege in die nag. Toe ek dit hoor, was ek verbaas en in absolute histerie hoe bly 'n mens verstandig om sulke lang ure te werk en nooit toelaat dat hul glimlag uit hul gesig vlug nie. Ek glo dit is waar my aanvanklike konsep van tyd meer afgelei, sodat dit ook verweef kan wees met die idee van nederigheid. Ek het die hele lewe vas geglo dat tyd dieselfde weeg en vir baie van ons ewe groot is. As ek 'n skof van agt uur gewerk het, sou ek heel waarskynlik 'n skrikwekkende gevoel van totale uitputting en geïrriteerdheid die meeste van die tyd ervaar het. Maar die tyd was anders vir Edwin. Dit word nie net gemeet aan die ure, minute of selfs dae wat hy in die kombuis deurgebring het nie, maar dit word bepaal deur wat hy wil bereik, wat hy wil leer en hoe hy sy voetspoor wil laat. Kook was nietemin sy passie, maar hy was nie op soek na onmiddellike bevrediging daarin nie en hy is bewus van die prioriteit van sy gesin wat altyd eerste kom. Verder herken ek weer die vertroostende gevoel. Die idee om nederig by u seëninge in te gaan en nie te verwag of te verwag dat dit 'betyds' sal kom nie, omdat u dit wil hê. Dit verwelkom 'n golf van besef, of meer erkenning van ons reg en gierigheid van tyd in Amerika. Ons het so 'n sterk ideologie van "as ek dit nie nou het nie, wil ek dit nie hê nie", wat ons na 'n konstante pad na nêrens lei. Ek onthou 'n aanhaling van 'n pastoor uit Oklahoma, Michael Todd, en hy sê: 'Dit is nie hoe lank jy wag nie, dit is hoe jy wag". Hierdie aanhaling is vir my waar, want dit begryp die konsep om nederig te wees en geduldig by u doel en drome in te gaan sonder die verduisterde mentaliteit om tyd te verwag om dit vroeër aan u te voorsien.
Die aanvanklike vraag bly egter steeds waarvandaan die oorgang van oorspronklike denke na transformatiewe denke gekom het? Wat het my geïnspireer om in die huidige tyd tot hierdie punt te vorder? Dit bevorder my tot my laaste punt, passie. Soos reeds in die paragrawe hierbo genoem, het Edwin so 'n intense merk op my persepsie gehad wat tyd en nederigheid betref. Boonop het 'n gesprek met professor Isaiah Nengo my ook in 'n rasende perspektief gebring. Aangesien dit voelbaar is dat ons (Afro -Amerikaners) gebore is in 'n stelsel wat institusioneel en stelselmatig teen ons geruk is, is die brutale sosiale beheer wat vandag in ons samelewing en kultuur ingebed is, onvermydelik 'n weerspieëling van ons verlede. Ons gaan tans voort met rasse -indiskresies en lineêre hiërargieë in Amerika en Afrika. Na 'n voorval met 'n ander persoon op die kamp, het dit met 'n grenslose gevoel van woede en woede vertrek. Ek het die bekende sensitiwiteit gevoel wat ek so maklik in Amerika kan ontvang. Die emosie van 'n blanke opperheerser wat met hul vlag swaai, 'n mens is, gekastreer en gejag word. Ek het alles gevoel, die woede in 'n swart vrou wat deur haar voorouers aangevuur is. Ek het egter al die woede in die onherkenbare handpalms geplaas van iemand wat dit nie verdien het nie. Ek het myself toegelaat om geaktiveer te word deur die aangrypende woorde van 'n ander wese en dit het my van my gedefinieerde doel verwyder. As ek toelaat dat onbewuste gedagtes my van my passie en my doelwit afstuur, dan laat ek dit my siel toe. Slawerny is vandag 'n algemene gedagtegang vir baie Afro -Amerikaners, en ons moet ons verhaal terugneem. Dus, ons almal wat ek die afgelope week of selfs hierdie laaste besigtigingsdae verduur het, het my verstand bereik tot 'n vlak van bewustheid en bewussyn wat ek beplan om te bevorder. Hierdie transformasie is aan die gang en ek is opgewonde om te sien waarheen dit my die volgende week neem.
Raynesha Dawson - Blog 2
Ek het eerlikwaar nie geweet wat om te verwag nie. Ek was nou ongeveer twee weke in Afrika en my ervaring tot dusver met die mense was ongelooflik. Hulle is so gaaf en lyk regtig bly om ons te sien, elke keer as ons deur mense en dorpe ry, waai hulle altyd en erken ons teenwoordigheid en die gasvryheid is ongelooflik. Ek het eerlikwaar na Afrika gekom omdat ek die kultuur wou leer ken en meer wil weet oor verskillende Kenia -tradisies. Terug in Amerika, ken of beoefen Afro -Amerikaners nie een van ons Afrikaanse tradisies nie. Die rede hiervoor is dat alles wat ons ooit geken het, van ons weggeneem is sodra die verslaafde Afrikaners op 'Amerikaanse' grond stap. Van ons klere, taal, ons name, tot selfs die godsdiens wat beoefen is. As hierdie reis 'n manier was om weer 'n bietjie van die regte Afrika -kultuur aan te sluit en te verstaan, was ek alles daarvoor.
Tot my verbasing, tydens my besoek aan die MPALA -navorsingsentrum, het my woede 'n hoogtepunt bereik. Ek was so kwaad dat ek net kon huil. Tydens 'n besoek aan hierdie pragtige 48 000 hektaar grond, gevul met verskillende eksotiese diere, soos leeus, sebras, wildsbokke, olifante, ens. verkrag, en hulle ontmens. Toe hulle besef dat dit verkeerd was, het hulle probeer om die grond wat aan hulle behoort, in die eerste plek aan die Keniaanse mense terug te verkoop. Toe begin ek nadink oor hoe Europeërs soveel ander kleurlinge koloniseer en al die pyn wat hulle veroorsaak het terwyl hulle steeds meer pyn veroorsaak. Ek het verskeie inwoners gevra oor slawerny en wat hulle vir my gesê het, is dat hulle geweet het dat Europeërs slawe neem, maar hulle weet nie deeglik waaruit die slawerny bestaan nie. Dit is hul geskiedenis, die verslawingstydperk is 'n groot rede waarom Afrika in die toestand is waarin dit verkeer. Die tydperk was so traumaties vir die Afrikaanse volk dat hulle letterlik moes vergeet wat gebeur het om die lyding en pyn wat hulle toegedien het, die hoof te bied.
Wat ek egter die meeste van die Keniaanse mense liefhet en bewonder, is dat hulle steeds met die grootste glimlagte op hul gesig rondloop. Hulle is so 'n veerkragtige groep mense, want ongeag hul omstandighede word hulle elke dag wakker en gereed om die beste te maak van wat hulle het en aan te hou stoot terwyl hulle saamstaan. Eerlik, ek kan niks anders doen as om dit te respekteer nie, en elke kans wat ek kry, praat ek met die manne wat ons op hierdie reis help. Ek leer wie hulle is as mense, hul tradisies, drome, waarvan hulle hou, wat hulle nie hou nie, en dit is presies waarom ek op hierdie reis gekom het, alhoewel die hoofdoel was om antropologie te studeer. Hulle glimlagte is alles, sulke pragtige glimlagte en hulle is so vriendelik, dit laat my ontstel hoe gaaf hulle alles is wat hulle deurgemaak het.
Wat ek die minste van hierdie reis geniet, is die werklike grawe en soek na primate. Ons gaan letterlik ure lank op soek na fossiele wat probeer om die rotse van die bene te onderskei. Ek is nie 'n argeoloog nie, en ek is ook nie 'n antropoloog nie. Ek verag dit om op soek te wees na primate. Ek stel glad nie belang in die werkveld nie, alhoewel ek weet dit is wat ons gaan doen toe ek aangemeld het. Ek het nie gedink dit sou so intens wees nie. Dit is beslis 'n uitdaging, maar dit lyk asof ek glad nie die deel van die program sal geniet nie. Die ding wat my aan die gang hou, is die mede -studente wat ook op hierdie reis gekom het, want dit sou nie vir hulle 'n onaangename ervaring wees nie. Ek beveel beslis aan vir toekomstige aansoekers om werklik na die studie in die buiteland te kyk wat hulle wil bywoon, want indien nie, sal hulle baie teleurgesteld wees. Ek moet deurdruk, want ons het nog net twee weke oor en ek is so naby die eindstreep.
Legendariese roetes van Suid -Colorado
In die 1300's het die Pueblo-Indiane van Taos 'n gevestigde jag- en handelsroete in die suide van Colorado gehad. Lank voordat die manne van Coronado hulle in 1540 ontdek en ontdek het, was die Taos -Indiane algemeen bekend as begaafde handelaars en was hulle beroemd om hul plaaslike handelsbeurse. Hulle werk op die koppelvlak tussen die produkte van sedentêre lewe: potte, mielies en watte, en die produkte van die jagter se lewe: vleis en huide.
Vroeë Spaanse penetrasies in die suide van Colorado word nie goed opgeteken nie, of die rekords daarvan is nie goed bewaar nie. Die eerste Amerikaanse territoriale goewerneurs van New Mexico het daarvan gehou om die ou Spaanse koerante te gebruik om hul sigare aan te steek en om vuur te maak in hul kiva -kaggels. Daar is 'n rekord van 'n ekspedisie van Don Juan Oñate se manne in die San Luis -vallei in 1598. 'n Stam Ute -Indiane het lekker gelag terwyl hulle kyk hoe hulle 'n buffelkudde vir 'n eksperimentele makmaakprogram probeer korraliseer. Die Spaanse pogings het soveel weerstand van die buffel gekry dat verskeie mans beseer is en verskeie perde doodgemaak is.
Juan Archuleta het in die 1660's na die Arkansasrivier gereis op soek na weghol Taos -Indiane. Die Indiane het gevlug na 'n onsuksesvolle opstand en het veiligheid gesoek by die Apaches van El Cuartelejo ('n los federasie van Apache -stamme langs die Arkansas). In 1706 is Juan de Ulibarri ook na El Cuartelejo om Picuris -Indiane te gaan haal. Die Apaches smeek hom om te bly en teen hul vyande, die Pawnees, te veg. Ulibarri het vertrek en gesê dat hy nie sy troepe in die geveg kon lei sonder 'n trommel en 'n goggatjie nie.
Goewerneur Valverde het in 1719 nog 'n ekspedisie na die Arkansas gelei, in die hoop om die Comanches wat op die Spaanse nedersettings in die noorde van New Mexico toegeslaan het, te straf en om gerugte te ondersoek dat Franse strikke die gebied binnekom. Volgens hul verslag het Valverde se groep van 600 op hierdie vakansie heerlik gekuier met baie jag terwyl hy kontak met vyandige Comanches vermy het. Die enigste slegte tyd wat hulle gehad het, was toe hulle in 'n giftige klimop beland het en bere hul middagete geëet het.
In 1720 reis Don Pedro de Villasur na die North Fork van die Platte om gerugte te ondersoek dat die Franse wapens aan die Pawnees verskaf en die Pawnees aangemoedig het om Spaanse nedersettings aan te val. Die gerugte was waar: Villasur en sy mans is deur die Pawnees vermoor en op die kopvel gesit terwyl hulle langs die rivier slaap.
Die roetes van al hierdie groepe was anders, hoewel die meeste van hulle die Sangre de Cristo -gebergte oor die Taospas gekruis het voordat hulle noordwaarts gegaan het om die Ratonberge oor te steek na die huidige Colorado. In 1749 is 'n groep Franse handelaars in Taos gearresteer en tydens hul verhoor het hulle getuig dat hulle deur die Comanges oor die Sangre de Cristo -pas gelei is, wat die pas gebruik het om nuwe Mexikaanse nedersettings in te val en handel te dryf met die Taos -Indiane. sedert die 1720's. Die roete was 'n geleidelike en betreklik maklike kruising van die Sangre de Cristo's, wat langs die South Oak Creek styg vanaf die Huerfano -rivier oor die Sangre de Cristo -pas, af met die Sangre De Cristo Creek in die San Luis -vallei en dan in die vallei tot by Taos.
In 1768 gebruik die Spaanse hierdie nuwe roete in hul strafekspedisie teen die Comanches op die Arkansas. Goewerneur Juan Bautista de Anza het op hierdie manier na die suide gekom ná sy nederlaag van die Comanches en die moord op Cuerno Verde, hul hoof, op die vlaktes aan die voet van Greenhornberg. Op pad noordwaarts om te veg, het De Anza ook kennis geneem van die sagte Cochetopa -pas aan die westekant van die San Luis -vallei en verklaar dat hierdie passe die paaie van die ryk sou wees, waardeur die streek deur Spanje gevestig sou word.
In 1806 het Lt. Zebulon Pike die eerste amptelike Amerikaanse ontdekkingsreisiger geword wat Colorado binnegekom het. Sy geselskap het die Arkansasrivier tot by die Twin Lakes -gebied gevolg, voordat hy die rivier afgedaal het na die Royal Gorge, en dan op pad Grape Creek en in die Wet Mountain Valley. Daarna het hulle óf Medano óf Mosca -pas na die San Luis -vallei by die Groot Sandduine gereis. Terwyl hy 'n rits bevrore en uitgehongerde manne langs die pad gelos het, het Pike tot by die monding van die Conejosrivier gekom. Hy het tyd gehad om 'n klein voorraad te bou voordat Spaanse draakons arriveer en hom na Santa Fe geneem het vir ondervraging, en dan na Chihuahua voordat hy hom na Louisiana en die Amerikaanse grens terugbesorg het.
Na Pike kom die pelsvangers (Amerikaans, Frans en ander). Although everything south of the Arkansas was claimed by Spain, the trappers worked the area freely. As the nearest customs officials were in Santa Fe, Taos became a commercial center for outfitting the trappers and for trading in their pelts. The route over Sangre de Cristo Pass became known as the Trappers Trail and fingers of it extended northward into Wyoming.
In 1821, Mexico declared its independence from Spain and threw open the doors for trade. William Becknell was poised at the border on the Arkansas and quickly made his way up the Purgatoire River and over one of the Raton passes (San Franciso, Long's Canyon, Raton Pass, Emery Gap, we don't know which). As the first trader into Santa Fe, he made an outrageous fortune. Then he hurried back to Missouri for more goods, establishing the Cimarron Cutoff on the Santa Fe Trail along the way. As these trails were not one-way, over the next 10 years Americans moved more and more goods west and Mexicans moved more and more goods east.
By the early 1830's, small trading posts began to show up, the biggest one being Bent's Fort, established in 1833 by William and Charles Bent and Ceran St. Vrain on the upper Arkansas. Bent's Fort became the center of a huge trading empire and a favorite haunt of the Plains Indians, mountain men and Santa Fe Trail traders. To reach their interests in Santa Fe and Taos, Bent, St. Vrain and Co. used the trail along Timpas Creek to the Purgatoire River and then over Raton Pass, the route that came to be known as the Mountain Branch of the Santa Fe Trail.
Quite often folks would follow the Arkansas to the confluence with the Fountain near the site of Pueblo where they came to the Trappers Trail. Others would follow the Huerfano River Trail to its junction with the Trappers Trail at Badito. Going this way a horseback rider could make it from Bent's Fort to Taos in only 3 days.
By the early 1840's the beaver trade had collapsed. In 1842, a group of traders (including George Simpson, Joseph Doyle and Alexander Barclay) built Fort Pueblo near the junction of Fountain Creek and the Arkansas River. The traders wanted pelts and buffalo robes and offered guns, coffee, sugar, flour, copper kettles and cloth in trade. What the Indians really wanted, though, was Taos whiskey. Simeon Turley had started a distillery north of Taos, at Arroyo Hondo, about 1831. In 1836 Turley hired a tee-totalling ex-trapper named Charles Autobees as a travelling salesman. Autobees would pack mule trains with flour and Taos Lightning and head north on the Trapper's Trail, sometimes going as far as certain trading posts on the South Platte. Then he would load the pelts and robes he got on a wagon at Pueblo and take them to Missouri over the Santa Fe Trail. Pretty much everything he did for a living was illegal by somebody's rules but neither the Mexican nor the American authorities was willing or able to enforce the law. The Mexican War changed all this.
Stephen Watts Kearny and his Army of the West came through Colorado on the Mountain Branch of the Santa Fe Trail and headed south over Raton Pass in 1846. He claimed New Mexico for the United States in a bloodless coup. A few months later came the Taos Uprising: a mob of Taos Indians and Mexicans killed all the Americans and other foreigners they could find, including Governor Charles Bent, Simeon Turley, Luc Beaubien (of the Miranda-Beaubien Land Grant), and a host of others. Dick Green (Governor Bent's personal black slave) was in Santa Fe and returned to Taos a few days later with reinforcements. The fighting was fierce but when it was over, the Americans were in charge. When Dick Green got back to Bent's Fort, William Bent emancipated him and his family as reward for Dick's courage and dedication.
In November of 1848, John Fremont arrived in Pueblo to mount his fourth Western expedition: he wanted to cross the Rockies in the winter. They left town and headed up the Arkansas and then up Hardscrabble Creek to the Wet Mountain Valley. They travelled south in the valley and probably crossed Mosca Pass into the San Luis Valley before getting lost on the way to Cochetopa Pass. They ate their mules, then their leather belts and mocassin soles. 10 men died during the retreat. There were stories of cannibalism. The ones who survived dug their way through 30 foot snow drifts with cooking pots and dinner plates but they finally made it to safety in Red River, New Mexico.
In 1852 the federal government established Fort Massachusetts at the base of Mt. Blanca to deal with problems caused by restless Apaches and Utes. The site overlooked the San Luis Valley entrance to the Sangre de Cristo Pass. In 1858 the fort was relocated 6 miles south to Fort Garland.
In 1853 Capt. John Gunnison headed up the Huerfano River to Badito and then over the Sange de Cristo Pass. The route was easy, even crossing Cochetopa Pass was uneventful. By October they were in Sevier Lake, Utah. Then, emerging from his tent at sunrise one day, Gunnison took 15 arrows from a group of Pahvant Utes. The whole expedition was wiped out.
In December, 1853, Fremont, on his fifth and final expedition, headed up the Huerfano River into the Wet Mountain Valley where they crossed over Medano Pass to the Great Sand Dunes. This time he got across Cochetopa Pass easily and made it to Utah before a severe winter storm stopped him. Again the men ate their mules while listening to Fremont lecture about the evils of cannibalism. Finally, one of the men died and the rest decided to abandon their supplies and move on. The whole expedition fell apart when they reached the Mormon settlements.
The Gold Rush of 1859 brought a new rush of traffic along the trails. Several military forts were built along the Arkansas between 1860 and 1867. In 1866, "Uncle Dick" Wootton finished his toll road over Raton Pass. Charles Goodnight blazed a cattle trail over nearby Trinchera Pass in 1867 to avoid paying the toll on Wootton's Raton Road. Further east is Toll Gate Canyon, a favorite haunt of outlaws and highwaymen. Black Jack Ketchum and his gang gained a lot of notoriety for their work in this area.
A stage route from Boggsville up the Purgatoire River Trail to Trinidad was opened in 1871. In the mid 1870's, the Sanderson-Barlow Stage Line ran service from Denver to Santa Fe through Pueblo, Trinidad and Las Vegas, and another stage line ran from Cucharas (a railroad town northeast of Walsenburg) to Lake City in the San Juan Mountains.
In 1877 the Denver and Rio Grande Railroad blasted its way over La Veta Pass and connected Walsenburg with the San Luis Valley. In 1878 the Atchison, Topeka and Santa Fe arrived in Trinidad. They bought the rights to Wootton's Toll Road and laid tracks over Raton Pass, arriving in Lamy, the nearest station to Santa Fe on February 16, 1880. That pretty well marked the end of the big trail days.
HistoryLink.org
On November 19, 1805, Captain William Clark (1770-1838) of the Lewis and Clark Expedition visits the future site of Long Beach. Clark records in his journal that at the most northerly point the expedition reached on the Pacific coast he inscribed "my name on a Small pine, the Day of the month & Year, Etc." (Reuben Gold Thwaites, 236). The tree will be lost, but a bronze sculpture placed along the Discovery Trail in Long Beach in 2003 will commemorate Clark's visit and mark the tree's approximate location.
Clark Reaches the Pacific
The Lewis and Clark Expedition, also known as the Corps of Discovery, traveled by land across North America in 1804 and 1805. Before deciding to build its winter fort on the south side of the Columbia River, the Corps explored the north side, land now part of Washington state. William Clark, one of the captains leading the expedition, took 11 men from their camp at McGowan, Station Camp, and traveled overland to the ocean beach, stopping to camp overnight near present-day Ilwaco. In his journal, Clark wrote, "Men appear much satisfied with their trip, beholding with estonishment the high waves dashing against the rocks of this emence Ocian" (Reuben Gold Thwaites, 234).
Clark's party walked up the sandy beach from Beard's Hollow to the northern side of today's Long Beach. Their route would have been farther inland than the beach we see today because in the intervening centuries sand accretion has added significantly to the shore. The group followed a long-used "highway" on which Indians took advantage of the beach's expanse of hard-packed, wet sand for easy travel between the Columbia River and Willapa Bay.
Before turning back to Station Camp, Clark inscribed his name and the date on a pine tree. Meriwether Lewis (1774-1809) and Clark inscribed their names and the dates at a number of locations along their route, both to mark their presence for posterity and to bolster American claims to the contested lands west of the Rockies, north of the Spanish colonies, and south of the Russian colonies -- today's British Columbia and Pacific Northwest.
The Corps Remembered
Americans would not return to the peninsula for several decades. In the 1850s and 1860s farmers began to claim land in the area and a stagecoach ran along the beach between Ilwaco and Oysterville, at the northern end of the peninsula.
The tree on which Clark had placed his initials was removed, some suspect, by an unwitting road crew many years ago and is lost. In 2000, in preparation for the bicentennial of the Lewis and Clark Expedition, the cities of Long Beach and Ilwaco and the Washington State Parks & Recreation Commission, working with the Washington State National and Air National guards and the Oregon National Guard, began work on the Discovery Trail. The 8.5-mile trail follows the Clark group's route from Baker Bay on the Columbia River to Long Beach.
In Long Beach the trail follows the city's boardwalk. At approximately the northern terminus of Clark's walk on the peninsula stands Clark's Tree, a bronze sculpture of a pine-tree snag by Utah artist Stanley Wanlass (b. 1941). Wanlass inscribed the tree trunk with the phrase, "William Clark. November 19, 1805. By land from the U. States," which is believed to be what Clark carved into the pine.
Two other sculptures elsewhere on the Discovery Trail depict Clark and a sturgeon he found on the beach. A reconstructed gray whale skeleton stands in for a whale carcass that Clark's group came upon during their visit. At the Ilwaco end of the trail, on the waterfront, a sculpture of a California condor depicts the birds that Clark identified as buzzards.
William Clark (1770-1838), ca. 1810
Portrait by Charles Willson Peale, Courtesy National Park Service
Historical reenactment,Clark's Tree sculpture dedication, Long Beach, November 8, 2003
Sculpture by Stanley Wanlass, Photo Courtesy National Park Service
Clark's Tree (Stanley Wanlass, 2003), Long Beach, 2015
Commissioning and preparation
On January 18, 1803, U.S. Pres. Thomas Jefferson sent a secret message to Congress asking for $2,500 to send an officer and a dozen soldiers to explore the Missouri River, make diplomatic contact with Indians, expand the American fur trade, and locate the Northwest Passage (the much-sought-after hypothetical northwestern water route to the Pacific Ocean). The proposed trip took on added significance on May 2, when the United States agreed to the Louisiana Purchase—Napoleon’s sale of 828,000 square miles (2,100,000 square km) of French territory for $27 million. Jefferson, who had already sponsored several attempts to explore the West, asked his personal secretary, Meriwether Lewis, to lead the expedition. Lewis was dispatched to Philadelphia for instruction in botany, celestial navigation, medicine, and zoology. He also purchased supplies and spent $20 on a Newfoundland dog, Seaman.
Lewis procured weapons at Harpers Ferry, Virginia (now in West Virginia), supervised the construction of a 55-foot (17-metre) keelboat, and secured smaller vessels, in addition to designing an iron-framed boat that could be assembled on the journey. As his co-commander he selected William Clark, who had been his military superior during the government’s battles with the Northwest Indian Federation in the early 1790s. The U.S. secretary of war denied Lewis’s request of a shared command, but Captain Lewis and Lieutenant Clark chose to address one another as “captain” to hide this fact from the other members of the expedition. For his part, Clark recruited men in Kentucky, oversaw their training that winter at Camp River Dubois in Illinois, and served as the expedition’s principal waterman and cartographer.
10 Mistakes That Caused the Most Punishing Nature Expedition in History
One hundred years before the premiere of Fox's new timey-wimey TV series, one of the most punishing nature expeditions ever undertaken also went by the name of Terra Nova. The ill-fated Antarctic excursion was led by explorer Robert Falcon Scott, who was determined to lead the first successful adventure to the South Pole.
Scott and his party would reach their goal malnourished and exhausted on January 17th, 1912 — but they arrived 33 days daarna a team led by Norwegian explorer Roald Amundsen, and Scott's entire crew would perish on the return journey. Amundsen's team not only handled the expedition with greater ease, it also emerged from the expedition without the loss of a single human life. Let's examine ten of the deadliest mistakes made by Scott and his crew on this, the real-life Terra Nova Expedition.
10. Scott had an aversion toward the use of dogs
Today, dogs are widely recognized as being strong, dependable, and valuable companions on snow expeditions, but a bad experience with on a previous adventure had left Scott wary of their usefulness. He also had a pretty serious macho complex. In a journal entry from a previous expedition to the Antarctic, Scott wrote:
In my mind no journey ever made with dogs can approach the height of that fine conception which is realised when a party of men go forth to face hardships, dangers, and difficulties with their own unaided efforts, and by days and weeks of hard physical labour succeed in solving some problem of the great unknown. Surely in this case the conquest is more nobly and splendidly won.
Needless to say, Scott did not utilize dogs in his expedition to the extent that he almost certainly should have. Amundsen, by comparison, relied entirely on sledge dogs.
La Salle Expedition
René Robert Cavelier, Sieur de La Salle, sailed from Rochefort, France, on August 1, 1684, to seek the mouth of the Mississippi River by sea. This new voyage of four ships and more than 300 people at the start was a follow-up to La Salle's 1682 exploration of the Mississippi from the mouth of the Illinois River to the Gulf of Mexico. Having first departed from La Rochelle on July 24, the fleet was forced to make port at Rochefort for repairs to the Royal Navy escort vessel Joly. With Spain and France at war, La Salle planned to establish a colony sixty leagues up the river as a base for striking Mexico, afflicting Spanish shipping, and blocking English expansion, while providing a warmwater port for the Mississippi valley fur trade. He planned to settle near the Taensa Indians, whose villages lined Lake St. Joseph in Tensas Parish, Louisiana. The war with Spain ended two weeks after La Salle sailed. The word did not overtake him during his pause at Petit Goâve (Haiti), and he proceeded into the Gulf&mdashhistorically an exclusively Spanish sea&mdashbelieving that the war was still on.
From the start the expedition was plagued by misfortune, including dissension among the leaders, loss of the ketch Saint François to Spanish privateers, defections, and, finally, La Salle's failure to find the Mississippi. After putting soldiers ashore to reconnoiter the Texas coast at Cedar Bayou, he landed the colonists at Matagorda Bay, which he deemed the "western mouth of the Colbert River," on February 20, 1685. After the storeship Aimable was lost in Pass Cavallo at the mouth of the bay, her crew and several disenchanted colonists, including the engineer Minet, returned to France with the naval vessel Joly. By the time a temporary fort was built on the eastern end of Matagorda Island, a series of other misfortunes had reduced the number of colonists to 180. As the work of building a more permanent settlement progressed, many succumbed to overwork, malnutrition, and Indians, or became lost in the wilderness. In late winter 1686 the bark Belle, the only remaining ship, was wrecked on Matagorda Peninsula during a squall.
As La Salle's Texas settlement rose on Garcitas Creek in what is now Victoria County, La Salle set out to explore the surrounding country. He was absent from the settlement from October 1685 to March 1686, and there is evidence that he traveled far to the west, reaching the Rio Grande and ascending it as far as the site of present-day Langtry. At last realizing that the bay he was on lay west of the Mississippi, he made two easterly marches, to the Hasinai, or Tejas, Indians, hoping to find the river and proceed to his Fort St. Louis of the Illinois. On the second of these he was slain in an ambush by a disenchanted follower, Pierre Duhaut, six leagues from one of the Hasinai villages, on March 19, 1687. The bloodletting, already begun in a hunting camp, claimed the lives of seven others.
Six of the seventeen who had left the settlement site with La Salle continued to Canada and, eventually, France. Among them were La Salle's brother, Abbé Jean Cavelier, Anastase Douay, en Henri Joutel, each of whom later wrote of the expedition. Six other Frenchmen, including two deserters who had reappeared, remained among the East Texas Indians.
At his settlement site La Salle had left hardly more than twenty persons, with the crippled Gabriel Minime, Sieur de Barbier, in charge. They consisted of women and children, the physically handicapped, and those who for one reason or another had incurred La Salle's disfavor. Jean Baptiste Talon, who provides the only eyewitness account, relates that after La Salle's departure peace was made with the Karankawas, whose enmity the leader had incurred at the outset the Indians, learning of La Salle's death and the disunity among the French, attacked the settlement by surprise around Christmas 1688, sparing only the children. Madame Barbier and her babe at breast&mdashthe first White child of record born in Texas&mdashwere saved temporarily by the Indian women, only to be slain when the men returned from the massacre. The women succeeded in saving four Talon children and Eustace Bréman, the paymaster's son, who were adopted into the tribe.
The Spaniards, having learned of the French intrusion from captured pirates who turned out to be defectors from La Salle, sought the French colony with five sea voyages and six land marches. On April 4, 1687, pilots of the voyage of Martín de Rivas en Pedro de Iriarte came upon the wreckage of the bark Belle on Matagorda Peninsula. Fragments of the storeship Aimable were found in Cavallo Pass, where she had grounded, and along the coast. The ruined settlement site was discovered on April 22, 1689, by Alonso De León, who had led a march from San Francisco de Coahuila, now Monclova. Two Frenchmen living among the Hasinais, Jean l'Archevêque en Jacques Grollet, gave themselves up. The following year, when De León returned with Franciscans to establish the mission San Francisco de los Tejas, he captured Pierre Meunier and Pierre Talon, also from among the Hasinais, and Talon informed him that among the Karankawas were his three younger brothers and one sister, whom De León went to rescue. Jean Baptiste and Bréman remained to be rescued by the 1691 expedition of Terán de los Ríos. The children were taken to Mexico to live as servants in the house of the viceroy Conde de Galve. Also taken from the Karankawas to be imprisoned in San Juan de Ulúa's dungeon, according to the Talons, was an Italian who, strangely, is not mentioned in any of the Spanish accounts.
A lingering question pertaining to La Salle's Texas expedition concerns the reasons for his misplaced landing. Documents that became available to researchers only in the 1980s, taken with others that have not been well understood, shed new light on the matter. La Salle, facing a largely unexplored continent, formed his own hypothesis during his exploration of the Mississippi in 1683, then acted on it as though it were dead certainty. His observations of the river were at sharp variance with maps of the period. With his compass broken and his astrolabe giving erroneous latitudes, as Minet reveals, he oriented himself by the sun, which was often obscured by clouds or fog. The bay, called Espíritu Santo on virtually every map, was not found at the river mouth, and the river in its lower reaches did not flow south as the maps showed but east or southeast. The latitude La Salle recorded at the river mouth was 28°20', almost a degree in error. He therefore concluded that he had discovered another river, distinct from Hernando De Soto's río grande (kyk MOSCOSO EXPEDITION), or Chucagoa, and Alonso Álvarez de Pineda's Río del Espíritu Santo. "The course of the Mississippi River during the last 100 leagues," he observed, "is exactly that of the Escondido. we were in another river than the Chucagoa, from which [De Soto's] Spaniards took such a long time to reach Mexico." The Río Escondido first appeared on maps in the mid-sixteenth century as entering the Gulf at its western end. Its latitude corresponded with the one La Salle had taken at the mouth of the Mississippi. "If all the maps are not worthless," he concluded, "the mouth of the River Colbert is near Mexico. this Escondido assuredly is the Mississippi."
Accounts of both Henri de Tonti en Father Zénobe Membré attest La Salle's belief that he was on the Escondido, which the maps located about where the Nueces is. Minet's journal of the subsequent voyage to the Gulf recounts La Salle's remarks to the effect that his intended destination lay in 28°20' latitude, "at the very end of the Gulf"&mdashexactly the point to which he sailed. It seems clear, therefore, that La Salle's misplaced landing was due neither to navigational error nor to a secret design to place himself nearer Mexico, but rather to his lack of geographical understanding.
The La Salle expedition, as the first real European penetration of the Texas-Louisiana Gulf shore since Narváez and De Soto, had far-reaching results. Primarily, it shifted the focus of Spanish interest from western Texas&mdashwhere Juan Domínguez de Mendoza en Fray Nicolás López had urged missions for the Edwards Plateau region&mdashto eastern. Underscoring the Spaniards' own geographical ignorance, it brought a rebirth of Spanish exploration of the northern Gulf shore, which had faltered for almost a century, and advanced the timetable for occupation. Additionally, it established in the minds of the French a claim to Texas that refused to die thenceforth, until the French were eliminated from colonial rivalry, virtually every Spanish move in Texas and the borderlands came as a reaction to a French threat, real or imagined. La Salle's entry also gave the United States leverage, tenuous though it was, to claim Texas as part of the 1803 Louisiana Purchase and gave rise to a protracted border dispute between the United States and Spain that was settled only with the Adams-Onís treaty of 1819.
Survivors of La Salle's abortive colony, few as they were, played vital roles in later exploration and settlement of the South and Southwest. L'Archevêque, Grollet, and Meunier, whom the Spaniards denied leave to return to France, joined Diego de Vargas in the resettlement of New Mexico in the 1690s. Father Anastase Douay served as chaplain for the Sieur d'Iberville's first voyage to Louisiana in 1699. Henri Joutel, spurning an opportunity to go with Iberville, sent his journal instead. Pierre and Jean Baptiste Talon, repatriated when the Spanish ship on which they were serving was captured by a French vessel in 1697, joined Louis Juchereau de St. Denis's company and sailed with Iberville on his second voyage. In 1714 Pierre and another brother, Robert, served as guides and interpreters for St. Denis on his storied trek across Texas to San Juan Bautista on the Rio Grande. Robert later settled in Mobile. As late as 1717 rumors were heard that members of La Salle's colony who had been spared in the Fort St. Louis massacre were still living among the Indians.
Isaac Joslin Cox, ed., The Journeys of René Robert Cavelier, Sieur de La Salle (2 vols., New York: Barnes, 1905 2d ed., New York: Allerton, 1922). Pierre Margry, ed., Découvertes et établissements des Français dans l'ouest et dans le sud de l'Amérique septentrionale, 1614&ndash1754 (6 vols., Paris: Jouast, 1876&ndash86). Francis Parkman, The Discovery of the Great West (London: Murray, 1869 new ed., La Salle and the Discovery of the Great West, New York: New American Library, 1963). Robert S. Weddle et al., eds., La Salle, the Mississippi, and the Gulf: Three Primary Documents (College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 1987). Peter H. Wood, "La Salle: Discovery of a Lost Explorer," Amerikaanse historiese resensie 89 (April 1984).
Hunter-Dunbar Expedition
The Hunter-Dunbar expedition was one of only four ventures into the Louisiana Purchase commissioned by Thomas Jefferson. Between 1804 and 1807, President Jefferson sent Lewis and Clark into the northern regions of the Purchase Zebulon Pike into the Rocky Mountains, the southwestern areas, and two smaller forays Thomas Freeman and Peter Custis along the Red River and William Dunbar and Dr. George Hunter to explore the “Washita” River and “the hot springs” in what is now Arkansas and Louisiana.
While the Ouachita River expedition was not as vast as and did not provide the expanse of geographic and environmental information collected by Lewis and Clark’s Corps of Discovery, the exploration of Dunbar and Hunter remains significant for several reasons. It provided Americans with the first scientific study of the varied landscapes as well as the animal and plant life of early southern Arkansas and northern Louisiana. In fact, the expedition resulted in arguably the most purely scientific collection of data among all of the Louisiana Purchase explorations.
The explorers described an extremely active and vibrant interaction between the European and the Native American population. Hunter and Dunbar also reported many encounters with European trappers, hunters, planters, and settlers as well as fellow river travelers plying the waters of the Red, Black and Ouachita rivers. Their copious notes also portray a region in which these European and Indian inhabitants harvested the abundant natural resources along the rivers and in the lands beyond.
The reports from both men show that the hot springs had become an important site for people seeking relief from ailments and infirmities. The expedition met several individuals who had either been to the springs or were on their way to bathe in its waters. When the explorers arrived at the hot springs, they found evidence that people had lived there for periods of time to take advantage of the location’s medicinal virtues. A cabin and several small shacks had been built by people coming to the springs. The explorers used these dwellings during their visit.
Because this trip ended well before Lewis and Clark’s, the journals of Dunbar and Hunter became the first reports to Jefferson describing the landscapes and people within the new territory. Through the detailed notes kept by each man, the Jefferson administration received an accurate depiction of the area’s varied resources. Their daily journal entries became the first description in English of the Ouachita River region in Arkansas and Louisiana.
The Explorers
Dunbar was born to an aristocratic family in Elgin, Morayshire, Scotland in 1749. He later studied astronomy and mathematics in Glasgow and London, which ignited a life-long interest in all areas of science and discovery. At the age of twenty-two, he traveled to Philadelphia, where he engaged in trade with the Indians of the Ohio River valley. He settled near Natchez, Mississippi, where he built a large cottage known as “The Forest” in an area nine miles south of Natchez called Second Creek.
By 1803, Jefferson and Dunbar had become well acquainted through correspondence. Dunbar became the key figure for Jefferson in his various discussions and plans to explore the southern Louisiana Purchase from 1804 to 1807. The president relied on Dunbar’s advice and his propensity for getting things done in the frontier of the southern Mississippi Valley.
Jefferson not only asked the prominent Natchez resident to lead an expedition into the Louisiana Purchase, he also informed him that he had assigned another Scottish immigrant, George Hunter, a chemist and druggist residing in Philadelphia, who had explored areas of the Ohio and Indiana back country, as his “fellow labourer and counsellor” for what became known as the Grand Expedition. For Dunbar, Hunter, and Jefferson, the proposed Grand Expedition would be a trip along both the Red and Arkansas rivers. Such a trip, if conducted, would rival the breadth of the one being planned by Lewis and Clark along the Missouri River.
A Postponed Trip
Following an appropriation of $3,000 by Congress, preparation began in earnest. During the initial planning stages, however, both Jefferson and Dunbar became worried about the warring activities of certain Osage Indians in what would become Arkansas and Oklahoma. A group led by a chief called Great Track had broken away from the main tribe. Because of his concerns for the safety and success of the expedition, Jefferson wrote to Dunbar that he was afraid that the Osage would hinder their travel along the Arkansas River “and perhaps do worse.” Both Jefferson and Dunbar also had apprehensions over possible Spanish resistance above the Bayou Pierre in northwestern Louisiana and northeastern Texas.
In June 1804, Dunbar wrote to Jefferson asking for permission to attempt what both men initially considered a trial run up a tributary of the Red River, a smaller stream called the “Washita.” Dunbar wrote to Jefferson on August 17, 1804, that there were many “curiosities” along the Ouachita River, and in particular he referred to a location he named “the boiling springs”—the present-day Hot Springs National Park.
The Ouachita River Expedition
Jefferson agreed to the change in plans, and after several months of planning and preparations by both men, the group departed from St. Catherine’s Landing on the east bank of the Mississippi River on October 16, 1804. The team consisted of thirteen enlisted soldiers, Hunter’s teenage son, two of Dunbar’s slaves, and one of his servants. The nineteen men occupied a strange-looking “Chinese-style vessel” that had been designed by Hunter in Pittsburgh several months earlier. The boat proved unsuitable for inland river travel, as its draft was far too deep. As Dunbar and Hunter ascended the Red, Black and Ouachita rivers, the journals of both men became replete with descriptions of soil types, water levels, flora, fauna, and daily astronomical and thermometer readings. To construct the most accurate map possible, William Dunbar used a pocket chronometer and an instrument called a circle of reflection—an instrument usually set on a tripod used to calculate latitude using the horizon and a star or planet. Dunbar also successfully used a surveying compass and an artificial horizon. In addition to the scientific recordings, their journals document the daily human drama of their adventure and the toil of the soldiers as they hauled, polled, and rowed the vessel against the currents.
On November 6, after great difficulty in traversing the river in Hunter’s vessel, the group reached the site of Fort Miro, also called Ouachita Post (modern-day Monroe, Louisiana). The fort, first established by the French around 1784, had been turned over to American control only seven months before, in April 1804. The new American commander of the site, Lieutenant Joseph Bowmar, treated the explorers to what hospitality he could muster in the primitive surroundings, allowing the crew to receive some much deserved rest from the rigors of the first two hundred miles.
At the fort, Dunbar secured a large flatboat with a cabin on deck and hired an experienced guide named Samuel Blazier. The new guide’s familiarity with the area may be the reason both men where able to name many of the sites above Fort Miro. As they crossed into modern-day Arkansas on November 15, 1804, the landscape began to change from mainly pine forests to bottom lands mixed with various hardwoods.
When the team neared Ecore a Fabri, modern-day Camden (Ouachita County), the former site of a French settlement, two significant events occurred. First, the explorers found a tree with curious Indian hieroglyphs carved onto its trunk. The carvings portrayed two men holding hands and may have been the site of trade between Europeans and Native Americans. Second, on November 22, as Hunter cleaned his pistol on the flatboat, the gun discharged. The bullet ripped through his thumb and lacerated two fingers. It continued through the brim of his hat, missing his head by only fractions of an inch. Hunter remained in severe pain and danger of infection for over two weeks. His eyes were burned, and he could not see to record entries in his journals and was little help to the expedition.
Near the current site of Arkadelphia (Clark County), they met a man of Dutch descent named Paltz. The Dutch hunter knew the area well, and he informed the explorers of a salt spring located nearby, as well as other natural features. Paltz told him that he had “resided forty years on the Ouachita and before that on the Arkansas.” Hunter, Paltz, and a small team investigated a “salt pit” and reported it to be of a substantial nature. The chemist conducted specific gravity experiments on the saline water and discovered it to be a high concentration of what he called “marine salt.”
On December 3, 1804, Dunbar and Hunter confronted the greatest potential obstacle to their journey. Near what is today Malvern (Hot Spring County) or Rockport (Hot Spring County), an enormous series of rocky rapids, called “the Chutes” by the two men, stretched almost one mile before them. Dunbar described the formations as looking like “ancient fortifications and castles.” Through strenuous efforts of cordelling, rocking the vessel from side to side, and essentially dragging the flat boat between and over rocks, the team finally traversed the maze of boulders. Dunbar compared the roar made by the Chutes to the sound of a hurricane he had experience in New Orleans in 1779.
Exploring the “Hot Springs”
By December 7, the group had reached the closest point along the Ouachita River to the hot springs, and they camped at the confluence of a creek they identified as Calfait Creek (today Gulpha Creek), also called Ellis Landing. Several men immediately began a nine-mile walk to examine the site. They returned the next afternoon with vivid descriptions of their experiences, stating that they had discovered an empty cabin thought to be used by those coming to bathe in and drink from the purportedhealing waters of the springs.
The following day, Dunbar and Hunter traveled to the springs and began an almost four-week study of the water properties and geological and biological features present. During this time, the explorers decided that there were four principal and two inferior springs in the geologic complex. They measured the water temperature, which averaged between 148 and 150 degrees. Hunter also cataloged the numerous limestone deposits, while Dunbar discovered a cabbage-like plant he called “cabbage raddish of the Washita.” They described small microorganisms living in the hot waters, the recording of which may be the first report of living things in such hostile environments. The explorers sighted swans, deer, and raccoons, as well as more signs of buffalo in the areas around their camp and around the spring complex.
Despite their hypotheses and experiments, both men left without any definitive conclusions concerning the hot water source. Both also took several treks into the surrounding mountains and described the vistas and the creeks and natural features they traversed.
The Return Trip
Following a brief snow storm and the continual drop in daily temperatures, the explorers finally decided to begin the return trip on January 8, 1805. During their descent, the team met a group of (possibly) Quapaw Indians, or as Hunter called them, “Indians who had come from the river Arkansa.” The Indian party was led by a man named Jean LeFevre,who accompanied the expedition to Fort Miro. LeFevre provided Dunbar and Hunter with a wealth of additional knowledge concerning the region, including place names and the name origins, river sources, adjacent regions, and European and Indian relations. After a brief stop at Fort Miro to retrieve Hunter’s boat, the expedition finally arrived in Natchez on January 27, 1805.
During the following weeks, Dunbar and Hunter settled their accounts and began to work on their reports to Jefferson. Dunbar’s journals arrived on the president’s desk more than a year before Lewis and Clark returned from their trip to the northwest. The Dunbar journals and, later, the Hunter journals provided Jefferson his first glimpse into the new territory from a commissioned exploration team.
Legacies
An interview with Hunter appeared in the New Orleans Gazette on February 14, 1805, in which he presented a grandiose view of the Louisiana Purchase. He touted the medical virtues of the hot springs and the vast resources available to settlers. Both men fully expected their time at home would be brief and that the Grand Expedition would be reorganized in 1805 however, the War Department informed Dunbar on May 24 that Hunter would not be part of the next expedition. When Hunter returned to Philadelphia, he found his business affairs in disarray and did not feel he could neglect them again by taking another lengthy journey. Congress also did not appropriate the necessary funds for the Grand Expedition. In 1815, Hunter moved his entire family to New Orleans, where he ran a steam distillery called Hunter’s Mills until his death on February 23, 1823.
After the expedition, Dunbar resumed the daily maintenance of his lands and began to prepare his report to the president. By the time of his death in 1810, he had published twelve papers in the American Philosophical Society’s journal on subjects as varied as natural history, astronomical observations, and Indian sign language.
Jefferson included Dunbar’s and Hunter’s accounts of the Ouachita River expedition in his message to Congress, and in 1806, the details of the journey were published in a work entitled Message from the President of the United States Communicating Discoveries Made in Exploring the Missouri, Red River and Washita.
Dunbar and Hunter were not the first to travel the Ouachita River or to taste the waters of the hot springs, nor were they the first to describe the region in journals or publications. They did succeed in the first scientific mapping and description of the Ouachita River valley. Their journals reveal an active European presence in the region, with numerous small settlements and individual homesteaders, trappers, and traders who had been utilizing the natural resources of the region for decades. The place names that are identified in the two men’s daily entries are also indications of a region well known and used by these same people.
Their voyage did not rival Lewis and Clark’s, but their journey up the Red, Black and Ouachita rivers, along with the explorations and journals of Freeman, Custis, and Zebulon Pike are important accounts that complete the story of Louisiana Purchase exploration.
Vir meer inligting:
Berry, Trey. “The Expedition of William Dunbar and George Hunter along the Ouachita River, 1804–1805.” Arkansas Historical Quarterly 62 (Winter 2003): 386–403.
Berry, Trey, Pam Beasley, and Jeanne Clements, eds. The Forgotten Expedition: The Louisiana Purchase Journals of Dunbar and Hunter, 1804–1805. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2006.
Correspondence between George Hunter, William Dunbar, and Thomas Jefferson. Thomas Jefferson Papers. Library of Congress, Washington DC. Online at https://www.loc.gov/collections/thomas-jefferson-papers/ (accessed July 11, 2018).
DeRosier Jr., Arthur. William Dunbar: Scientific Pioneer of the Old Southwest. Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 2007.
George Hunter Journals. American Philosophical Society, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania.
McDermott, John Francis. The Western Journals of Dr. George Hunter, 1796–1805. Philadelphia: The American Philosophical Society, 1963.
Milson, Andrew J. Arkansas Travelers: Geographies of Exploration and Perception, 1804–1834. Fayetteville: University of Arkansas Press, 2019.
Rowland, Eron. Life, Letters and Papers of William Dunbar. Jackson: Press of the Mississippi Historical Society, 1930.
William Dunbar Expedition Journal. American Philosophical Society, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania.
American adventurer Colin O’Brady, 33, has beaten off Englishman Louis Rudd, 49, to become the first person to cross Antarctica unsupported and unaided.
Only two other men have attempted the challenge before, both in the past two years. One of the men quit after 52 days, and the other died.
Rudd, a 33-year veteran and current captain of the British Army, has been on previous expeditions to Antarctica, having already skied more than 2,500 miles. In 2016, he led a five-man team of British veterans across the continent.
In October, O’Brady, a newcomer to the polar adventure community, declared his intention to attempt the crossing.
A post shared by Colin O'Brady (@colinobrady) on Nov 16, 2018 at 5:37pm PST
O’Brady is no stranger to overcoming hardship and challenges.
After a near-death accident burned his legs and feet in 2008, he was told he might never walk again. Eighteen months later, he won the amateur division of the Chicago Triathlon and spent the following six years as a professional triathlete, including as a member of Team USA.
He began mountain climbing in 2016 and quickly set the world record for the fastest completion of the Seven Summits, climbing the highest peak on each continent and the related Explorers Grand Slam (Last Degree). During this past summer, he broke the speed record for the 50 High Points Challenge, climbing the highest point in each state in the U.S. in 21 days.
A social-media savvy self-promoter, O’Brady posts daily updates from the Antarctica expedition to his 66,000 Instagram followers.
Both men were in the race are raising funds for charities — Rudd for veterans and O’Brady for children’s health.
The men met for the first time in late October while making preparations for their expeditions in Punta Arenas, Chile. On November 3, a Twin Otter ski plane deposited them a mile apart on the Ronne Ice Shelf, a few miles out from the beginning of the Antarctic continent.
Rudd was in front for the first five days, but on day six, newcomer O’Brady caught up. After the men had a brief chat, Rudd explained he let his competitor pass because he was, “Very keen to maximize the solo experience. and kept about a kilometer apart throughout the day.”
After a long 18-mile day pushing each other, Rudd decided to give up trying to keep O’Brady insight, explaining in his day’s report, “There’s still a long, long way to go and a lot can happen yet, so I’m going to stay focused on my plan. Hopefully, we’ll naturally separate, it’d be better I think to be out here on our own experiencing the solo journey as it should be.”
When Rudd came out of his tent on the morning of the seventh day, he found O’Brady had already left. Rudd reported, “ It’s actually a good thing for both of us—we want to do be doing our own separate solo journeys. Now I can just focus on my expedition, my journey, and kind of do it my way. That’s what I came here for.”
