Fannie Lou Hamer

Fannie Lou Hamer


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Fannie Lou Hamer, die jongste van twintig kinders, is op 6 Oktober 1936 in Montgomery County, Mississippi, gebore. kerk in Ruleville. Toe Hamer probeer registreer om te stem, is sy gearresteer en in die tronk gestop. Die volgende dag het haar verhuurder vir haar gesê dat as sy nie haar versoek om te stem terugtrek nie, sy van haar grond gedwing sal word. Hamer het gereageer deur 'n aktiewe lid van die SNCC te word.

Nadat sy haar werk op die plantasie verloor het, was Hamer werksaam as veldsekretaris van die SNCC en in 1963 was sy 'n belangrike rol in die totstandkoming van die Delta Ministry, 'n uitgebreide gemeenskapsontwikkelingsprogram. Tydens die Freedom Summer -veldtog het sy gehelp om die Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party te stig. Hamer het 'n nasionale figuur geword toe sy tydens die nasionale byeenkoms van die Demokratiese Party 'n hartstogtelike toespraak gelewer het waarin hy die sitplek van die gewone wit Mississippi-afvaardiging sou uitdaag.

In 1968 stig Hamer die Freedom Farms Corporation (FFC), 'n nie-winsgewende onderneming wat bedoel is om arm boerderygesinne te help. Dit het ook maatskaplike dienste en toelaes vir onderwys verskaf. Fannie Lou Hamer sterf op 14 Maart 1977 in Mound Bayou, Mississippi.

My lewe was amper soos my ma s’n, want ek is getroud met ’n man wat gewas gemaak het. Ons het dit nie maklik gehad nie, en die enigste manier waarop ons die winter kon deurkom, was omdat Pap 'n bietjie sappige gewrig gehad het en ons drank gemaak het. Dit was die enigste manier waarop ons dit kon regkry. Ek trou in 1944 en bly op die plantasie tot 1962 toe ek na die hof in Indianola gaan om te registreer om te stem. Dit het gebeur omdat ek een aand na 'n massavergadering gegaan het.

Tot dan het ek nog nooit van 'n massavergadering gehoor nie en ek het nie geweet dat 'n neger kan registreer en stem nie. Bob Moses, Reggie Robinson, Jim Bevel en James Forman was van die SNCC -werkers wat die vergadering gehou het. Toe hulle vra dat hulle hulle hande opsteek wat die volgende dag na die hof gaan, het ek myne opgesteek. Het dit so hoog as wat ek kon kry. Ek dink ek sou 'n bietjie bang gewees het, maar wat was die punt om bang te wees? Die enigste ding wat hulle aan my kon doen, was om my dood te maak en dit het gelyk asof hulle dit 'n bietjie op 'n slag probeer doen het vandat ek kon onthou.

Daar was agtien van ons wat die dag na die hof gegaan het en ons almal is gearresteer. Die polisie het gesê dat die bus die verkeerde kleur geverf het - dit was te geel. Nadat ek borgtog gekry het, is ek terug na die plantasie waar ek en Pap agtien jaar lank gewoon het. My oudste meisie het my ontmoet en my vertel dat mnr. Marlow, die plantasie -eienaar, mal was en sand opgooi. Hy het gehoor dat ek probeer registreer het. Die aand het hy ons geroep en gesê: "Ons gaan dit nie in Mississippi hê nie, en u sal moet terugtrek. Ek soek u antwoord, ja of nee?" Ek het net gekyk. Hy het gesê: 'Ek sal jou tot môreoggend gee. En as jy nie terugtrek nie, sal jy moet vertrek. So ek het dieselfde aand vertrek. Pap moes aanhou totdat die werk aan die plantasie verby was. Tien dae later skiet hulle in by mevrou Tucker se huis waar ek gebly het. Hulle het ook twee meisies by meneer Sissel geskiet.

Ek het hier gewerk aan kieserregistrasie sedert ek na die eerste massavergadering gegaan het. In 1964 het ons 63 000 swart mense uit Mississippi by die Freedom Democratic Party geregistreer. Ons het ons eie party gestig omdat die blankes ons nie eers sou laat registreer nie. Ons het besluit om die blanke Mississippi Democratic Party tydens die National Convention uit te daag. Ons het al die wette gevolg wat die wit mense self gemaak het. Ons het probeer om die vergaderinge by te woon, en hulle het die deure vir ons gesluit of die vergaderings verskuif, en dit is in stryd met die wette wat hulle vir hulself gemaak het. Dit was dus ons wat die werklike distriksvergaderings gehou het. By al hierdie vergaderings regoor die staat het ons ons verteenwoordigers gekies om na die National Democratic Convention in Atlantic City te gaan. Maar ons het op die harde manier geleer dat selfs al het ons die hele wet en al die geregtigheid aan ons kant - dat die blanke nie sy mag aan ons sal prysgee nie.


Die tragiese lewensverhaal van Fannie Lou Hamer

Fannie Lou Hamer was 'n krag om mee rekening te hou. Nadat sy die grootste deel van haar lewe as aandeelhouer gewerk het, het sy nooit opgehou werk vir gelyke stemreg vir almal nadat sy van haar grondwetlike stemreg verneem het nie.

Hamer se lewe was vol ontberinge. Toe haar ouers genoeg geld verdien om hul eie vee aan te skaf, is hul diere deur wit mense in die gemeenskap vergiftig. 'N Geringe operasie het 'n gedwonge sterilisasie geword. Na 'n arrestasie vir die poging om middagete by busstasies op interstate -roetes te integreer, 'n wet wat wettig was "gegewe die ICC 1961 -verbod op gesegregeerde interstate -reisgeriewe", is Hamer binne 'n sentimeter van haar lewe geslaan en het lewenslange gesondheidsprobleme opgedoen. gevolg van die slae.

Maar ten spyte van alles wat sy in die gesig gestaar het, het Hamer bly veg tot haar laaste dae. En sy het dit met 'n passie gedoen. Sy het altyd begin sing "wanneer die tye die ergste lyk", of dit nou was asof sy in hegtenis geneem is, in 'n tronksel of by die DNC. 'N Besoek aan Guinee het die idee geïnspireer van die anti-koloniale stryd waarin sy betrokke was, en Hamer beskryf die reis as' een van die trotsste oomblikke van my lewe '.

Haar hele lewe lank het Hamer gesê dat sy 'siek en moeg was vir siek en moeg'. 'N Mens kan net hoop dat sy die rus gekry het wat sy verdien. Dit is die tragiese werklike verhaal van Fannie Lou Hamer.


Gestremdheidsgeskiedenis

Ter ere van die Black History Month (Februarie) en Internasionale Vrouedag (8 Maart), eer ons swart gestremde vroue wat 'n kragtige impak gehad het.

Harriet Tubman (1820-1913) is bekend vir haar werk om swartes te help ontsnap uit slawerny in die suide na vryheid in die noorde. As tiener is sy in die kop geslaan met 'n gewig wat na 'n ander slaaf geslinger is en epilepsie ontwikkel het, wat aanvalle, hoofpyn en visioene veroorsaak het. Sommige sê dat sy ook narkolepsie gehad het. Sy was baie kort (5 voet lank) en word deur slawe -eienaars as ongeskik beskou, wat haar moontlik as 'n onwaarskynlike rede vir slawe laat lyk het.
http://www.succeedingwithnarcolepsy.com/#!harriet-tubman/cuqy
http://www.disabilityhistory.org/people.html

Claudia Gordon dien tans as adviseur oor gestremdheidskwessies vir president Obama in die Withuis se kantoor vir openbare betrokkenheid. Sy is die eerste Black Deaf -prokureur in die VSA en die eerste dowe student wat aan die Amerikaanse universiteit se regskool gestudeer het. Sy het gepleit vir dowes en gestremdes deur werk by die National Council on Disability, Homeland Security (waar sy gewerk het aan noodparaatheid vir mense met gestremdhede) en die National Coalition for Disability Rights.
http://deafness.about.com/od/deafwomen/p/claudiagordon.htm
http://www.gallaudet.edu/board_of_trustees/board_members/board_of_trustees_list/gordon.html

Barbara Jordan (1936-1996) word die eerste Afro-Amerikaner wat in 1967 in die Texas Senaat gedien het, en in 1973 word sy die eerste Afro-Amerikaanse vrou uit 'n suidelike staat wat in die kongres dien. Sy was ook die eerste swart vrou wat die hoofrede gehou het tydens 'n Demokratiese Nasionale Konvensie. Sy het veelvuldige sklerose (MS) gehad. Sy het gewerk vir stemreg en minimumloonwette en is beskou as 'n leier in die burgerregtebeweging.
http://txsilc.org/index.php/en/communications/silc-posts/19-blog-curabitur-eu-dignissim-velit/325-disability-history-month-barbara-jordan.html
http://www.tshaonline.org/handbook/online/articles/fjoas

Sylvia Walker (1937-2004) was direkteur van die Center for Disability and Socioeconomic Policy Studies en die Howard University Research and Training Center. Sy was ondervoorsitter van die President ’s Committee ’s on the Employment of People with Disabilities. Sy was 'n kampioen vir regte vir gestremdes, en haar navorsing het daartoe gelei dat die Wet op Amerikaners met Gestremdhede gelei het.
http://old.dimenet.com/hotnews/archive.php?mode=N&id=3550
http://www.disabilityhistory.org/dwa/library_d.html

Betty Williams is 'n voormalige president van Self Advocates Becoming Empowered (SABE), 'n organisasie van mense met intellektuele/ontwikkelingsgestremdhede. Sy het as president van People First van Indiana gedien en het verbruikersopleiding en -opleiding met die Arc of Indiana gekoördineer.
http://bancroft.berkeley.edu/ROHO/collections/subjectarea/ics_movements/self_advocacy.html

Fannie Lou Hamer (1917-1977) was 'n burgerregte-aktivis wat Afro-Amerikaners gehelp het om te registreer en mede-stigter was van die Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party. Sy was betrokke by die koördinerende komitee vir studente. Soos baie arme swartes in daardie tyd, is sy gesteriliseer sonder haar medewete of toestemming. Hamer het as kind polio gehad. Sy protesteer te midde van hewige opposisie en word geslaan in 'n gevangenishuis in Mississippi, wat nierskade en slapheid veroorsaak het. Sy is bekend daarvoor dat sy gesê het: 'Ek is siek en sat daarvoor dat ek siek en moeg is!'
http://www.thedailybeast.com/articles/2014/09/02/remembering-civil-rights-heroine-fannie-lou-hamer-im-sick-and-tired-of-being-sick-and-tired. html
http://www.biography.com/people/fannie-lou-hamer-205625#death-and-legacy
http://www.patheos.com/blogs/monkeymind/2013/10/the-passion-of-fannie-lou-hamer.html

Jazzie Collins (1958-2013) was 'n magtige swart transgender-aktivis in San Francisco wat geveg het vir die regte van bejaardes, gestremdes, LGBT-mense en bruin mense. Sy dien in die eerste taakgroep van die LGBT -verouderingsbeleid in San Francisco en was aktief by ons eie Senior en Gestremdheidsaksie, en voorheen Senior Action Network.

Audre Lorde (1934-1992) definieer haarself as 'n Black Lesbian Feminist Mother Warrior Poet. Sy het geskryf Suster Outsider, The Cancer Journals en verskeie ander dig- en prosawerke. Toe sy 'n mastektomie vir borskanker ondergaan, het sy geweier om 'n prostese te dra met die aanduiding: "Of ek is nou lief vir my liggaam met 'n eenbors, of ek bly vir ewig vreemd vir myself."
http://www.disabilityhistory.org/people.html
http://thefeministwire.com/2014/02/the-lorde-works-in-mysterious-and-magical-ways-an-introduction-to-the-audre-lorde-forum/

Lois Curtis is 'n swart kunstenaar en aktivis met 'n geestesongesteldheid en intellektuele/ontwikkelingsgestremdheid. Gedurende haar kinderjare en vroeë volwassenheid het sy in staatsbeheerde instellings gewoon, en haar versoeke om in die gemeenskap te woon, is herhaaldelik geweier. Sy dagvaar die staat Georgia, en haar saak gaan na die hooggeregshof. In die nou-beroemde L.C. v. Olmstead besluit, het die hof verklaar dat Curtis en ander gestremdes die reg het om in die gemeenskap te woon en om voldoende ondersteuning te kry. Die hof het gesê dat die onnodige institusionalisering 'n vorm van segregasie is en onwettig is ingevolge die Amerikaanse wet met gestremdhede. Curtis woon nou in die gemeenskap.
http://www.adapt.org/freeourpeople/atlanta09/lois.php

Johnnie Lacy (1937-2010) was 'n leier in die onafhanklike lewende beweging en het geveg vir die regte van mense met gestremdhede, veral mense van kleur. Sy was die leier van Community Resources for Independent Living, 'n niewinsorganisasie in Hayward wat dienste en voorspraak lewer. Lacy het gepraat oor die feit dat sy uitgesluit was van die Swart gemeenskap weens haar gestremdheid en van die gestremde gemeenskap omdat sy 'n kleurling was. As 'n swart vrou in 'n rolstoel het sy haar gemeenskappe opgevoed oor ras en gestremdheid en het sy 'n rolmodel vir baie ander swart gestremde vroue gedien.
http://uaaaclub.blogspot.com/2012/02/black-disabled-activist-johnnie-lacy.html
http://disstud.blogspot.com/2006/02/black-disability-studies-in-tu-faculty.html

Dr Nathie Marbury (1944-2013) was die eerste swart dowe vrou wat die National Leadership Training Program for the Deaf aan die California State University, Northridge, betree het en die eerste swart dowe onderwyser by die Kendall Demonstration Elementary School for the Deaf in Washington, DC. Deur middel van onderrig en voorspraak deel sy haar passie vir Amerikaanse gebaretaal en dowe kultuur.
http://nad.org/news/2013/4/memoriam-dr-nathie-marbury

Pat Parker (1944-1989) was 'n swart lesbiese feministiese digter met borskanker. Sy het oor identiteit en trots geskryf. Sy was betrokke by die Black Panther Party, die Women's Press Collective en gay en lesbiese organisering.
http://inspiritual.biz/inspiritual-reflections/2011/4/18/why-i-love-pat-parker.html
http://voices.cla.umn.edu/artistpages/parkerPat.php

As ek al my dele saam met my kon neem as ek iewers heen gaan, en ek hoef nie vir een van hulle te sê nie, nee, jy bly vanaand tuis, jy sal nie welkom wees nie, want ek gaan na 'n all-white party waar ek gay kan wees, maar nie Black nie. Of ek gaan na 'n swart poësie lees, en die helfte van die digters is antihomoseksueel, of duisende situasies waar iets van wat ek is, nie saam met my kan kom nie. Die dag as al die verskillende dele van my kan kom, sal ons hê wat ek 'n revolusie sou noem. - Movement in Black, deur Pat Parker


Amerika se vergete geskiedenis van gedwonge sterilisasie

Begin September het 'n verpleegster wat by 'n immigrasie- en doeane -handhawingsentrum (ICE) in Georgië werk, met skokkende bewerings van mediese verwaarlosing en mishandeling na vore gekom en beweer dat talle onwillekeurige histerektomie (baarmoederverwyderingsoperasies) op immigrantevroue aangehou is. Hierdie bewering het verstaanbaar woede en verontwaardiging by die algemene publiek ontlok, met talle mense wat dit as 'n skending van menseregte bestempel het en nog 'n voorbeeld van die huidige administrasie se wreedheid teenoor vroue en immigrante. Baie mense, insluitend prominente liberale politici en openbare figure, het dit as iets duidelik on-Amerikaans beskou en in stryd met die waardes van ons land-'n algemene refrein wat in reaksie op die bewering weerklink het, was “Dit is nie die Amerika wat ek ken nie . ” Daar was ontelbare vergelykings met Nazi-Duitsland en ander totalitêre, menseregteskendende regimes, asook 'n deurdringende gevoel dat die Verenigde State besig was met 'n unieke wrede en ongekende daad. Ongelukkig is dit 'n misleidende indruk.

Alhoewel die bewerings teen ICE ongetwyfeld gruwelik is en ondersoek moet word, is dit glad nie ongekend of nie-Amerikaans-eintlik is dit baie Amerikaans. Die Verenigde State het 'n lang, uiters onbekende en grootliks onbekende geskiedenis van eugenetika en gedwonge sterilisasie, hoofsaaklik gerig op arm vroue, gestremde vroue en bruin vroue.

Die Amerikaanse eugenetiese beweging het sy oorsprong in die laat 1800's en was nog altyd onteenseglik gebaseer op rassisme en nativisme. Die woord “eugenics ” het oorspronklik verwys na die biologiese verbetering van menslike gene, maar is gebruik as 'n pseudowetenskap om diskriminerende en vernietigende dade teen kwansuis ongewenste mense te regverdig, soos uiters beperkende immigrasiewette, wette teen misvorming en gedwonge sterilisasie. Die uiteindelike doel van die eugenetiese beweging was om ongewenste eienskappe uit te sonder om 'n samelewing te skep met 'n superieure genetiese samestelling, wat in wese beteken het om die bevolking van nie-blanke en geestesongesteldes te verminder. Die eugenetiese beweging is tot in die 20ste eeu wyd aanvaar in die Amerikaanse samelewing en is glad nie na die rand van die samelewing gedelegeer nie, soos 'n mens sou verwag. Trouens, die meeste state het federale befondsde eugenetiese rade gehad, en sterilisasie deur die staat is 'n algemene verskynsel. Sterilisasie word beskou as een van die doeltreffendste maniere om die groei van 'n ongewenste bevolking te stuit, aangesien die beëindiging van 'n vrou se voortplantingsvermoë beteken dat sy nie meer 'n bydrae tot die bevolking kon lewer nie.

Die hooggeregshofsaak Buck v. Bell (1927) besluit dat 'n Virginia -wet wat die verpligte sterilisasie van gevangenes in geestesinstellings toestaan, grondwetlik is. Carrie Buck, 'n swaksinnige vrou wie se geestesongesteldheid die afgelope drie generasies in haar familie was, was toegewyd aan 'n staatsgeneeskundige instelling en sou 'n sterilisasieprosedure ondergaan wat 'n verhoor vereis. Die Hooggeregshof het bevind dat die Virginia -wet waardevol was en nie die Grondwet oortree nie, en dat die Verenigde State sou verhoed dat hulle met onbevoegdheid oorstroom word#Drie geslagte onbeskaamdes is genoeg. ” Die hof het nog nooit uitdruklik omgeslaan nie. Buck v. Bell .

Kalifornië ’s “Aseksualiseringswette ” in die 1910's en 1920's het gelei tot die sterilisasie van 20,000 buite verhouding swart en Mexikaanse mense wat as geestelik siek beskou is. Hitler en die Nazi's is na berig word geïnspireer deur die wette van Kalifornië toe hulle hul eie volksmoord -eugenetiese beleid in die dertigerjare opgestel het. By die bespreking van die Asexualization Acts of California, skryf Hitler: “Daar is vandag een staat waarin ten minste 'n swak begin na 'n beter opvatting [van burgerskap] merkbaar is. Dit is natuurlik nie ons model Duitse Republiek nie, maar die Verenigde State. ”

Gedurende die 20ste eeu is byna 70,0000 mense (oorweldigend vroue van kleur van die werkersklas) in meer as 30 state gesteriliseer. Swart vroue, Latina -vroue en inheemse Amerikaanse vroue is spesifiek geteiken. Van die dertigerjare tot die sewentigerjare is byna 'n derde van die vroue in Puerto Rico, 'n Amerikaanse gebied, tot sterilisasie gedwing toe regeringsamptenare beweer dat die ekonomie in Puerto Rico baat by 'n verminderde bevolking. Sterilisasie was so algemeen dat dit bekend gestaan ​​het as “ La Operación (Die operasie) ” onder Puerto Ricans.

Swart vroue is ook buite verhouding en met geweld gesteriliseer en aan reproduktiewe mishandeling onderwerp. In Noord -Carolina in die 1960's het swart vroue 65 persent van alle sterilisasies van vroue uitgemaak, hoewel hulle slegs 25 persent van die bevolking was. Een swart vrou wat gedurende hierdie tyd aan 'n gedwonge histerektomie onderwerp is, was Fannie Lou Hamer, 'n bekende burgerregte -aktivis. Hamer het beskryf hoe onbewuste sterilisasies van swart vroue uit die werkersklas in die Suide so algemeen was dat dit algemeen bekend staan ​​as 'n Mississippi appendectomy ”.

Boonop is baie inheemse Amerikaanse vroue gesteriliseer teen hul wil. Volgens 'n verslag deur die historikus Jane Lawrence, is die Indiese Gesondheidsdiens daarvan beskuldig dat hulle bykans 25% van die inheemse vroue gedurende die 1960's en 1970's gesteriliseer het. In 1973, die jaar wat Roe v. Wade is deur die Hooggeregshof beslis, wat vermoedelik reproduktiewe regte vir alle Amerikaanse vroue verseker het, is die reproduktiewe regte van duisende inheemse vroue heeltemal geïgnoreer omdat hulle met geweld gesteriliseer is.

Gedwonge sterilisasie, veral in ruil vir die vermindering van vonnisse, kom vandag gereeld in die strafregstelsel voor. Pogings wat deur die regering goedgekeur is om te voorkom dat gevangenes voortplant, was wydverspreid in die 20ste eeu en duur vandag nog steeds voort. In 2017 het 'n regter in Tennessee aangebied om die tronkstraf van veroordeelde mense wat voor hom in die hof verskyn het, te verminder as hulle gesteriliseer sou word. In 2009 het 'n 21-jarige vrou in Wes-Virginia wat skuldig bevind is aan die besit van dagga, as deel van haar proeftydperk gesteriliseer. In 2018 het 'n vrou in Oklahoma wat skuldig bevind is aan die betaling van 'n nagemaakte tjek, 'n verlaagde vonnis gekry nadat sy op voorstel van die regter gesteriliseer is. Volgens 'n verslag van die Center for Investigative Reporting, is byna 150 vroue wat vermoedelik na die gevangenis sou terugkeer, in die gevangenisse in Kalifornië gesteriliseer tussen 2004 en 2003. Hoewel hulle die vorms moes onderteken, was die prosedure as 'n aansporing vir 'n verminderde vonnis, veroorsaak 'n voortdurende debat oor of toestemming in hierdie situasies werklik bestaan ​​of nie. Voorstanders van die sterilisasie van gevangenes noem dikwels 'n gebrek aan persoonlike verantwoordelikheid, en in werklikheid staar baie van hierdie individue 'n gebrek aan ondersteuning en hulpbronne in die gesig. Selfs as gevangenisstraf op een of ander manier die enigste bepalende faktor was vir die sedes en karakter van die mens, is sterilisasie as deel van 'n gevangenisstraf steeds 'n fundamentele skending van die reg op reproduktiewe outonomie - iets wat regters en gevangenisamptenare kies om te ignoreer.

Soos blyk, is gedwonge sterilisasies in die Verenigde State ongelukkig ook niks nuuts nie en ook niks uit die verlede nie. Te oordeel na die reaksies op die onlangse bewerings van onwillekeurige histerektomie wat by ICE -aanhoudingsgeriewe uitgevoer is, is baie mense onder die indruk dat dit ongekende gruweldade is wat uniek is aan die Trump -administrasie. Dit is natuurlik nie 'n persoonlike skuld nie omdat dit onbekend is met die geskiedenis van die Verenigde State met eugenetika en gedwonge sterilisasie, maar 'n weerspieëling van ons onderwysstelsel en die geskiedenis wat ons vooropstel. Persoonlik was die enigste keer dat ek geleer het oor eugenetika en sterilisasie op my Amerikaanse openbare hoërskool toe ons oor Nazi -Duitsland geleer het, en hierdie onderwerpe is nooit in my Amerikaanse geskiedenisklasse genoem nie. Ek was so ontsteld toe ek vir die eerste keer alleen daarvan te wete kom, en ek was ook gefrustreerd toe ek aan die vraag dink: as ek nie hiervan geweet het nie, watter ander historiese gruweldade is ek dan nie bewus van nie? Ons kurrikulum vir historiese opvoeding beklemtoon sekere positiewe aspekte van die Amerikaanse geskiedenis, terwyl dit heeltemal oor die ander val - ons spandeer 'n hele semester om te leer oor die Amerikaanse rewolusie, net om heeltemal oningelig te wees oor die Verenigde State en historiese sistemiese en omvattende beleid wat ontwerp is om die bevolking van sekere groepe. Die afwesigheid van historiese opvoeding oor Amerikaanse eugenetika en gedwonge sterilisasie in ons onderrigkurrikulums is een van die redes waarom president Trump 'n kommissie voorgestel het, wat na bewering 'patriotiese opvoeding' sal bevorder. . Ons onderwysstelsel reeds ignoreer baie van die ergste dele van die Amerikaanse geskiedenis, en as patriotisme 'n deurslaggewende faktor word by die bepaling van 'n kurrikulum, kan die klas 'n goeie rekord van die oorwinnings van Amerika word en absoluut geen van die foute daarvan aanspreek nie.

Dit is heeltemal begryplik dat baie mense vinnig die bewerings teen ICE beskryf as 'n on-Amerikaanse en nie verenigbaar met die visie van Amerika wat hulle ken nie. Dit is beslis ongemaklik om te leer oor die skandelike dinge wat Amerika gedoen het, veral omdat dit onversoenbaar lyk met die konsep van “American exceptionality ” wat baie van ons geleer is. Dit is egter van kardinale belang om rekening te hou met die geskiedenis en die konteks waarin die huidige gebeure plaasvind, te verstaan. Ongetwyfeld geloof in Amerikaanse uitsonderlikheid het gereeld tot dubbele standaarde gelei wanneer dit kom by die beoordeling van die praktyke van ander lande. As daar beweer word dat amptenare in 'n ander land onwillekeurige histerektomie op aangehoude vroue onderneem het, sou die Verenigde State dit ongetwyfeld (tereg) as 'n skending van menseregte noem. Al lyk dit soms so, is die Verenigde State nie bo die internasionale reg verhewe nie - gedwonge sterilisasie word deur die Verenigde Nasies as 'n vorm van marteling beskou - en dit moet aanspreeklik gehou word vir die standaarde wat dit stel.

As u die aantygings teen ICE as 'n 'Amerikaanse' en '8220-Amerikaanse' beskou en aan gedwonge sterilisasies dink as iets wat deur die Trump-administrasie uitgevind is, bevorder dit ook die wanopvatting dat die stem van Donald Trump uit die amp op een of ander manier alles regstel wat met ons land verkeerd is. Ter verduideliking moet hy absoluut uitgestem word, en sy administrasie is veral gevaarlik en wreed teenoor immigrante wat aangehou word. Ons sou hierdie bewerings waarskynlik nie hoor as Trump die verkiesing in 2016 verloor het nie. Dit lyk asof sommige mense glo dat alles in orde sal wees en ons sal kan terugkeer na die normale toestand sodra Trump nie meer president is nie. Tog is die huidige president in werklikheid 'n simptoom van 'n veel groter probleem wat nie opgelos sal word nie net deur hom uit sy amp te stem. In werklikheid het Donald Trump en sy administrasie nie die konsepte van eugenetika en gedwonge sterilisasie uitgevind nie, en was dit ook nie die eerste mense wat hierdie konsepte in die Verenigde State geïmplementeer het nie. Sterilisasies en ander menseregteskendings in aanhoudingsentrums en gevangenisse sal nie skielik eindig as Donald Trump die amp verlaat nie - dit verg volgehoue ​​voorspraak en aktivisme.

Alhoewel dit redelik is om die beweerde optrede van ICE te vergelyk met dié van Nazi -Duitsland of ander totalitêre regimes, hoef u nie so ver oor die hele wêreld te soek om 'n relevante vergelyking te vind nie, vanweë die lang en skandelike geskiedenis van gedwonge sterilisasie in Amerika van arm en gestremde vroue van kleur. As hierdie bewerings waar is, moet ICE absoluut aanspreeklik gehou word en openbare woede ondervind. In sy verontwaardiging moet die publiek egter bewus wees van die feit dat eugenetika en gedwonge sterilisasie glad nie 'n Amerikaans is nie. (hopelik) na die Trump-wêreld, moet ons weer dink wat dit werklik beteken om uitsonderlik te wees. Amerika is nie uitsonderlik nie, want dit het nog nooit iets verkeerds gedoen of 'n beter sedes of waardes as ander lande nie, maar dit kan in die rigting van uitsondering word as dit verantwoordelikheid neem, die mees skandelike dele van ons geskiedenis verstaan ​​en erken en dit belowe om dit nooit te herhaal nie .


Fannie Lou Hamer ’s Dauntless Fight for Black Americans ’ Right to Vote

Soos baie Afro -Amerikaners wat in die Jim Crow South woon, was Fannie Lou Hamer nie bewus dat sy stemreg het nie. Ek het tot 1962 nog nooit gehoor dat swart mense kan registreer en stem nie, en sy het eenkeer verduidelik. Die kleindogter van verslaafde swart mense, Hamer, is gebore in Montgomery County, Mississippi, in 1917. As die jongste van 20 kinders in 'n familie van deelnemers, was sy verplig om die skool tydens die sesde klas te verlaat om te help met die plantasie. In 1925, toe Hamer slegs 8 was, was sy getuie van die lynch van 'n plaaslike aandeelhouer genaamd Joe Pullam wat dit gewaag het om vir homself te praat toe plaaslike blankes geweier het om hom vir sy werk te betaal. Ek onthou dit tot vandag toe, en ek sal dit nie vergeet nie, en sy het erken in 'n 1965 -onderhoud. Op daardie stadium het Hamer 'n nasionaal erkende burgerregte -aktivis geword, wat met vrymoedigheid gepleit het vir die reg op politieke deelname wat swart Amerikaners lankal geweier het.

Pullam se lynch het die streng toestande van die Jim Crow South onthul. Daar word van swart Amerikaners verwag om ondergeskik te wees aan blankes, wat kwalik waardeer word vir hul arbeid en beslis nie hul verstand nie. Blanke Suidlanders het daagliks swart Amerikaners vertel waar hulle moet woon, waar hulle moet werk en hoe om op te tree. Oortredings kan verwoestende gevolge hê.

Wit Suidlanders sluit ook swart mense heeltemal uit die formele politieke proses. In die nasleep van die burgeroorlog bevestig die verloop van die 14de en 15de wysigings dat voorheen slawe mense burgers en swart mans was. Gedurende die heropbou -era het swart mans van hierdie reg gebruik gemaak, en stemme en kandidate vir 'n openbare amp was vir swart vroue nie die reg nie. By die ontbinding van die heropbou het blanke Suid -Afrikaners 'n verskeidenheid wettige en buite -wetlike maatreëls gebruik, insluitend meningspeilings, grootvaderklousules en skaregeweld, sodat dit byna onmoontlik was vir Afro -Amerikaanse mans om te stem.

Toe die 19de wysiging die stemming in 1920 tot vroue uitbrei, het hierdie kiesersonderdrukkingstaktiek beteken dat die regte waarvoor swart suffragiste geveg het, in die praktyk ontoeganklik was. Teen die 1960's was slegs 5 persent van die 450 000 swart inwoners in Mississippi geregistreer om te stem.

In 1962 woon Hamer 'n vergadering by wat gereël is deur die Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC), 'n interras -burgerregtegroep wat 'n sentrale rol gespeel het in die organisering en aanmoediging van swart inwoners in die Suide om te registreer om te stem. Hulle het gepraat oor [hoe] ons mense kan uitstem wat ons nie in die amp wou hê nie, en sy onthou. Dit het vir my interessant genoeg geklink dat ek dit wou probeer. ” Wat Hamer op daardie oomblik besef het, was haar vermoë om die Amerikaanse samelewing te verander. Ten spyte van 'n nederige begin en 'n beperkte formele opleiding, het toegang tot die stembrief beteken dat sy die bevoegdheid sou kry om plaaslike, staats- en nasionale politiek te vorm.

Daardie jaar, op 44 -jarige ouderdom, het Hamer by SNCC aangesluit en belowe om te probeer registreer om te stem.

In Augustus reis sy met 'n gehuurde bus saam met 17 ander burgerregte -aktiviste van haar tuisdorp Ruleville, Mississippi, na Indianola, ongeveer 26 kilometer daarvandaan, om haar naam op die kieserslys te kry. Hamer en haar kollegas het verwag dat hulle padblokkades sou ondervind tydens hul reis, omdat hulle die gevare geken het om wit oppergesag te trotseer.

Nadat hulle deur die hof se deur gekom het, is hulle ingelig dat hulle geletterdheidstoetse moes slaag om te registreer om te stem. Die toets behels die lees en interpretasie van 'n gedeelte van die staatsgrondwet. Hamer doen die beste wat sy kan en vertrek en kyk senuweeagtig na die gewapende polisiebeamptes wat hul bus omring het. Terwyl sy daarin kon slaag om sonder voorval te vertrek, is sy en haar kollegas later deur die polisie voorgekeer en 'n boete opgelê vir die bestuur van 'n bus wat vermoedelik te geel was. ”

Toe Hamer later die aand by die huis kom, het die blanke eienaar van die plantasie waarop sy en haar man, Perry gewerk het, as deelhouers haar gekonfronteer. Hy stel haar 'n ultimatum, onthou Hamer: “As jy nie jou registrasie terugtrek nie, sal jy moet vertrek. ” Haar baas het bygevoeg, “Ons is nie gereed daarvoor in Mississippi nie.

Hamer het die aand vertrek en nooit weer teruggekeer nie; sy het haar gesin tydelik agtergelaat nadat die grondeienaar gedreig het om hul besittings te behou as Perry nie klaar was met die oes nie. 'N Paar dae later spuit wit oppergesagters 16 koeëls in die huis waar Hamer gebly het. Hamer het geweet dat die koeëls, wat niemand seergemaak het nie, vir haar bedoel was, maar sy was nie bang nie. Die enigste ding wat hulle aan my kon doen, was om my dood te maak, en sy het later in 'n mondelinge geskiedenis gesê, en dit het gelyk asof hulle dit 'n bietjie op 'n slag probeer doen het sedert ek kon onthou. ”

'N Plakkaat uit 1979 gemaak van Hamer, wie se stemregsaktivisme die land verander het. In die aanhaling regs bo, vergelyk advokaat vir burgerregte, Eleanor Holmes Norton, Hamer met Martin Luther King Jr. (TABS / National Museum of American History)

Byna 'n jaar later, in Junie 1963, het Hamer, nou 'n SNCC -veldsekretaris, gepraat oor stemreg in tientalle stede regoor die land en saam met mede -aktiviste huis toe gereis na 'n kieserswerkswinkel in South Carolina. Hulle besluit om in Winona, Mississippi, te stop om 'n hap te eet. What was supposed to be a quick rest stop became one of the most harrowing experiences of Hamer’s life.

First, the owners of the restaurant refused to serve black patrons. Then, from the bus, Hamer noticed police officers shoving her friends into their patrol cars. Within minutes, an officer grabbed Hamer and violently kicked her.

The beating only intensified when Hamer and other members of the group arrived at the Winona jailhouse, where the police’s line of questioning focused on the workshop they had attended. They prodded for information about SNCC’s voter-registration project in Greenwood, Mississippi. The officers were incensed—offended even—at the very idea that Hamer and her colleagues would defy segregation laws at the restaurant and play an active role in bolstering the political rights of black people in Mississippi.

The beating Hamer endured over four days in Winona left her physically disabled and with permanent scars. As she later explained, “They beat me till my body was hard, till I couldn’t bend my fingers or get up when they told me to. That’s how I got this blood clot in my left eye—the sight’s nearly gone now. And my kidney was injured from the blows they gave me in the back.”

Hamer could not be thrown off her mission. She recounted her experience in Winona on numerous occasions—most notably at the 1964 Democratic National Convention. At the time, the Democratic Party dominated Southern politics. Hamer showed up at the convention as a representative of the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party (MFDP), an organization she had helped establish to challenge the segregated, all-white Mississippi delegation at the DNC. As Hamer and her colleagues pointed out, a “whites-only” Democratic Party representing a state in which one out of five residents were black undermined the very notion of representative democracy. In their eyes, those who supported a “whites-only” party were no different than white mobs who employed extralegal methods to block African Americans from voting.

In her televised DNC speech, Hamer called out American hypocrisy. “Is this America,” she asked, as tears welled up in her eyes, “the land of the free and the home of the brave, where we have to sleep with our telephones off of the hooks because our lives be threatened daily, because we want to live as decent human beings, in America?”

Hamer had pulled back the curtain. The United States could not claim to be a democracy while withholding voting rights from millions of its citizens. Although the MFDP delegation did not secure its intended seats at the convention, Hamer’s passionate speech set in motion a series of events that led to the 1965 passage of the landmark Voting Rights Act (VRA). Her address, combined with the nationwide protests led by black activists, compelled President Lyndon B. Johnson—who had interrupted Hamer’s speech with a press conference of his own—to introduce federal legislation that banned local laws, like literacy tests, that blocked African Americans from the ballot box. The act also put in place (recently curtailed) restrictions on how certain states could implement new election laws new election laws.

The VRA significantly bolstered black political participation in the South. In Mississippi alone, the number of African Americans registered to vote dramatically increased from 28,000 to approximately 280,000 following its passage. In the aftermath of the VRA, the number of black elected officials in the South more than doubled—from 72 to 159—following the 1966 elections.

Hamer not only helped to register voters but empowered others by entering the realm of electoral politics herself. In 1964, one year after she succeeded in registering herself to vote for the first time, Hamer ran for a seat in the U.S. House of Representatives to challenge white Mississippi Democrat Jamie Whitten, who was seeking a 13th term. Although her chances of winning were slim, she explained to a reporter, “I’m showing people that a Negro can run for office.” Despite a limited budget, Hamer ran a spirited campaign backed by a coalition of civil rights organizations, promising to tackle the issues of poverty and hunger. The Democratic Party refused to allow Hamer’s name on the official ballot, but the MFDP organized mock election events and brought black Mississippi voters out in record numbers. An estimated 60,000 African Americans participated and cast a symbolic vote for Hamer in what the MFDP termed a “Freedom Ballot.”

A ballot for the 1964 "Freedom Vote" mock election. (Zwerling (Matthew) Freedom Summer Collection, University of Southern Mississippi Libraries)

Unsuccessful in her first bid for Congress, Hamer went on to run for office twice more. In 1967, her second attempt was disqualified by election officials, and four years later, she yet again encountered defeat, this time vying for a state senate seat. Her motivation, she explained in a 1971 speech, was that “We plan to bring some changes in the South. And as we bring changes in the South, the northern white politician won’t have any excuse and nowhere to hide.”

In the latter years of her life, Hamer remained at the forefront of the fight for black political rights. She established Freedom Farms, a community-based rural and economic development project, in 1969. While the initiative was a direct response to the high rates of poverty and hunger in the Mississippi Delta, Freedom Farms was also a means of political empowerment. “Where a couple of years ago, white people were shooting at Negroes trying to register,” she explained in 1968, “now they say, ‘go ahead and register—then you’ll starve.’” In the late 1960s and 1970s, she called out white Southerners who threatened to evict sharecroppers who registered to vote. And as a founding member of the National Women’s Political Caucus, which still promotes women politicians today, Hamer worked to expand women’s political participation during the 1970s.

For Hamer, who died in 1977, all of these efforts were grounded in the recognition that the act of casting a ballot was a fundamental right of every American citizen. She had grasped its power and was determined never to let it go.

About Keisha N. Blain

Keisha N. Blain is an associate professor of history at the University of Pittsburgh and President of the African American Intellectual History Society. Sy is die skrywer van Steek die wêreld aan die brand: Swart nasionalistiese vroue en die wêreldwye stryd om vryheid en Until I Am Free: Fannie Lou Hamer’s Vision of America, which will be published by Beacon Press in 2021.


Black History Month should be a time of celebration of achievement and honest reflection on the impediments to freedom for all. Civil rights leader Fannie Lou Hamer is one of many who broke through the generational shackles of poverty to live a life devoted to helping free others from the same bondage.

Hamer was born into poverty in 1917 (the youngest of 20 children), which according to Planned Parenthood’s philosophy, was a circumstance worthy of eliminating her. Since the age of 6, she worked in the cotton fields with her sharecropping family and was forced to leave school at the age of 12.
But Fannie Lou Hamer, like many other remarkable figures in American history, defied the disproven narrative that poverty cannot birth greatness. She and her husband, Perry “Pap” Hamer, tirelessly toiled on a Mississippi plantation. He worked in the fields (basically as a slave, just in a different legal form) while she, armed with the ability to read and write, worked in the big House. In 1962, her life took an even more drastic turn.

She was diagnosed with a small uterine tumor, but instead of simply removing it, the doctor performed a hysterectomy without her consent. Pro-abortion activists often refer to Hamer’s ordeal as “Mississippi Appendectomies”, a term which Hamer coined. These unjust acts were done to thousands of women across the country, like North Carolinian Elaine Riddick. Abortion activists won’t mention those sterilizations were heavily promoted by Planned Parenthood or that Fannie Lou Hamer was, actually, passionately pro-life. This traumatic experience was the catalyst for her social activism, to fight the incredible injustice that black Americans faced, daily, in America.

She fought for the right of black Americans to vote, risking her very life as she survived violent attacks for her public crusade for rights guaranteed by the Constitution. She never gave up. Hamer wanted to provide a better world for black children who were constantly the target of racist efforts that forced birth control and other eugenic social policies masquerading as anti-poverty measures. In fact, Hamer was quoted as saying, during a White House Conference on Hunger (renamed the Conference on Food, Nutrition, and Health): “I didn’t come to talk about birth control. I came here to get some food to feed poor, hungry people. Why are they carrying on that kind of talk?”

Hamer is famous (among many things) for her quote: “I’m sick and tired of being sick and tired.”

Ethyl Payne, a journalist for the Afro American, described Hamer as a “passionate believer in the right to life” in a March 1980 column. Payne reported that the freedom fighter “spoke out strongly against abortion as a means of genocide of blacks.”

Ja. Genocide. Did you catch that “safe-space” seeking, #BlackLivesMatter activists? Across the country, this hashtag movement decries the estimated 100 tragic “unarmed” black deaths each year from police “brutality” (in quotes because “unarmed” doesn’t always mean unable to inflict harm), but celebrate an industry’s slaughter of over 360,000 unarmed black lives in the womb as “reproductive justice.” A flier campaign by Purdue University Students For Life has generated surreal hostility and vitriolic social media posts because they dared to, as The Radiance Foundation has done many times, call out the contradiction.

Hamer would hammer away at uninformed student activists who blindly support the most institutionalized form of racism—population control.

According to black journalist, Samuel F. Yette (who was fired by Newsweek for penning his book, “The Choice” which detailed Nixon’s eugenics and population control tactics): “Mrs. Hamer is a symbol of what was good about the 1960s. She symbolized the will of many not merely to illuminate the society’s worst contradictions, but also to erase them.”

Fannie Lou Hamer was a prolife feminist who spoke with passion born of a life of hardships. She connected with people, black and white. As a victim of eugenic sterilization, racial discrimination, and a Democrat party that refused to racially integrate (hence her speech at the 1964 DNC Credentials Committee to demand black representation at the Convention), she spoke out against injustice leaving an indelible mark on the conscience of a nation. She was truly fearless.

She used to sing “This Little Light of Mine” often. It was her anthem. She let her light shine outside and inside her home. Fannie Lou and “Pap” Hamer were adoptive parents who, due to the tragic loss of their adopted daughter Dorothy Jean and injuries sustained in war by their son-in-law, adopted their own grandchildren. After her passing, Yette wrote that “Fannie Lou Hamer tried to feed and educate the children, to guard life and enhance its nobility.”

1980 article from the Afro American newspaper praising the pro-life, anti-poverty, pro-family work of Fannie Lou Hamer.

Pro-life activism is a continuum. Forget the favorite pro-abortion baseless mantra that we “don’t care about children once they’re born.” We care about life, no matter the stage, from conception until (what should be) natural death. We may not agree with everyone on how that help is given, but all the evidence shows the extensive nature of how pro-life, pro-family, pro-restoration organizations and the Church care for the poor, the broken and those in need. History reminds us that when we fail to care for the least of these and deem them as “unwanted” or a “burden” (whether born or unborn), only violence and destruction follow.

Forty-three years of Roe have eliminated over 58 million possibilities. They’re gone. These are millions who could’ve helped breathe Life into the hopelessness and despair that still shackles urban communities. More than 16 million black lives, possible freedom fighters like Hamer, have been erased by abortion from the annals of history. But we will not forget them.

As Hamer once proclaimed: “Nobody’s free until everyone’s free.” Here’s to a pro-life generation that is rising up, realizing that the best way to celebrate Black History American History is to fight to protect our very future—our Posterity.

Thanks for a great and truthful article. As a black male I have personally witnessed the victimization tactics of various groups, and not surprisingly many from ‘polished’ blacks against other blacks for profiteering purposes, quiet as it’s kept. Often unseen are those groups such as PP who are underhanded and sinister and continue with the sick efforts of their founder and hero, the Sanger woman—quiet as that’s also kept. None of those involved in these heinous operations believe that any life is valuable, unless of course there is a something-something in it for them and their grasping hands.

[…] Martin Luther King Jr. debasing himself by dressing up as a penis to prove I AM A MAN. Imagine Fannie Lou Hamer reciting lines from “The Vagina Monologues”, a pro-statutory rape play, as she demanded […]

February 11th, 2014 03:08 PM

[…] freedom fighter, Fannie Lou Hamer (“I’m sick and tired of being sick and tired!”), is known for her courageous efforts to fight […]

February 9th, 2015 02:11 AM

[…] parody belongs to none other than famed, pro-life, civil rights activist, Fannie Lou Hamer. She apparently was sick and tired of being sick and tired of the NAACP’s elitist focus. […]

[…] parody belongs to none other than famed, pro-life, civil rights activist, Fannie Lou Hamer. She apparently was sick and tired of being sick and tired of the NAACP’s elitist focus. […]

[…] anti-poverty and voting rights activist, Fannie Lou Hamer was unashamedly prolife and “spoke out strongly against abortion as a means of genocide of […]

November 10th, 2015 09:39 AM

[…] anti-poverty and voting rights activist, Fannie Lou Hamer was unashamedly prolife and &ldquospoke out strongly against abortion as a means of genocide of […]

November 11th, 2015 07:13 PM

[…] black babies are aborted than born alive. Planned Parenthood calls this “reproductive justice”. Fannie Lou Hamer called abortion a “genocide” among blacks. For the nation’s largest abortion and […]

December 7th, 2015 11:36 AM

[…] black babies are aborted than born alive. Planned Parenthood calls this “reproductive justice”.Fannie Lou Hamer, famed anti-poverty and voting rights activist, called abortion a “genocide” among blacks. We […]

December 8th, 2015 07:13 PM

[…] anti-poverty and voting rights activist, Fannie Lou Hamer was unashamedly prolife and “spoke out strongly against abortion as a means of genocide of […]

January 12th, 2016 03:33 PM

[…] honorary PhD’s and surviving being shot at by the Ku Klux Klan which you can learn about here and […]

February 3rd, 2016 06:07 PM


Driving While Black: Race, Space and Mobility in America

Driving While Black: Race, Space and Mobility in America

Discover how the advent of the car brought African Americans new freedom but also dangers.

Victor Hugo Green wrote "The Green Book," a guide for Black motorists, because to this day getting behind the wheel presents a different set of possibilities for Black drivers than it does for others. Driving While Black is a documentary that explores the dynamics that led Victor Hugo Green to write his now-famous guide book.


The teacher will ask the students to name Mississippi women who have made contributions to not only state history, but to national history. The teacher will record student responses on the board. The teacher will ask the students which Mississippi women have been inducted into the National Women’s History Hall of Fame (Order of induction - Ida B. Wells, Fannie Lou Hamer, Oprah Winfrey, and Eudora Welty). Students may or may not be able to suggest these names during the opener. If not, the teacher will guide the students to generate this list in the class discussion. The teacher will tell the students that they are going to have an opportunity to study Mississippian Fannie Lou Hamer in class over the next several days. Also, in honor of Women’s History Month they will create a program to honor Mrs. Hamer.

Instruct students to read the Mississippi History Now article about Fannie Lou Hamer. As students read the article, have them list what they feel are Hamer’s six strongest leadership characteristics. The characteristics should be listed on a chart similar to the one found at the end of this lesson plan. Students can also be creative in the type of format they use to chart Fannie Lou Hamer’s leadership qualities. Students should list one example from Hamer’s life where she displayed each characteristic. Students can work individually or with a partner for this portion of the lesson.

Once the students complete the leadership chart, ask for student volunteers to share examples from their charts with the class. The teacher can place a chart on an overhead transparency or the chalkboard in order to record student responses. A class discussion can be led as the responses are shared with the class.

After the class discussion, the teacher will inform students that they will be in charge of planning a Women’s History Month celebration for their class (this program can be planned for the entire grade-level or school as well). The celebration can focus on native Mississippian Mrs. Fannie Lou Hamer.

The teacher will place the students into groups of four for the Women’s History Month program. Each group can complete the following tasks or each group can be assigned one of the following tasks. If each group completes the following tasks, a contest can be conducted to determine which item from each category will be used for the celebration. The students can use the Mississippi History Now article as well as other resources to create the assignments listed below.

An invitation to the Women’s History Month celebration honoring Mrs. Fannie Lou Hamer

A poster commemorating Mrs. Fannie Lou Hamer’s contributions to history

A speech about Mrs. Hamer contributions to history that will be read at the program

Song selections that will be performed at the event that honor Mrs. Hamer’s musical talent and love of music

Decorations for the event

A poem to be read in honor of Mrs. Hamer

Allow the students to carry out this Women’s History Month program.


Fannie Lou Hamer - History

Fannie Lou Townsend was born October 6, 1917 in the Mississippi Delta on
a plantation where sharecropping was the norm. She was tricked into picking cotton
at the age of six in exchange for a few items from the "Boss Man's" Store. By the
time she reached age ten, Fannie was picking as much cotton as some adults. Sy
earned the position of Timekeeper. To help calm her people down after a lynching,
shooting or KKK riot, Mrs. Hamer would sing like “ain't no tomorrow”. Fannie Lou
getroud Perry “Pap” Hamer in 1942.

In 1962, Mrs. Hamer decided she wanted to try to register to vote
after attending a SNCC voter registration meeting at William Chapel Church in
Ruleville, MS pastored by the late Rev. J. D. Story. It would turn out to be just
another way of asking to die.

After returning home, Mrs. Hamer was ordered to go and take her name off the
registrar’s book. If she refused to do so, she would have to move. Refuse she did
and move she did.

I didn't go register for you sir, I did it for myself”, replied Fannie Lou to her boss. Mnr.
W. D. Marlowe. She was kicked off the plantation where she had lived for the past
eighteen years.

Sixteen shots were fired into The Tuckers home over the bed Mrs.
Hamer slept where she had fled for safety. “God had already told me
to move on, so I wasn’t there that night,” Fannie said.

Fannie Lou Hamer, June E. Johnson, James West, Euvester Simpson, Annelle
Ponder and others were jailed in Winona, Mississippi. Two black prisoners were
ordered to beat Mrs. Hamer. She was beaten so badly she no longer had feelings in
her legs.

Mrs. Hamer’s passion for her people and her interest and understanding of how
powerful the political process was in America led her and others to create the
Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party to challenge the Credential Committee in
Atlantic City, New Jersey in 1964 to be seated rather than the regular Democrats
who they exclaimed were "illegally elected" based on discriminatory practices against
blacks statewide. “We Will Not Accept The Compromise” , stated Mrs. Hamer.
She had consulted with Bob Moses and Mrs. Unita Blackwell and others prior. Mnr.
Lawrence Guyot (Chairman MFDP) was in jail and couldn't make the trip.

President Johnson interrupted the nationally televised convention in
order to keep Fannie Lou and her views from spreading like wildfire.
All of the major networks later ran her speech in its entirety and the
whole country was spellbound to hear such convictions coming from a
Southerner who felt she had nothing left to fear but fear itself.

"If the Freedom Democratic Party isn't seated today, I Question America ", Fannie
told the Credentials Committee. "Is this America where we have to sleep with our
phones off the hooks because we be threatened daily just cause we want to register
to vote to become first class citizens".

Mrs. Hamer’s efforts did not stop there. She challenged Black
Educators to “teach our children more about our history since school
books left it out”. She started a daycare center with the assistance of
die National Council of Negro Women (NCNW) under the leadership of Dr.
Dorothy Irene Height (President). Mrs. Hamer also, organized
approximately, 640 acres of Freedom Farm land.

June E. Johnson gets very emotional when speaking about Mrs.
Hamer. "I gave BLOOD with this lady, do you understand me?" I love
Mrs. Hamer and she discussed with me her "Unfinished Business"
while she lay on her death bed, continues Johnson. June was beaten
in jail with Fannie Lou for voter registration activities as a teenager.

Fannie Lou Hamer's labor ceased at 5:15 p.m. on March 14, 1977 in Mound Bayou,
Mississippi due to Breast Cancer and complications from her jail house beating.

Fannie Lou Hamer worked with and sought assistance from Student Non Violent
Coordinating Committee (SNCC), Southern Christian Leadership Conference
(SCLC), National Council of Negro Women (NCNW), National Association of Colored
People (NAACP), The Delta Ministry and numerous others. She was co- founder of
the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party (MFDP). It was the Delta Ministry under
the leadership of Mr. Owen H. Brooks along with Mr. Charles McLaurin and June E.
Johnson that assured Mrs. Hamer a proper burial.

Mrs. Hamer was the recipient of many awards and honors. She received an
Honorary Degree of Doctor of Humanities from Tougaloo College and Shaw
University. She, also, received honorary degrees from Columbia College and
Howard University. Fannie was honored with the National Sojourner Truth
Meritorious Service Award, The Paul Robeson Award from Alpha Kappa Alpha
Sorority and The Mary Terrell Award from Delta Sigma Theta, Inc. Delta Sigma
Theta made Mrs. Hamer an Honorary member of their sorority.

Fannie Lou was inducted into the National Women Hall of Fame. On February
18,1995, The United States Post Office in Ruleville, Mississipp i was named in Fannie
Lou Hamer's honor thanks to Congressman Bennie Thompson.

There is a Fannie Lou Hamer Day Care Center in Ruleville, Mississippi that Mrs.
Hamer started, a Fannie Lou Hamer Library located in Jackson, MS, a Fannie Lou
Hamer Freedom High School in Bronx, New York, The Fannie Lou Hamer Political
Institute founded by Dr. Leslie McLemore at Jackson State University in Jackson,
Mississippi and The Fannie Lou Hamer "Women of Faith" Learning & Cultural
Center. Mrs. Hamer's speech from the 1964 Democratic Convention is inscribed on
column 10 in the Civil Rights Garden in Atlantic City, New Jersey. Several people
do dramatic shows re-enacting "The Life & Times of Fannie Lou Hamer" and many
books and documentaries are written and produced on her.


Verdere leeswerk

There are several biographies of Hamer, including Kay Mills, This Little Light of Mine:the Life of Fannie Lou Hamer (1993), and a children's book, Fannie Lou Hamer:From Sharecropping to Politics, by David Rubel with an introduction by Andrew Young (1990). Many histories of the civil rights movement in the South include information about Hamer. These include Vicki Crawford, Jacqueline Rouse, and Barbara Woods, Women in the Civil Rights Movement:Trailblazers and Torchbearers, 1941-1965 (1990) Juan Williams, Eyes on the Prize:America's Civil Rights Years, 1954-1965 (1987) and various histories of SNCC and its leaders. A collection of Fannie Lou Hamer papers is available on microfilm from the Amistad Research Center, Tulane University, New Orleans, Louisiana. □


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