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Gedurende die jaar het die vloei van migrerende en asielsoekers na die land vanuit die Midde -Ooste, Afrika en Asië voortgegaan, hoewel in baie laer getalle as in die twee vorige jare. Die EU-Turkye-verklaring van Maart 2016, tesame met die sluiting van die noordelike grense, het van die land 'n gasheerland vir migrerende en vlugtelinge gemaak. Op 31 Oktober het die UNHCR -syfers aangedui dat 46 462 migrante en asielsoekers in die hele land woon.
Hervorming: Die regering bied 'n mate van beskerming teen die uitsetting of terugkeer van vlugtelinge na lande waar hul lewens of vryheid bedreig word weens hul ras, godsdiens, nasionaliteit, lidmaatskap van 'n bepaalde sosiale groep of politieke mening.
Op 24 Mei het 'n groep van agt Turkse onderdane deur die landgrens met Turkye aangekom (Evrosrivieroorgang) en die wens uitgespreek om asiel aan te vra. Dit het drie minderjariges en joernalis Murat Capan ingesluit, wat in afwesigheid deur 'n Turkse hof tot 22,5 jaar gevangenisstraf gevonnis is omdat hy na bewering probeer het om die land se regering omver te werp. Volgens die NGO Hellenic League for Human Rights is hulle daarna in 'n bakkie geplaas wat hulle na 'n groep van vyf gewapende mans met maskers oorgeplaas het, wat hulle in stilte terug na Turkye oor die rivier gelei het. Turkse owerhede het Capan in hegtenis geneem, en hy is na 'n gevangenis in Turkye gestuur.
Op 23 Junie het die media berig dat die NGO Network for the Social Support of Refugees and Migrants polisiebeamptes en mans met kappies in Didymoticho, in die noorde van Griekeland, veroordeel het omdat hulle 10 Siriese onderdane met geweld teruggekeer het na Turkye, ondanks die feit dat hulle die wens uitgespreek het om om asiel aansoek doen in Griekeland. Een lid van die groep het berig dat die polisie hulle almal gearresteer het en saam met 200 ander na 'n aanhoudingsfasiliteit gelei het, waaronder gesinne met kinders. Dieselfde getuie beweer dat 'n paar uur later die 10 Siriërs beveel is om 'n bakkie in te voer wat hulle na 'n rivier geneem het, waar gewapende mans in uniforms hulle dwing om op rubberbote te klim wat hulle uiteindelik na Turkye terugbesorg het.
Die Helleense Liga vir Menseregte, UNHCR, die Internasionale Federasie vir Menseregte (FIDH) en Nils Muiznieks, kommissaris van die Raad van Europa, het 'n deeglike ondersoek aangevra na aangemelde terugval -voorvalle. Op 30 Julie ontken die minister van migrasiebeleid dat regeringsowerhede onwettige opgawes beoefen.
Toegang tot asiel: Die wet maak voorsiening vir die toekenning van asiel- of vlugtelingstatus, en die regering het 'n stelsel ingestel om beskerming aan vlugtelinge te bied deur middel van 'n outonome asieldiens onder die gesag van die Ministerie van Migrasiebeleid. Die wet vereis dat aansoekers toegang tot gesertifiseerde tolke het en laat applikante toe om teen negatiewe besluite te appelleer en in die land te bly terwyl hul appèlle ondersoek word.
Owerhede werk saam met nie-regeringsorganisasies, internasionale organisasies en die Europese Asielum Support Office om ongedokumenteerde migrante wat wag op registrasie in die asielstelsel, sowel as buitelandse gevangenes buite die EU, in te lig oor hul regte en asielprosedures en vrywillige terugkeerprogramme wat deur IOM gesteun word. UNHCR het die regering ook bygestaan met inligtingsessies en verspreiding van veeltalige pamflette en inligtingspakkette oor asiel- en asielprosedures.
Op 26 Januarie het die Hooggeregshof beslis teen die uitlewering van agt Turkse lugmagbeamptes wat asielaansoeke in die land ingedien het. Hulle word daarvan beskuldig dat hulle 'n staatsgreep teen die Turkse regering beplan het. Volgens persberigte het die hof bepaal dat die agt beamptes waarskynlik nie 'n regverdige verhoor sal kry as hulle na Turkye terugkeer nie, en bepaal dat hulle aan marteling onderwerp kan word. Turkye het daarna 'n tweede uitleweringsversoek by Griekeland ingedien, wat ook in Mei op dieselfde grondslag as die eerste uitspraak geweier is. Op 30 November was die asielsake nog deur 'n appèlkomitee in behandeling.
Menseregte -aktiviste en nie -regeringsorganisasies wat met asielaansoekers werk, het berig oor lang wag op asielappèlbesluite weens agterstande in die appèlproses. Die meeste van die jaar het appèlregters gewag op 'n beslissing van die Staatsraad oor die vraag of Turkye as 'n veilige derde land beskou word vir verwerpte aansoekers, veral Siriërs, waarheen hulle kan terugkeer. Op 22 September het media- en menseregte -aktiviste berig dat die plenum van die Staatsraad die appèl van twee Siriese asielsoekers verwerp het wat beweer het dat Turkye nie 'n land van veilige terugkeer is nie. Die raad het opgemerk dat Turkye die Konvensie van Genève bekragtig het en ooreengekom het oor 'n gesamentlike aksieplan met die Europese Unie om Siriese onderdane wat internasionale beskerming benodig, te ondersteun. Die raad het verder opgemerk dat die twee Siriërs wat die appèl ingedien het, familielede in Turkye het. Die raad verwerp die bewerings van die applikante dat hul lewens en vryheid in Turkye in gevaar sou wees en dat Griekeland die Europese Konvensie vir Menseregte sou skend deur dit na Turkye terug te keer. Verskeie kenners het die mening uitgespreek dat hierdie besluit talle ander soortgelyke gevalle sal beïnvloed.
Asielaansoekers uit ander lande as Sirië het gekla dat hul asielaansoeke vertraag is terwyl Siriërs voorrang geniet. Baie asielsoekers het ook gekla oor die moeilikheid om 'n afspraak te maak en dan via Skype met die Asiel Service -stelsel in verbinding te tree. Internasionale organisasies, NRO's en menseregte -aktiviste herhaal die kommer van die vorige jaar oor probleme met die asielstelsel, insluitend die gebrek aan voldoende personeel en fasiliteite; probleme met die registrasie van eise; vrae oor die versnelde aard en deeglikheid van die ondersoek van aanvanklike eise en appèlle; onvoldoende welsyns-, integrasie-, beradings-, regs- en tolkdienste; diskriminasie; en aanhouding onder dikwels onvoldoende en oorvol toestande in die ontvangs- en identifikasiesentrums (RIC's).
Veilige land van herkoms/vervoer: Die land voldoen aan die Dublin III -verordening, waarvolgens owerhede asielzoekers na die EU -lidstaat van eerste inskrywing kan terugbesorg vir die beoordeling van asielaansprake.
In Maart 2016 het die EU en Turkye 'n gesamentlike verklaring oor migrasie uitgereik. Volgens die ooreenkoms sal elke ongedokumenteerde migrant wat van Turkye na die Griekse eilande oorgaan, tot 25 dae beperk word tot 'n RIC, waartydens die individu die geleentheid sou kry om asiel in Griekeland aan te vra. Persone wat verkies om nie om asiel aansoek te doen nie of wie se aansoeke as ongegrond of ontoelaatbaar geag word, sal ingevolge die ooreenkoms aan Turkye terugbesorg word.
Met die hulp van nie -regeringsorganisasies het sommige aansoekers wie se aansoeke van die hand gewys is, die regsgeldigheid van hierdie besluite voor die Staatsraad betwis en aangevoer dat Turkye nie 'n veilige derde land is om na terug te keer nie. 'N Uitspraak van 22 September verwerp hul argumente en bewerings.
Bewegingsvryheid: Ongedokumenteerde migrante wat na Maart 2016 by die Griekse eilande aankom, was onderworpe aan spesiale grensopvang- en registrasieprosedures, in geslote fasiliteite vir tot 25 dae. Na hierdie tydperk van 25 dae is migrante sonder papiere wat in die fasiliteite bly, oor die algemeen toegelaat om in en uit te gaan. Ongedokumenteerde migrante is verbied om na die vasteland te reis, tensy hulle asielaansoeke ingedien het wat deur die asielowerhede toelaatbaar geag word. Sodra asielaansoeke ingedien is, ontvanklik gevind is, kon migrante na 'n akkommodasiesentrum op die vasteland verhuis. Daar was geen beperking op die beweging in of uit die akkommodasiesentrums nie. Die Nasionale Kommissie vir Menseregte en nie-regeringsorganisasies, insluitend Human Rights Watch (HRW), Dokters sonder Grense, en die Griekse Raad vir Vlugtelinge, het hul kommer uitgespreek en beswaar aangeteken teen die aanhouding van inkomende migrante en asielsoekers onder die verklaring van die EU en Turkye. Op 24 Oktober het 19 plaaslike en internasionale menseregte -organisasies 'n gesamentlike brief aan premier Tsipras gestuur om 'n einde te maak aan die "inperkingbeleid" om asielsoekers op die eilande te hou en om die toestand te versleg in die vyf RIC's wat in die noorde werk. Egeïese eilande.
Onbegeleide minderjariges is ook onder 'beskermende bewaring' geplaas weens 'n gebrek aan ruimte in gespesialiseerde skuilings. In 'n persverklaring van 31 Julie het die ombudsman berig dat vanaf die begin van Junie tot en met 31 Julie 77 onbegeleide minderjariges in Thessaloniki onder toesig geplaas is, waarvan slegs 13 uiteindelik verwerk is na die nodige fasiliteite. Uit navrae van die ombudsman, wat op 17 en 19 Julie in aanhoudings- en onthaalfasiliteite gedoen is, het getoon dat 'n aansienlike aantal onbegeleide minderjariges weke lank in beskermende bewaring in die polisiestasies gebly het, in die afwesigheid van voldoende skuilings vir almal.
Indiensneming: Erkende vlugtelinge en houers van asielsoekersdokumente was geregtig op werk, hoewel hierdie reg nie wyd bekendgemaak of konsekwent toegepas is nie.
Toegang tot basiese dienste: Wetlik is dienste soos skuiling, gesondheidsorg, opvoeding en geregtelike prosedures verleen aan asielsoekers met 'n geldige verblyfpermit; Personeelgapings en oorvol migreringsplekke het egter sekere asielzoekers se toegang tot hierdie dienste beperk. Regshulp was beperk en is gewoonlik aangebied deur vrywillige prokureurs en advokaatverenigings, NRO's en internasionale organisasies.
Daar was verbetering in huisvestingstoestande by ontvangsgeriewe op die vasteland. RIC's op die eilande het probleme ondervind, meestal as gevolg van gebrek aan ruimte, wat gelei het tot opeenhoping en die gebruik van kampeertente om die groter, voorafvervaardigde huise met lugversorging en stewiger aan te vul. Die lewensomstandighede was moeiliker gedurende die winter en somer. In Januarie is drie sterftes van asielsoekers aangeteken by die RIC in Moria, Lesvos, wat na bewering verband hou met onvoldoende verhitting. Volgens 'n verslag van 18 Januarie deur HRW was verblyf vir mense met gestremdhede op die meeste plekke onvoldoende. Aansluitings met rioolstelsels en elektriese krag was soms nie bestaanbaar of problematies nie.
Asielzoekers is gehuisves in ontvangskampe en fasiliteite wat onder staatsbestuur of toesig werk, of deur UNHCR, IOM of NGO's bestuur word. Kwesbare asiel-soekende individue en verhuisingskandidate het ook in aanmerking gekom om in woonstelle beskut te word via 'n behuisingskema wat deur die UNHCR geïmplementeer is, in samewerking met sommige plaaslike munisipaliteite en nie-regeringsorganisasies. Op 31 Oktober het UNHCR berig dat meer as 36 000 asielsoekers in woonstelle, hotelle en ander fasiliteite regoor die land gehuisves is sedert die bekendstelling van UNHCR se Akkommodasie- en Diensteskema in 2016. Erkende vlugtelinge was oor die algemeen nie in aanmerking vir hierdie program nie; Die minister van migrasiebeleid het egter op 1 Augustus 'n program aangekondig om 1014 onlangs erkende vlugtelinge wat aan UNHCR se behuisingsprogram deelneem, toe te laat om ses maande uitstel in die program aan te vra. Volgens wet kom vlugtelinge in aanmerking vir openbare behuising, maar alle behuisingsprogramme is opgeskort weens besparingsmaatreëls deur die regering.
Die Ministerie van Migrasiebeleid met sy Ontvangs- en Identifikasiediens, bygestaan deur die Ministerie van Verdediging en/of sommige munisipaliteite, bestuur 'n aantal fasiliteite waar nuwe aankomelinge aangehou word sonder toestemming om die sentrum tot 25 dae te verlaat. Administratiewe en fasiliteitsbestuurspersoneel wat in hierdie sentrums werk, bestaan gewoonlik uit 'n paar permanente staatsamptenare, dikwels losgemaak van hul gewone dienste, gekontrakteerde personeel van agt maande ingevolge 'n staatsdienskema, sowel as NGO's en personeel wat deur die organisasie gekontrakteer is. Media het gevalle aangemeld, veral op die eilande, waarin die toegewysde personeel onvoldoende of onbehoorlik opgelei is.
Alle inwoners in die land is geregtig op mediese noodhulp, ongeag die wettige status. Mediese vrywilligers, mediese dokters wat deur NGO's gekontrakteer is, en die Helleense Sentrum vir Siektebeheer en -voorkoming, sowel as mediese dokters, het basiese gesondheidsorg in kampe gebied, met noodgevalle of meer ingewikkelde gevalle wat na plaaslike hospitale verwys is. 'N Aantal NGO's het opgemerk dat onvoldoende sielkundige sorg vir asielsoekers en vlugtelinge, veral op die eilande, opgemerk is. Sommige mense wat aan chroniese siektes ly, het steeds probleme ondervind met die verkryging van behoorlike medikasie. Daar is berigte oor onvoldoende gesondheidsorg vir swanger vroue. Hospitale was dikwels oorbelas en onderbemannig, wat leemtes in die verskaffing van dienste aan asielsoekers en plaaslike inwoners veroorsaak het.
Na hul aankoms is migrante en vlugtelinge deur die polisie en die ontvangs- en identifikasiediens geregistreer. Die owerhede het die asielzoeker se persoonlike data aangeteken, vingerafdrukke geneem en sy of haar identiteit geverifieer. Internasionale organisasies en nie -regeringsorganisasies het basiese inligting oor die asielproses verskaf, vrywillige terugkeer en internasionale beskerming gehelp en mediese ondersoeke gedoen om kwesbare individue te identifiseer. Dokters sonder grense het die owerhede gekritiseer omdat hulle nie asielzoekers met onsigbare kwesbaarhede geïdentifiseer het nie, soos slagoffers van marteling. Dokters sonder grense en ander nie -regeringsorganisasies het ook leemtes in die kwesbaarheidsbeoordeling gekritiseer, wat beweer dat hulle gesondheids- en geestesgesondheidsprobleme vererger het en sommige individue wat in aanmerking kom vir die oordrag na die vasteland ontneem het, hul kans om die druk lewensomstandighede in die RIC's te verlaat. Skeiding van kwesbare groepe was op sommige plekke nie altyd haalbaar nie. Geloofwaardige waarnemers het verskeie gewelddadige voorvalle met betrekking tot asielsoekers gerapporteer, waaronder vuisgevegte, messtekery en geslagsgebaseerde geweld (sien afdeling 2.d.Misbruik van migrante, vlugtelinge en staatlose persone).
Duursame oplossings: Die regering het deelgeneem aan die EU -hervestigingskema van 2015, en vanaf 27 September het die Europese Kommissie die verhuising van 20,323 asielsoekers uit Griekeland na ander EU -lidlande gerapporteer. Asielzoekers was slegs in aanmerking vir hervestiging ingevolge hierdie skema as hulle opgedaag het voor die implementering van die EU-Turkye-verklaring op 20 Maart 2016, en as hulle nasionaliteit het van 'n land wat in 75 persent van die lidlande internasionale beskerming erkenning sou ontvang. Die IOM het vrywillige opgawes aangebied vir afgeweerde asielzoekers of vir diegene wat hul asielaansprake verloën het. Die regering het teen 22 November ongeveer 5 000 vrywillige opgawes aangemeld. Die regering het saamgewerk met internasionale organisasies en nie -regeringsorganisasies om alle migrerende kinders op die vasteland by skole in te skryf.
Tydelike beskerming: Vanaf 30 Junie het die regering tydelike beskerming gebied aan ongeveer 305 individue wat moontlik nie as vlugtelinge kwalifiseer nie.
Griekeland - Burgerlike vryhede -indeks
Bron: Freedom House. 1 - die hoogste graad van vryheid.
Wat is die Griekse burgerlike vryhede -indeks?
| Datum | Waarde | Verandering, % |
|---|---|---|
| 2018 | 2.00 | 0.00% |
| 2017 | 2.00 | 0.00% |
| 2016 | 2.00 | 0.00% |
| 2015 | 2.00 | 0.00% |
| 2014 | 2.00 | 0.00% |
| 2013 | 2.00 | 0.00% |
| 2012 | 2.00 | 0.00% |
| 2011 | 2.00 | 0.00% |
| 2010 | 2.00 | 0.00% |
| 2009 | 2.00 | 0.00% |
| 2008 | 2.00 | 0.00% |
| 2007 | 2.00 |
Sien ook
& kopie 2011-2021 Knoema. Alle regte voorbehou.
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Griekeland
Twee migrerende mans en vier kinders in 'n tent by 'n tydelike kamp langs die Moria -kamp vir vlugtelinge en migrante op die eiland Lesbos, Griekeland, 18 September 2018.
© 2018 Giorgos Moutafis/Reuters
Keynote
Kenneth Roth
Opstelle
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Alhoewel Griekeland steeds 'n groot aantal asielsoekers huisves, het dit nie hul regte beskerm nie. Die totale aantal aankomste het toegeneem in vergelyking met dieselfde tydperk in 2017. Tekorte in die ontvangs- en asielstelsel het toegeneem met ernstige oorbevolking, onhigiëniese, onhigiëniese toestande en 'n gebrek aan voldoende gespesialiseerde sorg, insluitend mediese sorg, traumaberading en psigososiale ondersteuning. Fisiese en geslagsgebaseerde geweld was algemeen in asielkampe, en nie-regeringsorganisasies berig verslegtende geestesgesondheidstoestande onder asielsoekers. Die meeste onbegeleide kinders word steeds in kampe met volwassenes, in sogenaamde beskermende polisie-aanhouding of aanhouding, geplaas of sonder dakloosheid, terwyl die owerhede nie 'n tekort aan jeugskuilings of pleegsorg opgelos het nie.
Griekeland se EU-gesteunde beleid om asielsoekers wat per see aangekom het na die Egeïese eilande te beperk, het duisende in hierdie toestande vasgevang.
Terwyl die regering na 'n gesamentlike NGO -veldtog in November 18 000 asielsoekers van eilande na die vasteland van Griekeland oorgeplaas het, het dit geweier om 'n bindende uitspraak in die hooggeregshof in werking te stel om die bevallingsbeleid vir nuwe aankomelinge te beëindig, en in plaas daarvan 'n nuwe wet aangeneem om dit voort te sit. Op Lesbos het 'n inspeksie van die plaaslike owerheid in September tot die gevolgtrekking gekom dat die Moria -kamp, die grootste in sy soort, 'n gevaar vir die volksgesondheid en die omgewing inhou en 'n beroep op die regering gedoen om ernstige tekortkominge aan te spreek of die kamp te sluit.
Sommige migrante en asielsoekers wat die landgrens van Turkye na die noordoostelike Evros -gebied probeer oorsteek, het berig dat hulle gedurende die jaar summier na Turkye teruggekeer het, soms gewelddadig. Griekeland het nie die ontvangsbehoeftes van nuut aankomende asielsoekers in die streek beantwoord nie, ondanks die toename in aankomste wat in April begin het. As gevolg hiervan is vroue en meisies by onverwante mans op die terreine vir opvang of aanhouding van asielsoekers gehuisves en het hulle nie toegang tot noodsaaklike dienste nie.
Minder as 15 persent van die asiel-soekende kinders het toegang tot onderwys op die eilande gehad, en slegs een uit elke twee op die vasteland was by openbare skole ingeskryf.
Verregse groepe het voortgegaan om veldtog te voer teen asielsoekers op die eilande, en daar was berigte in die media oor aanvalle regoor die land op persone wat as migrante of Moslems beskou word. Polisiestatistieke oor haatmisdade vir 2017 wat in Maart bekend gemaak is, toon 'n merkbare toename in vergelyking met die vorige jaar.
Die Komitee vir die Voorkoming van Foltering van die Raad van Europa het Griekeland in April besoek en 'n voorlopige verslag uitgereik waarin kommer uitgespreek is oor onmenslike en vernederende behandeling in psigiatriese inrigtings en aanhoudingsentrums vir migrante.
Menseregte in Griekeland
George Andreopoulos, professor in politieke studies aan die City University of New York (CUNY) en stigter -direkteur van die Sentrum vir Internasionale Menseregte by John Jay College, hou op Vrydag 23 Oktober 'n toespraak by UC Santa Barbara.
Andreopoulos se lesing, "Menseregte in Griekeland: Uitdagings en vooruitsigte," begin om 13:00. in die McCune -konferensiekamer, 6020 Gebou vir Geesteswetenskappe en Sosiale Wetenskappe.
Die toespraak word gratis en oop vir die publiek aangebied deur die Orfalea -sentrum vir globale en internasionale studies op die kampus. Dit is 'n program van die sentrum se interdissiplinêre navorsingshub oor globale bestuur en menseregte.
"Ons is baie bly om professor Andreopoulos, 'n bekende geleerde oor menseregte, in die Orfalea -sentrum te kan verwelkom om menseregte met ons te bespreek," sê Michael Stohl, 'n professor in kommunikasie en die direkteur van die sentrum. 'Hy het 'n intieme kennis van die menseregtesituasie in Griekeland en die wetenskaplike agtergrond om die situasie in historiese en politieke konteks te plaas.
Andreopoulos, 'n kenner op die gebied van internasionale menseregte en globale bestuur, studeer geskiedenis, regte en internasionale betrekkinge aan die Universiteit van Chicago en aan die Universiteit van Cambridge. Voordat hy by die CUNY -fakulteit aangesluit het, het hy klasgegee aan die Yale Universiteit, waar hy die stigter -mededirekteur van die Orville Schell -sentrum vir internasionale menseregte was.
Sy huidige navorsingsprojek, ondersteun deur 'n toekenning van die Stavros Niarchos -stigting, het die titel "Polisiëring oor die grense heen: die rol van wetstoepassing in globale bestuur."
In die loop van sy loopbaan het Andreopoulos aan verskeie menseregte -missies, mees onlangs in Sierra Leone, deelgeneem om aanbevelings oor aanspreeklikheidsmeganismes in daardie land te bestudeer en op te stel. Hy het gedien as president van die afdeling vir menseregte van die American Political Science Association, asook voorsitter van die afdeling se boektoekenningskomitee.
Andreopoulos is die skrywer van talle boeke en artikels, waaronder die komende geredigeerde bundel "Polisiëring oor grense heen: wetstoepassingsnetwerke en die uitdagings van misdaadbeheer" (Springer), wat ontstaan het uit 'n navorsingsprojek van vier jaar wat in samewerking met die Hellenic Center for Security Studies, 'n organisasie wat in die Griekeland gestig is deur die Ministerie van Openbare Orde en Burgerbeskerming as 'n dinkskrum oor veiligheidskwessies.
Daar is ook 'n spesiale uitgawe van die tydskrif Criminal Justice Ethics, waarvan Andreopoulos sowel die mede-redakteur as 'n bydraer is. Die tema van die kwessie is private militêre en veiligheidsmaatskappye en die soeke na aanspreeklikheid.
Griekeland
In Junie het die regter wat die ondersoek na die aanval op die vakbondlid Konstantina Kuneva ondersoek het, die ondersoek afgehandel nadat hy nie die oortreders geïdentifiseer het nie. Haar advokate het kommer uitgespreek oor die kwaliteit en deeglikheid van die voorverhoorondersoek. In November het die Raad van Misdadigers in Athene beveel dat die ondersoek na die saak voortgesit moet word.
Gevangenisvoorwaardes
Berigte is ontvang oor onmenslike en vernederende voorwaardes vir aanhouding in gevangenisse, insluitend oorbevolking, onvoldoende fasiliteite en gebrek aan toegang tot voldoende mediese sorg. Vrouegevangenes het berig dat hulle steeds aan die interne ondersoeke onderwerp word. In Desember is wetswysigings aangeneem om die oorbevolking van gevangenisse en die verbetering van gevangenisvoorwaardes te hanteer.
Gewetensbeswaardes teen militêre diens
Die huidige wet oor gewetensbesware was nog steeds nie in ooreenstemming met Europese en internasionale standaarde nie. Gewetensbeswaardes staar steeds diskriminasie en selfs vervolging in die gesig.
Op 31 Maart het die gewetensbeswaarmaker Lazaros Petromelidis 'n opgeskorte vonnis van 18 maande gevangenisstraf opgelê op twee aanklagte van insubordinasie deur die militêre appèlhof in Athene. In 2008 het die Geregshof hom op dieselfde aanklagte tot drie jaar gevangenisstraf gevonnis.
Vryheid van spraak
'N Verslag in Februarie deur die Kommissaris vir Menseregte van die Raad van Europa het kommer uitgespreek oor die oorbeperkende praktyke van Griekse howe om nie sekere minderheidsverenigings te registreer nie en om die ontbinding van die Xanthi Turkse Unie te beveel. Soortgelyke kommer is uitgespreek deur die VN se onafhanklike deskundige oor kwessies oor minderhede. Ten spyte hiervan, en die uitsprake van die Europese Hof vir Menseregte in 2008, het die Hooggeregshof van Griekeland die weiering van die appèlhof bevestig om die vereniging & quotHouse of Macedonian Civilization & quot in Junie te registreer.
Regte van lesbiese, gay, biseksuele en transgender mense
In Maart is verskeie mense beseer in 'n homofobiese aanval op 'n kroeg in Athene. Daar is berig dat die polisie en ambulanse ondanks baie oproepe nie op die voorval gereageer het nie.
Mensehandel
Te midde van kommer dat die regering onvoldoende stappe gedoen het om slagoffers van mense te identifiseer, is konsepriglyne wat deur 'n koalisie van NRO's, insluitend Amnesty International, voorgestel is, steeds nie aanvaar nie. Gebrek aan staatsfinansiering het gelei tot die sluiting van sommige skuilings vir slagoffers van mensehandel.
Griekeland: 'n geskiedenis van migrasie
Lande regoor die wêreld het gemeenskappe wat getuig van die golwe van migrasie na buite wat Griekeland eens gekenmerk het. In die afgelope 15 jaar het Griekeland egter 'n ontvanger geword van migrante en 'n permanente immigrantbestemming. Die meeste van hierdie nuwe immigrante kom uit Sentraal- en Oos -Europa, en ten spyte van twee reguleringsprogramme, woon 'n goeie aantal van hulle steeds sonder toestemming in Griekeland. Mense uit Asië (veral Irak, Pakistan en Indië) het onlangs vinnig hul aandeel in die totale aantal immigrante wat onwettig aankom, vinnig verhoog.
Soos in die verlede stoot en trek migrasie van en na Griekeland 'n komplekse stel magte. Vandag is die regering gereed om 'n integrasie -aksieplan te implementeer wat daarop gemik is om hierdie kragte tot voordeel van die land te benut. Die proses moet egter nog begin, en aansienlike openbare angs en politieke wrywing sal na verwagting die oes van verwagte ekonomiese, kulturele en politieke voordele voorafgaan.
Griekse geskiedenis: golwe van emigrasie
Twee belangrike golwe van massa -emigrasie het plaasgevind na die vorming van die moderne Griekse staat in die vroeë 1830's, een van die laat 19de tot die vroeë 20ste eeu, en 'n ander na die Tweede Wêreldoorlog.
Die eerste emigrasiegolf is aangespoor deur die ekonomiese krisis van 1893 wat gevolg het op die vinnige daling in die prys van aalbessies - die belangrikste uitvoerproduk van die land - op die internasionale markte. In die periode 1890-1914 het amper 'n sesde van die bevolking van Griekeland geëmigreer, meestal na die Verenigde State en Egipte. Hierdie emigrasie is in 'n sekere sin aangemoedig deur die Griekse owerhede, wat oorbetalings beskou het as om die betalingsbalans van die Griekse ekonomie te verbeter. Die blywende uitwerking op die nasionale bewussyn van Griekeland was die uitbreiding van die idee van 'Hellenisme' en 'Helleense diaspora' na die 'Nuwe Wêreld'.
Na die Tweede Wêreldoorlog was die lande van Suid -Europa, onder wie Griekeland, die belangrikste bydraers tot migrasie na die geïndustrialiseerde lande van Noord -Europa. Die oliekrisisse van 1973 en 1980 veroorsaak egter ekonomiese onsekerheid en 'n skerp daling in die vraag na arbeid, wat op sy beurt daartoe lei dat noordelike state beperkende immigrasiebeleid instel. Aangesien hierdie lande minder welkom was by hul voormalige genooides, het spoedig terugkeer na Griekeland gevolg.
Meer as een miljoen Grieke migreer in hierdie tweede golf, wat hoofsaaklik tussen 1950 en 1974 gedaal het. Die meeste emigreer na Wes -Europa, die VSA, Kanada en Australië. Ekonomiese en politieke redes het hul beweegrede dikwels gemotiveer, wat beide verband hou met die gevolge van 'n burgeroorlog van 1946-1949 en die periode van 1967-1974 van militêre juntaregering wat gevolg het. Amptelike statistieke toon dat Duitsland in die periode 1955-1973 603 300 Griekse migrante opgeneem het, Australië 170 700, die VSA 124 000 en Kanada 80 200. Die meerderheid van hierdie emigrante kom uit landelike gebiede, en hulle voorsien beide die nasionale en internasionale arbeidsmarkte.
Na die oliekrisis van 1973 en die aanvaarding van beperkende immigrasiebeleid deur die Europese lande, is hierdie immigrasiestrome aansienlik verminder en terugkeermigrasie toegeneem. Ander faktore wat tot hierdie veranderinge bygedra het, was integrasieprobleme in die ontvangende lande, die herstel van demokrasie in Griekeland in 1974 en die nuwe ekonomiese vooruitsigte wat ontwikkel het na die toetrede van die land tot die Europese Ekonomiese Gemeenskap (EEG) in 1981. Tussen 1974 en 1985 het byna die helfte van die emigrante van die naoorlogse tydperk na Griekeland teruggekeer.
Handelsplekke: immigrasie vervang emigrasie
Afnemende emigrasie en terugkeermigrasie het in die sewentigerjare 'n positiewe migrasiesaldo veroorsaak. Immigrasie het aan die begin van die tagtigerjare toegeneem toe 'n klein aantal Asiërs, Afrikane en Pole daar aankom en werk in konstruksie, landbou en huishoudelike dienste kry. Immigrasie was egter steeds beperk. In 1986 was daar ongeveer 90 000 wettige en ongemagtigde immigrante. Een derde van hulle was afkomstig van lande van die Europese Unie. Die 1991 -sensus het 167,000 'buitelanders' in 'n totale bevolking van 10 259 900 getel.
Die ineenstorting van die Sentraal- en Oos -Europese regimes in 1989 het immigrasie na Griekeland in 'n massiewe, onbeheerbare verskynsel verander. As gevolg hiervan was Griekeland destyds nog steeds een van die minder ontwikkelde EU-state, maar in die negentigerjare het dit die hoogste persentasie immigrante in verhouding tot sy arbeidsmag ontvang.
Baie faktore verklaar die transformasie van Griekeland in 'n ontvangende land. Dit sluit die geografiese ligging in, wat Griekeland as die oostelike "poort" van die EU posisioneer, met uitgebreide kuslyne en maklik grense oorsteek. Alhoewel die situasie aan die noordelike grense van die land aansienlik verbeter het sedert die oprigting van 'n spesiale grenswag in 1998, bly geografiese toegang 'n sentrale faktor in die migrasiepatrone na Griekeland.
Die vinnige ekonomiese veranderinge wat die ekonomiese en sosiale afstand van die Noord -Europese lande verminder het na die integrasie van Griekeland in die EU in 1981, het ook 'n belangrike rol gespeel. In pas met die ekonomiese ontwikkeling het die verbeterde lewensstandaard en hoër opvoedingsvlakke wat jongmense bereik het. het daartoe gelei dat die meeste Grieke werk met 'n lae status en lae inkomste verwerp het. Intussen het sowel die groot omvang van die informele, gesinsgebaseerde ekonomie as die seisoenale aard van nywerhede soos toerisme, landbou en konstruksie die vraag na 'n buigsame arbeidspoel geskep, onafhanklik van vakbondpraktyke en wetgewing.
Die eerste nasionale syfers van Griekeland is bereken na 'n reguleringsprogram in 1997, gebaseer op inligting wat van 371 641 aansoekers om die "witkaart" -vergunning van Griekeland ingesamel is. Ontleders meen dat die aansoekers ongeveer die helfte van die immigrante op daardie tydstip uitgemaak het.
Die gegewens dui aan dat meer as 70 persent van diegene wat onder die program geregistreer was, ongeskoolde mans was met hoër onderwys as laerskool. Hulle was in die omgewing van Athene gekonsentreer, en meer as twee derdes het Albanese nasionaliteit gehad. Hierdie migrante was meestal in die landbou, konstruksie, toerisme en huishoudelike dienste werksaam - sektore wat met gemak in die informele ekonomie werk, of daar uitbrei.
Data van 'n tweede reguleringsprogram, wat in 2001 begin is, is nog nie beskikbaar nie.
Die enigste ander bevredigende gegewens oor die immigrantebevolking is tydens die 2001 -sensus deur die National Statistical Service versamel, waarin immigrante as 'n "buitelandse bevolking in Griekeland" geregistreer is. Ondanks hul tekortkominge, bied hierdie sensusdata oor immigrante die mees omvattende, bygewerkte beeld van die bevolking.
Dit is opmerklik dat "immigrante" van etniese Griekse oorsprong - óf terugkerende emigrante óf hul afstammelinge - ook by die 2001 -sensus geregistreer is, maar die gegewens is nog nie gepubliseer nie. 'N Verslag van die Organisasie vir Ekonomiese Samewerking en Ontwikkeling (OESO) in 2003 dui aan dat meer as 150 000 immigrante van Griekse oorsprong sedert 1977 uit die voormalige Sowjetunie in die land aangekom het, dat 'n derde daarvan genaturaliseer is.
Migrante van Griekeland in konteks
Volgens die jongste sensus het die bevolking van Griekeland toegeneem van 10 259 900 in 1991 tot 10 964 020 in 2001. Hierdie toename kan feitlik uitsluitlik toegeskryf word aan immigrasie die afgelope dekade. The census showed that the "foreign population" living in Greece in 2001 was 762,191 (47,000 of them EU citizens), making up approximately seven percent of the total population of the total population. Of these migrants, 2,927 were registered as refugees.
It is estimated that the real number of immigrants is higher many analysts believe that migrants make up as much as 10 percent of the population. They cite, among other factors, the fact that the 2001 Census was carried out before the implementation of Act 2910/2001, otherwise referred to as Greece's second regularization program. This legislation dealt with "the admission and residence of foreigners in Greece and the acqusition of Greek nationality through naturalization." Because of their illegal status, a good number of immigrants escaped census registration, while still others entered the country specifically to take advantage of regularization.
Immigration is the cause of population increase and demographic renewal in Greece in the period between the 1991 and 2001 censuses. The average number of children per woman in Greece has fallen to 1.3, against a European average of 1.5, and well below the average of 2.1 required for the reproduction of a population. Of the immigrant population, on the other hand, 16.7 percent are in the 0-14 age bracket, 79.8 percent in the 15-64 age bracket, and only 3.5 percent in the over-65 age bracket. The respective percentages for the national population are 15.2 percent, 67.7 percent, and 17 percent, demonstrating the key role immigrants of child-bearing age play in the population as a whole. Albanians, who are mainly married couples raising families, are the youngest population overall. In contrast, immigrants from the United States, Canada, and Australia have the highest percentages of people in the over-65 age bracket, because they are mainly pensioner returnees of Greek origin.
Males and females make up 54.5 percent and 45.5 percent of the total, respectively. However, gender composition varies widely among the various nationalities. Albanians and Romanians show the most balanced picture, because the percentages of males fluctuate just above the average with 59 percent and 57 percent, respectively. Other nationalities show sharp asymmetries, where either males or females far outnumber the other gender. For example, females make up almost two thirds of the immigrants from the former Soviet Union and Bulgaria, as well as approximately four-fifths of the Filipinos. On the other end, immigrants from Pakistan and India are almost exclusively male.
Fifty-four percent of the immigrants enter the country for work. Family reunification (13 percent) and repatriation (7 percent) are other main reasons they give for their arrival. Albanians show the highest level of participation in family reunification and immigrants from United States, Canada, and Australia in repatriation—a confirmation of the Greek origin of these immigrants. An unspecified "other reason" concerns 21.5 percent of the total, while "asylum" and "refugee" status seekers account for 1.6 percent.
National Origins of Recent Migrants
In the 1990 to 2001 period of mass immigration to Greece, immigrants arrived in two waves. The first was that of the early 1990s, in which Albanians dominated. The second arrived after 1995, and involved much greater participation of immigrants from other Balkan states, the former Soviet Union, Pakistan, and India. The majority of Albanians arrived in the first wave however, the collapse of enormous "pyramid schemes" in Albania's banking sector in 1996 also spurred significant migration.
According to the 2001 Census, the largest group of immigrants draws its origins from the Balkan countries of Albania, Bulgaria, and Romania. People from these countries make up almost two-thirds of the total "foreign population." Migrants from the former Soviet Union (Georgia, Russia, Ukraine, Moldava, etc.) comprise 10 percent of the total the EU countries approximately six percent. A heterogeneous group of people from places such as the United States, Canada, and Australia (mostly first or second-generation Greek emigrants returning home), also account for around six percent. Finally, a residual group from a wide variety of countries makes up 13 percent. None of the individual countries included in this last group exceeds two percent of the total "foreign population."
Of the main countries of origin, Albania accounts for 57.5 percent of the total, with second-place Bulgaria far outdistanced with 4.6 percent. Common borders with both of these countries have facilitated crossing over to Greece, leading to a cyclical form of immigration.
Education and Workforce Participation
Nearly one-half of the migrants have secondary education (including technical-skill schools) and one-third have either completed or acquired primary school education. Almost one-tenth have higher education. A qualitative analysis of the educational levels of the various nationalities shows that, comparatively speaking, Albanians have the lowest level of education and former Soviet citizens the highest. In terms of higher education, females have the largest share of the total, while males appear to predominate in all other educational categories.
Immigrants are almost exclusively (90 percent) engaged in wage work and, to a much lesser extent, are self-employed (6.5 percent). Most of the jobs are non-skilled, manual work well below the immigrants' level of education and qualifications.
According to the 2001 census data, the majority of immigrants (54 percent) enter Greece for work. Bulgarians and Romanians are the nationalities that most often cite employment as the most important reason for immigrating to Greece. Immigrants are mainly employed in construction (24.5 percent), "other services," meaning mostly domestic work (20.5 percent), agriculture (17.5 percent), and "commerce, hotels, and restaurants" (15.7 percent).
Because of the size of their presence in the total immigrant population, Albanians dominate in all sectors. Within the Albanian nationality, however, construction absorbs the highest percentage (32 percent), followed by agriculture (21 percent), and then "other services" (15 percent). In contrast, Bulgarians are mostly occupied in agriculture (33 percent) and "other services" (29 percent).
In the construction sector, immigrants currently provide a quarter of the wage labor, and in agriculture, a fifth of the total labor expended (almost 90 percent of the non-family wage labor). Immigrants play an important structural role in both sectors.
"Other services" —a sector identified with domestic services where female migrant labor predominates—mostly employs immigrants from the former Soviet Union (37 percent) and Bulgaria. At the same time, employment in domestic services allows larger numbers of Greek women to join the labor market.
Immigration Policy Developments
The Greek government has been unprepared to receive the large numbers of immigrants of the last decade, and has hesitated to introduce the necessary legal and institutional changes for the regularization and integration of this population.
The government, however, was forced to adopt a regularization procedure under often contradictory pressures. From one side, in an environment of growing xenophobia, the public demanded the registration of immigrants. From another, human rights and labor organizations sought more humanitarian and less exploitative treatment.
The first regularization program to handle recent illegal migration was introduced as late as 1997 with Presidential Decrees 358/1997 and 359/1997. These aimed at the implementation of Act 1975/1991 on the "entry-exit, residence, employment, expulsion of foreigners and procedure for the recognition of the status of refugee for foreigners."
The twin decrees gave unregistered immigrants the opportunity to acquire a "white card" temporary residence permit. This, in turn, gave them time to submit the complementary documents necessary to acquire a "green card" work and residence permit. To qualify for the "white card" they had to have lived in Greece for at least one year, and submit documents testifying to their good health, a clean court and police record, and proof of having paid national social insurance contributions for a total of 40 working days in 1998. A total of 150 days of social insurance contributions were required for the acquisition of the green card. No registration fees were charged at this stage.
By the end of the first regularization, 371,641 immigrants had been registered for the white card, but only 212,860 received a green card. It is estimated that less than half of the migrants living in the country were registered during this first regularization program.
In 2001, the goverment passed Act 2910/2001 on "the admission and residence of foreigners in Greece and the acquisition of Greek nationality through naturalization." This gave immigrants a second opportunity to legalize their status, provided they could show proof of residence for at least a year before the implementation of the law. Immigrants were given a six-month period to submit all the necessary documents to acquire the work permit, which became the precondition for obtaining a residence permit.
The two regularization methods differed, but the documents required for both were similar. The most important differences were that in 2001 the immigrant had to submit a copy of an official contract with his or her employer for a specific period of time, as well as confirmation that national social insurance contributions had been paid for at least 200 working days (which could also be paid for by the immigrants themselves). In addition, a payment of 147 euros per person over the age of 14 was required. All applicants to the 1997 regularization program whose permits had expired by 2001 were subject to the provisions of the new law.
The 2001 act also set preconditions for future legal migration into the country, giving the Organization of Employment and Labor (OAED) the responsibility to prepare an annual report that would specify labor requirements at the occupational and regional levels in order to define quotas for temporary work permits. These job vacancies would be advertised in the sending countries by Greek embassies, which would also be responsible for receiving the applications for those jobs. To date, however,the government has not begun this procedure.
When the official application deadline for this second regularization program expired in August 2001, it was reported that 351,110 migrants had submitted their documents for the acquisition of a work permit — a precondition for the provision of a residence permit. However, bureaucracy and the lack of the necessary infrastructure created tremendous problems and delays in the processing of the applications. This forced the government to give temporary residence to all applicants until the end of June 2003, recently extended to the end of October 2003. By then, the government expected to have all the applications processed. Once more, however, promises were not fullfilled and thousands of migrants remain "hostages" of a sluggish legal and institutional structure.
The enthusiasm shown by immigrants upon the announcement of the latest act has now vanished. This is as a result of, on the one hand, the weakness of public administration in supporting the implementation of the act and, on the other, the act's "philosophy" of continuous checks and controls that make it difficult to implement. These weaknesses have been identified and raised by many organizations and institutions directly or indirectly involved with the issue. The Greek ombudsman, in a report to the minister of interior, warned as early as 2001 of the implementation problems and asked for amendments that would make it work for the benefit of both immigrants and the Greek public administration.
However, amendments to the act introduced by the government in 2002 did not address the problems connected with the one-year duration of the work and residence permits, the yearly fee for the residence permit for the applicants, and the insurmountable bureaucratic problems. Only recently, the government decided to extend the residence permit to two years starting from January 2004 (Act 3202/2003).
In the meantime, in order to overcome bureaucratic obstacles, many immigrants have had to either hire lawyers to handle their regularization procedure, or lose time and money standing in lines.
To date, the integration of migrants into Greek society appears to have resulted largely from laborious individual/family strategies of the migrants themselves, rather than from the provisions of an institutional framework. This may change as government efforts to systematize integration take hold.
Greece's integration policy was designed and announced by the government in 2002 in its "Action Plan for the Social Integration of Immigrants for the Period 2002-2005." The plan includes measures for the labor market integration and training of immigrants, improved access to the health system, emergency centers for immigrant support, and measures for the improvement of cultural exchanges among the various ethnic communities. However, the implementation of the plan has yet to begin.
Two of the reasons for the non-implementation of the plan appear to include pressure on the state budget to complete the nation's preparations for the Olympic Games, as well as the long, politically sensitive period before the national elections of March 7, 2004.
At this stage, despite the acknowledged importance of migration in Greek economy and society, migration in general and integration in specific do not seem to be high on the government agenda. The expressed anxieties of human rights and migrant organizations about integration and migration policy seem to have done little to shift the debate. Integration may come to the foreground again, however, in connection with social unrest that could follow the foreseen negative prospects of the economy in the post-Olympics period.
Immigrants have contributed significantly to the improved performance of the Greek economy over the past few years, and they have boosted Greece's successful participation in the EU's economic and monetary union. Their structural role in the workforce of the construction and agricultural sectors has been widely acknowledged. Despite a high level of unemployment, which is estimated at nine percent for the country as a whole, there appears to be no serious competition by native Greeks for the kinds of jobs secured by immigrants. On the contrary, immigrants have played a rather complementary economic role.
However, the current high growth rate of the Greek economy—five percent in the EU in 2003—is expected to slow down after the completion of the facilities for the Olympic Games, which have driven huge amounts of activity in construction and other sectors. In addition, the funds allocated to Greece under the European Union's new support framework are expected to shrink following the EU's enlargement in 2004. These economic pressures, along with the uncertainties evident in the legal and institutional framework for the regularization and integration of immigrants, if not dealt with, are expected to lead to social friction and extensive racism and xenophobia in the next few years.
Cavounidis, J. and Hadjaki, L. (2000), Migrant Applicants for the Card of Temporary Residence: Nationality, Gender, and Placement. Athens: National Institute of Labour (in Greek).
Fakiolas, R. (2003), 'Regularising Undocumented Immigrants in Greece: Procedures and Effects', Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 29 (3): 535-561.
Fakiolas R. and King R. (1996), 'Emigration,Return, Immigration: A Review and Evaluation of Greece's Experience of International Migration', International Journal of Population Geography, Vol. 2, 171-190.
Kasimis C., Papadopoulos A. G., Zacopoulou E. (2003), 'Migrants in Rural Greece', Sociologia Ruralis, Vol 43, Number 2, pp. 167-184.
King, R. (2000), 'Southern Europe in the Changing Global Map of Migration', in King, R., Lazaridis, G. and Tsardanidis, Ch. (eds) Eldorado or Fortress? Migration in Southern Europe. Basingstoke: Macmillan Press, 1-26.
Lianos, Th. and Papakonstantinou, P. (2003) Modern Migration Toward Greece: Economic Investigation. Athens: KEPE, Studies, No 51 (in Greek).
National Statistical Service of Greece (NSSG) (2003), Population Census 2001. Available online.
OECD (2003), Trends in International Migration: Annual Report, SOPEMI.
Ombudsman's Office (2001), Special Report on the Problems of the Application of the Aliens Law 2910/2001, Athens, National Publishing Agency (in Greek).
Sarris A. and Zografakis S. (1999), 'A Computable General Equilibrium Assessment of the Impact of Illegal Immigration on the Greek Economy', Journal of Population Economics, 12: 155-182.
A Short History of Human Rights
The belief that everyone, by virtue of her or his humanity, is entitled to certain human rights is fairly new. Its roots, however, lie in earlier tradition and documents of many cultures it took the catalyst of World War II to propel human rights onto the global stage and into the global conscience.
Throughout much of history, people acquired rights and responsibilities through their membership in a group – a family, indigenous nation, religion, class, community, or state. Most societies have had traditions similar to the "golden rule" of "Do unto others as you would have them do unto you." The Hindu Vedas, the Babylonian Code of Hammurabi, the Bible, the Quran (Koran), and the Analects of Confucius are five of the oldest written sources which address questions of people’s duties, rights, and responsibilities. In addition, the Inca and Aztec codes of conduct and justice and an Iroquois Constitution were Native American sources that existed well before the 18th century. In fact, all societies, whether in oral or written tradition, have had systems of propriety and justice as well as ways of tending to the health and welfare of their members.
Precursors of 20th Century Human Rights Documents
Documents asserting individual rights, such the Magna Carta (1215), the English Bill of Rights (1689), the French Declaration on the Rights of Man and Citizen (1789), and the US Constitution and Bill of Rights (1791) are the written precursors to many of today’s human rights documents. Yet many of these documents, when originally translated into policy, excluded women, people of color, and members of certain social, religious, economic, and political groups. Nevertheless, oppressed people throughout the world have drawn on the principles these documents express to support revolutions that assert the right to self-determination.
Contemporary international human rights law and the establishment of the United Nations (UN) have important historical antecedents. Efforts in the 19th century to prohibit the slave trade and to limit the horrors of war are prime examples. In 1919, countries established the International Labor Organization (ILO) to oversee treaties protecting workers with respect to their rights, including their health and safety. Concern over the protection of certain minority groups was raised by the League of Nations at the end of the First World War. However, this organization for international peace and cooperation, created by the victorious European allies, never achieved its goals. The League floundered because the United States refused to join and because the League failed to prevent Japan’s invasion of China and Manchuria (1931) and Italy’s attack on Ethiopia (1935). It finally died with the onset of the Second World War (1939).
The Birth of the United Nations
The idea of human rights emerged stronger after World War II. The extermination by Nazi Germany of over six million Jews, Sinti and Romani (gypsies), homosexuals, and persons with disabilities horrified the world. Trials were held in Nuremberg and Tokyo after World War II, and officials from the defeated countries were punished for committing war crimes, "crimes against peace," and "crimes against humanity."
Governments then committed themselves to establishing the United Nations, with the primary goal of bolstering international peace and preventing conflict. People wanted to ensure that never again would anyone be unjustly denied life, freedom, food, shelter, and nationality. The essence of these emerging human rights principles was captured in President Franklin Delano Roosevelt’s 1941 State of the Union Address when he spoke of a world founded on four essential freedoms: freedom of speech and religion and freedom from want and fear (See Using Human Rights Here & Now). The calls came from across the globe for human rights standards to protect citizens from abuses by their governments, standards against which nations could be held accountable for the treatment of those living within their borders. These voices played a critical role in the San Francisco meeting that drafted the United Nations Charter in 1945.
Die Universele Verklaring van Menseregte
Member states of the United Nations pledged to promote respect for the human rights of all. To advance this goal, the UN established a Commission on Human Rights and charged it with the task of drafting a document spelling out the meaning of the fundamental rights and freedoms proclaimed in the Charter. The Commission, guided by Eleanor Roosevelt’s forceful leadership, captured the world’s attention.
On December 10, 1948, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) was adopted by the 56 members of the United Nations. The vote was unanimous, although eight nations chose to abstain.
The UDHR, commonly referred to as the international Magna Carta, extended the revolution in international law ushered in by the United Nations Charter – namely, that how a government treats its own citizens is now a matter of legitimate international concern, and not simply a domestic issue. It claims that all rights are interdependent en ondeelbaar. Its Preamble eloquently asserts that:
The influence of the UDHR has been substantial. Its principles have been incorporated into the constitutions of most of the more than 185 nations now in the UN. Although a verklaring is not a legally binding document, the Universal Declaration has achieved the status of customary international law because people regard it "as a common standard of achievement for all people and all nations."
The Human Rights Covenants
With the goal of establishing mechanisms for enforcing the UDHR, the UN Commission on Human Rights proceeded to draft two treaties: the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) and its optional Protokol and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR). Together with the Universal Declaration, they are commonly referred to as the International Bill of Human Rights. The ICCPR focuses on such issues as the right to life, freedom of speech, religion, and voting. The ICESCR focuses on such issues as food, education, health, and shelter. Beide verbonde trumpet the extension of rights to all persons and prohibit discrimination.
As of 1997, over 130 nations have ratified these covenants. The United States, however, has ratified only the ICCPR, and even that with many reservations, or formal exceptions, to its full compliance. (See From Concept to Convention: How Human Rights Law Evolves).
Subsequent Human Rights Documents
In addition to the covenants in the International Bill of Human Rights, the United Nations has adopted more than 20 principal treaties further elaborating human rights. These include conventions to prevent and prohibit specific abuses like torture and volksmoord and to protect especially vulnerable populations, such as refugees (Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees, 1951), women (Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women, 1979), and children (Convention on the Rights of the Child, 1989). As of 1997 the United States has ratified only these conventions:
The Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination
The Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide
The Convention on the Political Rights of Women
The Slavery Convention of 1926
In Europe, the Americas, and Africa, regional documents for the protection and promotion of human rights extend the International Bill of Human Rights. For example, African states have created their own Charter of Human and People’s Rights (1981), and Muslim states have created the Cairo Declaration on Human Rights in Islam (1990). The dramatic changes in Eastern Europe, Africa, and Latin America since 1989 have powerfully demonstrated a surge in demand for respect of human rights. Popular movements in China, Korea, and other Asian nations reveal a similar commitment to these principles.
The Role of Nongovernmental Organizations
Globally the champions of human rights have most often been citizens, not government officials. In particular, nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) have played a cardinal role in focusing the international community on human rights issues. For example, NGO activities surrounding the 1995 United Nations Fourth World Conference on Women in Beijing, China, drew unprecedented attention to serious violations of the human rights of women. NGOs such as Amnesty International, the Antislavery Society, the International Commission of Jurists, the International Working Group on Indigenous Affairs, Human Rights Watch, Minnesota Advocates for Human Rights, and Survivors International monitor the actions of governments and pressure them to act according to human rights principles.
Government officials who understand the human rights framework can also effect far reaching change for freedom. Many United States Presidents such as Abraham Lincoln, Franklin Roosevelt, Lyndon B. Johnson, and Jimmy Carter have taken strong stands for human rights. In other countries leaders like Nelson Mandela and Vaclev Havel have brought about great changes under the banner of human rights.
Human rights is an idea whose time has come. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights is a call to freedom and justice for people throughout the world. Every day governments that violate the rights of their citizens are challenged and called to task. Every day human beings worldwide mobilize and confront injustice and inhumanity. Like drops of water falling on a rock, they wear down the forces of oppression and move the world closer to achieving the principles expressed in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
Source: Adapted from David Shiman, Teaching Human Rights, (Denver: Center for Teaching International Relations Publications, U of Denver, 1993): 6-7.
Right to education
Prison inmate and university student Vasilis Dimakis went on hunger and thirst strike in April and May, protesting that his transfer to Grevena prison and then to an isolation cell in the female ward of Korydallos prison prevented him from continuing his university education. Vasilis Dimakis ended his strike at the end of May. Following pressure from civil society, he was returned to his original cell in Korydallos prison, where he was able to continue his studies.
Greek Influence on U.S. Democracy
The United States has a complex government system. One important tenet of this system is democracy, in which the ultimate power rests with the people. In the case of the United States, that power is exercised indirectly, through elected representatives. Although the U.S. has been a strong proponent of democracy, it did not invent democracy. The Greeks are often credited with pioneering a democratic government that went on to influence the structure of the United States. Read this article that describes how elements of ancient Greek democracy heavily influenced the figures that designed the United States government.
Social Studies, Civics, U.S. History
Dit bevat die logo's van programme of vennote van NG Education wat die inhoud op hierdie bladsy verskaf of bygedra het. Leveled by
After declaring independence from England in 1776, the founders of the United States possessed a unique opportunity to create a government of their choosing. This was a momentous task, and for guidance they looked to what they deemed the best philosophies and examples of government throughout world history. Along with the Roman model, the democratic model of ancient Greece&rsquos system of self-government greatly influenced how the founding fathers set out to construct the new United States government.
Prior to independence, the east coast of what is today the United States was divided into 13 separate colonies. The founders of the United States decided to keep the country divided into states rather than dissolving the colonial boundaries. They did this so that each region could be governed at a local level, with a national government acting as a dominant authority over all. These 13 colonies would become the first states of the newly established country.
A U.S. state resembles the community structure of an ancient Greek polis, or city-state. A polis was composed of an urban center and the land surrounding it, developments similar to that of the major cities and state capitals in the United States and the rural areas surrounding them. In ancient Greece, some of the main city-states were Athens, Sparta, Corinth, Thebes, and Syracuse. These city-states acted independently for the most part. However, sometimes they engaged in war against each other. They also banded together to defend Greece from foreign invaders.
All Greek city-states had sets of rules by which the people lived in observance and laws they were required to obey. In ancient Greece the idea of rule of law came from the philosopher Aristotle&rsquos belief in natural law. He claimed the existence of a higher justice in nature&mdashcertain essential rights&mdashthat superseded the laws written by humans. Aristotle believed that people should align themselves with this natural law and govern by its ethics.
In the United States today, the rule of law is a principle that ensures that all laws are publicly accessible, equally enforced, and independently judged, and that they adhere to international human rights ethics. The rule of law is important because it allows all individuals and institutions (including the government itself) to be held accountable for their actions. By agreeing to follow the rule of law, the United States can prevent abuses of power by leaders who might act as if they are above the law.
Another important ancient Greek concept that influenced the formation of the United States government was the written constitution. Aristotle, or possibly one of his students, compiled and recorded Die Grondwet van die Atheners and the laws of many other Greek city-states. Having a written constitution creates a common standard as to how people should behave and what rules they must follow. It also establishes clear processes by which people who break the law are judged and those who are harmed as a result can be compensated or given justice.
Soos The Constitution of the Athenians, the U.S. Constitution is a vital document. It lays out the government&rsquos structure and how the checks and balances of power within it relate to one another. The U.S. Constitution acts as the supreme law of the country and establishes individual citizens&rsquo rights, such as the right to free speech or the right to a trial by a jury of one&rsquos peers. Today, the U.S. Constitution is still regularly referenced in law as the supreme law of the land and is enforced by the U.S. Supreme Court, the country&rsquos highest court.
The original U.S. voting system had some similarities with that of Athens. In Athens, every citizen could speak his mind and vote at a large assembly that met to create laws. Citizens were elected to special councils to serve as organizers, decision-makers, and judges. However, the only people considered citizens in Athens were males over the age of 18. Women, slaves, and conquered peoples could not vote in the assembly or be chosen to serve on councils.
The founders of the United States similarly believed that only certain people should be allowed to vote and elect officials. They chose to structure the United States as a representative democracy. This means that citizens elect officials, such as senators and representatives, who vote on behalf of the citizens they represent in Congress. It also means that instead of each individual citizen voting for president directly, a body called the Electoral College officially casts the votes of each state for president. As in Athens, when the United States was founded only white, landowning men were allowed to vote. Over time, however, all U.S. citizens over the age of 18 who have not been convicted of a felony have gained the right to vote.
The principles behind the ancient Greeks&rsquo democratic system of government are still in use today. The United States and many other countries throughout the modern world have adopted democratic governments to give a voice to their people. Democracy provides citizens the opportunity to elect officials to represent them. It also allows citizens to choose to elect a different person to represent them if they are dissatisfied with their current elected officials. Today, democracy and the rule of law provide people around the world with a means of protecting their human rights and holding each other accountable as equals under the law.
Greece accused of human rights violations
AMNESTY International has accused Greece of flouting European humanitarian law by employing police brutality and torture in its treatment of detainees, particularly asylum-seekers and minorities.
In a report released on Tuesday, the campaign group referred to 66 cases of alleged human rights violations in the member state, which takes on the EU presidency in January 2003.
It is now calling on the EU to act decisively to combat abuses within its borders.
“Amnesty International believes that serious infractions of fundamental rights in one EU member state are not just the responsibility of that country, but should also be the proper concern of the EU as a whole,” Dick Oosting, director of Amnesty’s EU office in Brussels, said in a statement.
The group is urging the current EU president, Denmark, to put in place a system of “real accountability” to tackle human rights abuses before it hands over the reins to Greece at the end of the year.
The report echoes the findings of a similar study published in June by a coalition of European and Mediterranean human rights groups.
Meanwhile, Amnesty has also called on the EU to expose China to harsher criticism of its human rights record.
It feels that the concern expressed by leading EU figures at their meeting with Chinese premier Zhu Rongji in Copenhagen this week are unlikely to persuade his regime to stop its use of strong-arm tactics to quell democratic dissent.
Amnesty claims the Union’s ‘dialogue’ with Beijing is “effectively a monologue, a self-serving exercise in which the EU is being taken for a ride”.
“Voicing concern at summits is just not good enough when your partner refuses to listen,” said Oosting.
“It is time for the EU to strike a different balance, complementing its ‘constructive engagement’ with real pressure, through public scrutiny of China’s human rights record at the United Nations.”
The report argues that the international clamp-down on terrorism which followed last year’s 11 September atrocities has been used as a pretext to oppress the mainly Muslim Uighur community in the province of Zinjiang.
And it berates Beijing for having “by far the highest rate of executions in the world”, the heavy-handed nature of its ‘Strike Hard’ anti-crime campaign, the alleged arbitrary detention of Falun Gong meditation practitioners and the reportedly systematic abuse of North Korean asylum seekers.
