Invasie in Kanada - Geskiedenis

Invasie in Kanada - Geskiedenis

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Die inval van 1838 in Kanada

Dit was 'n koue November -oggend aan die Saint Lawrence -rivier in 1838. Die Britse Royal Navy -luitenant William Fowell het op die dek van haar majesteit se stoomskip gestaan ​​en 'n wakende oog op die Amerikaanse kus gestaan. In EksperimenteerIn die vroeë oggendure het indringers misluk in 'n poging om in Prescott, Ontario, te land. Maar Fowell het geweet dat die inval net vertraag is, nie afgeskrik nie.

Die oorlog van 1812 was dekades verby, maar alles was nie stil langs die grens tussen Amerikaans-Kanadese nie. Die bedreiging vir Kanada kom nie van die Amerikaanse regering nie, maar van 'n klandestiene organisasie genaamd die Patriot Hunters. Die situasie langs die Saint Lawrence was ongemaklik. Nathaniel S. Benton, distriksprokureur in die noorde van New York, het die Amerikaanse president, Martin Van Buren, meegedeel dat die situasie plofbaar word: 'Die hele grens is gevul met mense ... geweld ”teen Kanada gerig. President Van Buren het saamgestem dat die toenemende spanning rede tot kommer is, en verwys na "die onderling ontstellende en irriterende gebeurtenisse wat uit die Kanadese rebellie ontstaan ​​en die ongemagtigde deelname van [Amerikaanse] burgers aan die vervolging daarvan."

Brittanje wou geen ander konflik met die Verenigde State hê nie, maar daar was geen manier om Kanada kort oorlog te beskerm nie. Britse amptenare het Amerikaanse leiers meegedeel dat hulle spyt sou wees dat hulle die "rebelle of seerowers" na Amerikaanse gebied moes jaag, maar dat "'n bietjie oorskryding van die grens" nodig sou wees. Die risiko was dat enige 'oorskryding van die grens' sou lei tot die oorlog wat beide lande vurig gehoop het om te vermy. Maar alternatiewe was beperk.

Die Jagters was daarvan oortuig dat Kanadese verlang om die juk van Britse tirannie af te gooi. Hulle het geglo dat die teenwoordigheid van 'n goed georganiseerde, goed bewapende mag die vonk sou gee om 'n volskaalse opstand te veroorsaak. Die oomblik toe die Jagters se vaandel op Kanadese grond geplant is, sou die neerdaalde massas na die saak stroom en saamtrek om hul onderdrukkers omver te werp. Die Jagters sou binnekort leer hoe erg hulle 'n verkeerde berekening gehad het.

Die inval het nie gunstig begin nie. Die opstandelinge was van plan om twee skoeners te gebruik, Charlotte van Oswego en Charlotte van Toronto, om vroegoggend op 12 November 'n mag by Prescott te land. Die vlieëniers het vinnig besef dat hulle nie by hul primêre bestemming kon land nie - die kaai is geskeur vir herstelwerk - en hulle het hul bote na die volgende landing verskuif. Maar 'n poging om daar vas te maak, misluk toe die tou breek. Teen die tyd dat 'n derde landing probeer is, het luitenant -kolonel Plomer Young met troepe by die water aangekom en gedreig om te skiet, tensy die bote hulself identifiseer. Die besef dat 'n landing nou onmoontlik was, draai die twee vaartuie, verdwyn in die mis en seil terug na die Amerikaanse kant.

Dagbreek het geen verbetering in die jagters se geluk na die afgebroke landing aan die lig gebring nie. In die mis en donker, Charlotte van Oswego en Charlotte van Toronto het op 'n modderbank langs Ogdensburg, NY, gestrand en was in mekaar se lyne verstrengel. Die enigste troos van die jagters: die skoeners was in Amerikaanse waters.

William "Bill the Pirate" Johnston het 'n skietery in Ogdensburg bekom en het artillerie en wapens gelei Charlotte van Toronto op die kleiner boot afgelaai. Dit het die skoener genoeg verlig om dit van die modderbank te bevry, en dit het gou afwaarts beweeg, versigtig om in Amerikaanse waters te bly. Sy susterskip was egter nie so gelukkig nie. Geen hoeveelheid moeite kon vrykom nie Charlotte van Oswego. Dit het 'n sleep nodig gehad. John Ward Birge het 'n mag na Ogdensburg gelei en die passasiersstoomboot bestel Verenigde State, wie se nuwe kaptein, Oliver B. Pierce, beskryf is as 'n 'dronk frenoloog'.

Terwyl Charlotte van Toronto en die vuurwapen wat die ammunisie dra, het afwaarts na die ooreengekome landingsplek beweeg, Verenigde State gaan red Charlotte van Oswego. As gevolg van die modderbank kon die stoomboot egter nie naby genoeg aan die gestrandte skoener kom nie en keer hy dus terug na Ogdensburg vir 'n langer sleepdraad. Wanneer Verenigde State aangekom vir 'n tweede reddingspoging, het dit die modderbank 'n wye kooi gegee, sodat dit nie ook vasgeval het nie. In die proses het die stoomboot opgekom CharlotteSe noordelike kant. Dit was 'n fout - Verenigde State was nou in Kanadese waters.

Aanboord Eksperimenteer, Fowell was deeglik bewus daarvan dat dit verbode was om die Amerikaanse waters in te gaan. Alhoewel die Amerikaanse regering die Jagters nie ondersteun nie, het die Amerikaanse generaal Winfield Scott dit duidelik gemaak dat hy geen Britse vaartuie sal toelaat dat die vaartuie van sy land binnegaan nie. Aangesien herinneringe aan die oorlog van 1812 nog vars was, sou alles wat op 'n Britse inval lyk, nie toegelaat word nie. Generaal Scott het die Britte meegedeel dat hy van plan was om "ons eie grond of water teen oortreding te beskerm" en "verplig is om 'n skoot of dop uit of in ons waters, uit die gewapende skoeners van haar majesteit, te oorweeg, 'n daad wat ernstig in gevaar is die neutraliteit van ons twee nasies. ”

Met die fout gemaak deur Verenigde StateKaptein, Fowell was egter vry om aan te val. Sy vaartuig was 'n onwaarskynlike Britse oorlogskip. Dit was 'n voormalige burgerlike vaartuig wat met 'n 30-pk-enjin aangedryf is, en het twee 3-ponder gewere en 'n 18-ponder karronade gemonteer. Alhoewel dit onwaarskynlik is, Eksperimenteer was toe al wat tussen Kanada en 'n inval gestaan ​​het. Fowell was vasbeslote om stand te hou. Hy het gewag oor die kans dat een van die Jagters se vaartuie 'n fout sou maak, en sy geweerspanne was voorbereid op optrede teen enige wat in Kanadese waters beland het.

Soos Verenigde State genader Eksperimenteer, Jagters op die dek het geweervuur ​​oopgemaak. Fowell het teruggeskiet met die karronade en 3-pond. Skote tref die romp van Verenigde State maar het geen skade aangerig nie. Charlotte van Toronto het reeds met die skiet sy landingspunt bereik. Mans en ammunisie word afgelaai en die inval was aan die gang. Na die kort geskarrel met Eksperimenteer, Verenigde State afwaarts beweeg om die aanranding te ondersteun.

Fowell, bang dat Prescott nog steeds die regte teiken was en dat die Jagters hom wou weglok, draai terug Eksperimenteer. Terwyl hy dit sien, sien hy dat die stoomboot Paul Pry te hulp gekom het Charlotte van Oswego, bevry dit van die modderbank. Daardeur waag albei vaartuie die Kanadese waters aan. Fowell het nou 'n nuwe teiken gehad.

Eksperimenteer het van naby afgevuur. Paul Pry sny die tou los en ry vinnig na Ogdensburg. Op daardie tydstip was die mans aan boord Charlotte genoem dat hulle wil oorgee. Maar teen die tyd Eksperimenteer tot stand gekom het, Charlotte die veiligheid van Amerikaanse waters bereik het. Diegene aan boord het vinnig hul oorgawe -pleidooi teruggetrek. Fowell moes die skoener laat gaan. Vir Eksperimenteerdie stryd was egter nog nie verby nie. Verenigde State het dit teen die hoogste spoed gedra.

Eksperimenteer verplaas 100 ton, terwyl Verenigde State 450 ton verplaas. Vanuit die oogpunt van die Amerikaners moes die aggressiewe stap destyds 'n goeie idee gewees het. As Verenigde State Die kleiner vaartuig kon nie sink deur te stamp nie, dit het waarskynlik gelyk dat dit genoeg skade kan aangerig het om te hou Eksperimenteer uit enige verdere aksie.

Jagters aan boord Verenigde State spot met die klein Britse skip wat so kwesbaar lyk. Fowell het losgebrand, maar weereens het die skote geen effek gehad nie. Die kleiner vaartuig het nie gesukkel om 'n poging tot stamp te vermy nie, en dit het weer gevuur as Verenigde State geslaag. Hierdie keer het een skoot die stuurboord -enjin uitgehaal en 'n ander het die stuurhuis versplinter en die vlieënier onthoof. Die jagters se spotters het vinnig gesterf terwyl een van die bemanningslede daarin kon slaag om die beskadigde vaartuig na Ogdensburg terug te lei.

Charlotte van Toronto, wat gevolg het Verenigde State stroomop, sien wat gebeur het en in Amerikaanse waters beland. Met alle Amerikaanse skepe veilig aan die Amerikaanse kant, keer Fowell terug na Prescott en meld die aksie.

Die jagters se inval was egter nog nie beëindig nie. Die Slag om die windpomp die volgende dag oos van Prescott was die laaste snak. Britse stamgaste en plaaslike Kanadese milisie het beslis gewen. Kanadese het ver van die stroom van die jagters se vaandel gestap om die inval te weerstaan.

Die inval van die Patriot Hunters in Kanada was 'n jammerlike mislukking. Die opstandelinge wat nie vermoor is nie, is gevange geneem. Sommige is begenadig of na ballingskap in Tasmanië gestuur. Elf is tereggestel.

Nadat hy een van die vreemdste verbintenisse van die Britse koninklike vloot bestry het, was hy dapper Eksperimenteer met waardigheid kon uittree, nadat hy die trots van die roemryke diens gehandhaaf het.


Invasie in Kanada - Geskiedenis

Deur Earl Echelberry

Pas nadat hy Fort Ticonderoga verower het, het kolonel Benedict Arnold in die somer van 1775 hard aan die Kontinentale Kongres gesoek om toestemming om 'n ekspedisie na die onderste St. Lawrence -rivier te lei en die Engelse vesting in Quebec aan te val. Volgens Arnold was hy bereid om die plan in uitvoering te bring en met die glimlag van die hemel te antwoord op die sukses daarvan. Na sorgvuldige oorweging het die kongres egter bevel gegee aan genl.maj. Philip Schuyler, 'n prominente New Yorkse eienaar, saam met brig. Genl Richard Montgomery, 'n voormalige Britse kaptein, dien as sy tweede in bevel.
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Woedend het Arnold hom na Cambridge, Massachusetts, gehaas en 'n onmiddellike onderhoud aangevra met generaal George Washington, opperbevelhebber van die Amerikaanse magte. Washington was so beïndruk met die drag en vuur van Arnold dat hy hom gemagtig het om 'n tweede, aanvullende inval in Kanada te lei. Volgens die beste inligting wat Washington beskikbaar het, het die Britte slegs een kompanie in Quebec, maar kon hulle nog 1 100 troepe uit Montreal en ander forte trek. Washington was bang dat selfs die swak mag onder generaal Sir Guy Carleton se leiding teen 'n Schuyler-Montgomery-aanval sou seëvier. Om die kans op sukses van die inval te verbeter, het Washington sy oorspronklike aanvalsplan aangepas om die afleidingsmag van Arnold in te sluit. Hy het geredeneer dat as Carleton die krag van Arnold volg, dit die weg vir Schuyler sou laat, of as hy die Schuyler-Montgomery-ekspedisie blokkeer, dit Quebec in die hande van Arnold sou laat val.

Washington se inval in Kanada

Die logistieke probleme agter Washington se plan was geweldig. Eerstens sou 'n mag van ongeveer 1,100 man, wat gelykstaande is aan 'n bataljon met drie geweerkompagnies, nodig wees vir die afleidingsekspedisie. Hulle sou in Maine land, waar hulle met 'n platbodemboot (bateaux) oor die Kennebec-rivier sou klim en dan 'n harde poort na die Dooie Rivier sou onderhandel. Van daar af ry hulle na Hoogte van die land en eindelik met die Chaudiere -rivier tot by sy monding, oorkant Quebec. Hierdie trek lyk haalbaar op 'n kaart. Planne, kaarte en opnames het egter nie alles in ag geneem nie die swaar watervalle, kokende stroomversnellings, die doodmaak van gate oor steil rante en die normale aantal ongelukke wat mans ondervind as hulle deur bateaux reis. Die plan het veral nie rekening gehou met die onvergeeflike klimaat waarmee die mans te kampe sou kry nie.

Na aanleiding van die advies van Washington om 'alle moontlike teregstelling te gebruik, aangesien die winterseisoen nou vorder', het Arnold hom voor die kop gewerp om vrywilligers te werf van die troepe rondom Cambridge. As gevolg van sy ywer en belofte van aksie, kon Arnold 10 kompanies mans uit die kolonies van New England bymekaarmaak. By hierdie getalle het Washington nog drie geweermaatskappye bygevoeg, twee uit Pennsylvania en die ander een uit Virginia, per loting getrek. Die mans was geklee soos tipiese agterbosmanne, in bokvelle, jaghemde en mokassins. Oorkant die voorhoede van hul breërandhoede het hulle die woorde gestik: LIBERTY OF DEATH.

Die bevel van Arnold was nou gereed om te marsjeer. Spoed was die belangrikste vereiste - die opmars moet begin voordat die somer wegglip. Washington het verstandig gekies om Arnold te kies om die ekspedisie te lei. Hy was 'n man met uithouvermoë, onderneming, ambisie en waagmoed, 'n gebore leier, maar nie 'n bestuurder nie, 'n man met volle vertroue in sy eie vermoë.

Organisering van die weermag

Benedict Arnold in Colonel dress blues.

Arnold het die kapteins William Hendricks en Matthew Smith in beheer van die twee gewere van Pennsylvania geplaas en kaptein Daniel Morgan was in beheer van die Virginians. Die eerste bataljon was onder leiding van luitenant -kolonel Roger Enos, met majoor Jonathan Meigs as sy assistent. Die eerste bataljon bestaan ​​uit vier kompanieë onder leiding van kapteins Thomas Williams, Henry Dearborn, Oliver Hanchet en William Goodrich. Die tweede bataljon is gelei deur luitenant -kolonel Christopher Greene en majoor Timothy Bigelow. Die bevelvoerders van die tweede bataljon was kapteins Samuel Ward, Jr., Simeon Thayer, John Topham, Jonas Hubbard en Samuel McCobb. 'N Afdeling van 50 kunstenaars onder leiding van kaptein Reuben Colburn het by die ekspedisie aangesluit voor die klim van die Kennebecrivier. Die ekspedisie het ook 'n chirurg, dr. Issac Senter, saam met 'n chirurg se maat, twee assistente, twee adjudante, twee kwartmeesters en 'n kapelaan, Samuel Spring, gehad. Daar was ook vyf 'vrye vrywilligers', waaronder die 19-jarige Aaron Burr (wat vergesel was deur 'n tiener Abenaki-Indiese prinses met die bynaam 'Golden Thighs'), Matthias Ogden, Eleazer Oswald, Charles Porterfield en John McGuire.

Aangesien Carleton troepe ontneem het om generaal Thomas Gage in Boston te versterk, lyk die vooruitsig op sukses uitstekend toe Washington die manne van Arnold toespreek en hulle beveel om die eiendomsreg en gewetensvryheid te respekteer. Hy het ook 'n toespraak aan die Kanadese geskryf: 'Die oorsaak van Amerika en van vryheid is die oorsaak van elke Amerikaner, ongeag sy godsdiens of afkoms. Kom dan, vrygewige burgers, val onder die standaard van algemene vryheid, waarteen al die mag en kuns van tirannie nooit sal kan seëvier nie. ” Aan Arnold het Washington gesê: "By die sukses van hierdie onderneming kan die veiligheid en welsyn van die hele vasteland onder God afhang."

'N Uitdagende Upriver Trek

Op die gevaarlik laat datum van 19 September vaar Arnold uit Newburyport met ongeveer 1 100 man. Hulle het drie dae later by Gardinerstown geland, waar Arnold gereël het dat 'n klein vloot onderkussers en vissersbote sy manne na die monding van die Kennebec -rivier bring. Die volgende dag vaar die vloot bote 49 kilometer ver op die kronkelende en lastige rivier na die werf van Reuben Colburn. Toe die landgenote aanstap, verheug om weer vaste grond onder hulle te hê, sien hulle die slaggate wat hulle vervoer langs die Kennebecrivier sou wees. Bo die baai by Fort Western is die manne en voorrade van Arnold na die slaggate oorgeplaas. Arnold het die volgende paar dae sy leër georganiseer vir sy duik van 385 myl deur die wildernis. Op die 25ste is twee vooraf verkenningspatrollies stroomop gestuur om 'n pad skoon te maak. 'N Dag later volg die tweede bataljon, onder leiding van Greene en Bigelow, met drie kompanie musketiers. Meigs het gevolg met 'n deel van die eerste bataljon, terwyl Enos en die res van die manne die agterhoede uitgemaak het. Elke onderneming het voorsienings ter waarde van 45 dae.

Van die heel eerste af was dit moeilik. Dit het die hoofliggaam twee dae geneem om die eerste 18 myl opwaarts na Fort Halifax af te lê. By Taconic Falls staan ​​die mans voor hul eerste uitdaging, 'n halwe kilometer om die waterval. Op pynlike en rou skouers het die mans meer as 65 ton voorraad gehaal, voordat hulle elke bateaux (400 pond elk) opgehys en na die ander kant van die waterval gebring het. Die kokende stroomversnellings van Five Miles Falls kom daarna, gevolg deur die gevaarlike halfmyl-benadering na Skowhegan Falls.

In nat en bevrore klere het hulle voortgegaan. Deur die swaar reën reis hulle op 1 Oktober by die Skowhegan -waterval. Dit was onmoontlik om die vaartuie by die waterval op te haal, want die skeur wat die rots se oppervlak geskeur het, was steil en verraderlik. Tog trek die manne verder en sleep hulle ongemaklike slotte. Aan die bokant is die bote gelap en herlaai, en die weermag was gereed om vorentoe te beweeg. Op 4 Oktober het hulle die laaste spore van die beskawing verbygesteek. Met afskeid van die nedersettings en huise in Norridgewock, het hulle die volgende drie dae deurgebring deur die Norridgewock -waterval te navigeer.

Roei, sleep en soms hul vaartuie vervoer, hulle het verby stroomversnellings en katarakte beweeg en oor morasse en kronkelende hooglande. Met elke portage is al hoe meer voorrade verwoes. Nadat hy sy posisie nagegaan het, het hy gevind dat hy twee keer die tyd wat hy vir die reis was, bestee het, en dat hy nog steeds aan die Kennebecrivier was. In die besef dat die helfte van die voedsel reeds bestee is, sny Arnold daaglikse rantsoene tot 'n half duim rou vark en 'n halwe koekie. Dit was nie lank nie, voordat dr Senter 'n hewige disenterie en diarree onder die mans begin opmerk het.

Op 9 Oktober het die kolom vorentoe gestoot in die rigting van die Curritunk -waterval, die volgende groot portage. Nadat hulle die Great Caringing Place bereik het, is 'n voorafgaande partytjie van sewe mans gestuur om die kortste portage van die Kennebec na die Dooie Rivier te merk. Na agt myl van port deur woude van denne, balsem, seder, sipres, hemlock en geel berk en vier myl se roei oor drie damme, bereik hulle die bruin water van die Dooie Rivier op die 11de. Die res van die mans het gevolg met hul bote, bagasie, winkels en ammunisie, en die volgende dag het die ekspedisie die Dooie Rivier bereik.

Die inval van die invalmag

Arnold het vasgestel dat die afstand van die monding van die Kennebec tot Quebec slegs 180 myl was, wat 20 dae se reis vereis. Alhoewel hy 45 dae lank kos voorsien het, was sy weermag sewe dae langer op reis as wat hy vir die hele optog bereken het en het hy minder as halfpad gekom. Die voorsiening was te min, en sy manne was nou besig om rou vel en kerse in 'n gelatienagtige sop te kook. 'N Ongelukkige hond wat iemand as 'n gelukbringer saamgebring het, is deur die honger trekkers doodgemaak en "onmiddellik verslind".

Op 2 Desember skakel Montgomery met Arnold en bring vars klere, artillerie, ammunisie en voorraad van verskillende soorte wat in Montreal gevang is.

Teen 24 Oktober, toe hy besef dat iets moet gedoen word, beveel Arnold Greene en Enos, wat die twee agterste afdelings beveel, om terug te stuur as "baie van die armste manne van hul losbandigheid, wat die res van vyftien dae sou laat." Greene en Enos het hul offisiere bymekaargeroep om te bepaal of hulle moet terugdraai. 'Hier het 'n raad van grimasers', sê Senter, 'weemoedige aspekte wat die leerstelling van ondeurdringbaarheid en nie-volharding aan hulle manne verkondig het.' Terwyl die manne van Greene gestem het om voort te gaan, het Enos agterna begin met ongeveer 300 man, sy eie afdeling plus agtervolgers en siekes uit ander afdelings. Die terugtog is bereik in 11 dae van relatief maklike reis.

Bereik Quebec

Na 17 gedeeltes het die hoofliggaam by Hoogte van die land aangekom, toegang tot die Chaudiere -rivier. Die knappe, honger, halfdood manne, onder die vrag van die paar oorblywende bateaux, veg deur 'n ketting damme en teen die granietmure van die sneeubedekte Hoogte van die land. Die berge was sedert September met sneeu bedek. Met die winterwind wat om hulle heen huil, val die vermoeide manne op die grond, sommige sterf binne enkele minute. Baie van sy metgeselle, het een soldaat in sy dagboek geskryf, 'was so swak dat hulle skaars op hul bene kon staan. Ek het by baie verbygeloop wat in droefheid heeltemal verdrink het. Sulke selfbejammerende aangesigte het ek nog nooit gesien nie. My hart was gereed om te bars. ”

Die weermag is verminder tot minder as 700 man wat byna honger gevaar het. Onverskrokke druk Arnold voort in die hoop om vir sy verswakte en honger manne kos te bekom. Op 27 Oktober, by die Chaudiere, ontvang Arnold verblydende nuus. Twee Indiërs het vir hom 'n brief gebring waarin gesê word dat die mense van Quebec hom verheug oor sy benadering en dat hulle saam met die Amerikaners die Britse magte sou onderwerp. Bepalings is saamgevoeg, en elke man het vyf pinties meel en ongeveer twee gram varkvleis gekry om hom die laaste 100 myl te onderhou voordat die weermag die Kanadese nedersettings bereik het.

In die gretigheid van die mans om die rotsagtige kanaal van die Chaudiere af te daal, het drie bote gelaai met ammunisie en kosbare winkels omgeslaan. Met hongersnood wat nog voor hulle lê, het die weermag na die St. Lawrencerivier gedruk. Toe hulle met die Chaudiere afstap, kom hulle op 'n Frans-Kanadese nedersetting, waar hulle goedgunstig ontvang word en 'n hemelse maaltyd van vars groente en beesvleis ontvang word. “Ons het gaan sit,” sê Senter, “ons het ons rantsoene geëet en ons sterre geseën.”

Washington het aan Arnold gesê om 'n snelboodskap terug te stuur na Cambridge as daar probleme tydens die optog sou ontstaan. Uit die optimistiese verslag van Arnold waarin verklaar word dat sy voorsiening nog 25 dae sou duur en dat hy na 10 dae die waters van die Chaudiere sou bereik, wat hom binne trefafstand van Quebec sou plaas, het Washington aangeneem dat Arnold teen 5 November in Quebec sou wees. dag aangebreek het, het Arnold nuwe probleme ondervind. Hy het net 650 man oor, baie van hulle bibber in hul hemde van die winterwinde.

Op 8 November, in 'n epiese stryd teen honger, weer en terrein, het die mans van Arnold die laaste stukke van die ontstellende Chaudiere -rivier afgedruk. Uiteindelik, op 9 November, het die losbandige groep mans uit sneeubedekte woude na die suidelike oewer van die St. Lawrence gekom. Hulle voete skuim in rou velle en geklee in versplinterde klere, en die mans stap opwaarts na Point Levi op die eiland Orleans. Hulle het 45 dae geneem, nie die geraamde 20 nie, om 350 myl af te lê. Maar hulle het aangekom, en al was hulle te swak om 'n effektiewe aanval op die Quebec -vesting te maak, sou hulle tog aanval.

Steek die St. Lawrence -rivier oor

In boerdelike vermomming het Carleton Montgomery in Montreal suksesvol ontduik. Deur die platteland het hy op 19 November in Quebec aangekom en onmiddellik die bevel geneem oor die Britse magte wat daar gestasioneer was. Tydens die Franse en Indiese oorlog het Carleton gedien onder brig. Genl James Wolfe en was getuie van die onstuimigheid van die Franse generaal Louis Joseph de Montcalm de Saint-Veran in 'n gevaarlike stryd buite die mure van Quebec. Carleton laat sy manne al die bote op die St. Lawrence -rivier verbrand om te verhoed dat Arnold troepe oor die rivier kan vervoer.

Met nog 'n struikelblok het Arnold sy manne die taak opgelê om kano's, uitgrawings en lere op te skaal. Nadat hy die mans tyd gegee het om hul krag te herstel, was Arnold uiteindelik bereid om die mylwye St. Lawrence oor te steek. Sy plan was om 'n nagoorgang te maak en by Wolf's Cove te land. Met dieselfde ruige pad as wat Wolfe tydens die Franse en Indiese oorlog gebruik het, was Arnold van plan om na die vlaktes van Abraham te klim. Van daar af sou die Amerikaners die garnisoen met vrymoedigheid uitdaag. Net soos Montcalm buite die garnisoen se omtrek in die geveg getrek is, het Arnold verwag dat Carleton dieselfde fout sou begaan.

Teen 13 November het Arnold genoeg bote gehad om sy weermag te vervoer, behalwe ongeveer 150 man wat hy by Point Levi verlaat het. Om 21:00 begin Arnold die rivieroorgang met 30 vaartuie. Met minder as 200 man op 'n slag, het Arnold daarin geslaag om drie keer voor dagbreek op die 14de verby twee gewapende Britse vaartuie te glip. Toe hy by Wolfe's Cove beland sonder kanon en sonder ammunisie, het Arnold sy 500 half-gewapende musketiers op die steil pad gelei na die uitgestrekte land, bekend as die vlaktes van Abraham, anderhalf kilometer van die stad af. Op pad na die mure van Quebec, beveel Arnold sy groep om 'n gejuig te gee. Dit lyk asof die geraas nuuskierigheid in die stad uitlok, maar niks meer nie. Binne sou Carleton, wat as 'n subaltern by Wolfe gedien het, nie mislei word deur dieselfde strategie wat die Britte 'n paar jaar tevore in Quebec gebruik het nie.

Montgomery Skakel met Arnold

Deur die medelye van die inwoners te betwyfel, het Carleton sy manne in die vesting gehou. Daardie aand het Arnold 'n boodskapper onder 'n vlag van wapenstilstand gestuur om die oorgawe van die fort te eis. Arnold het geweet sy bluf is gebel toe die Britte op sy gesant afgevuur het. Terwyl hy voor die toringmure van die groot vesting staan, besef Arnold dat sy krag heeltemal te swak was om 'n beweging teen die groot natuurlike vesting te probeer doen. Sy enigste hoop was dat die inwoners binne die mure sou styg, maar daar was geen tekens hiervan nie. Omdat hy nie die vuurkrag gehad het om 'n aanval aan te pak nie - sy manne het slegs vyf rondes per stuk - en besef dat dit nutteloos was om die stad sonder kanonne te beleër, het Arnold sy enigste oorblywende opsie uitgeoefen en gevra om 'n ordelike terugtrekking na Pointe aux Trembles om te wag aankoms van Montgomery.

Nog voordat Montgomery bereid was om Montreal te verlaat, het hy teësinnig tot die gevolgtrekking gekom dat die enigste manier om Quebec te verower, deur aanranding was, ongeag die lewensverlies wat so 'n aanval sou meebring. Hy het geredeneer dat 'n beleg 'n lang en uitgerekte aangeleentheid sou wees, wat eindig toe die ys in die lente ontdooi en die Britse versterkings deur die St. Lawrence-rivier laat vaar.

Montgomery se bevel het uit meer as 800 man bestaan, wat hy nodig gehad het om sy verowerings te beveilig en Quebec aan te val. Toe die koue winde van November waai, het Montgomery 'n boodskap aan Arnold gestuur dat hy hom binnekort by Point aux Trembles sou aansluit. Op 26 November vertrek Montgomery met 300 man om by Arnold aan te sluit voor die poorte van Quebec, wat St. John's onder die bevel van kaptein Marinus Willett laat en Montreal toevertrou aan Brig. Genl David Wooster.

Op 2 Desember skakel Montgomery met Arnold en bring vars klere, artillerie, ammunisie en voorraad van verskillende soorte wat in Montreal gevang is. Aangaande die bevel van Arnold se honger veterane, het Montgomery se gesamentlike mag bestaan ​​uit ongeveer 1000 Amerikaanse troepe en 'n vrywilligersregiment van ongeveer 200 Kanadese. Op 5 Desember het Montgomery se mag deur Québec gevorder deur 'n vars sneeuval. Montgomery het sy hoofkwartier op die vlaktes van Abraham tussen St. Roche en Cape Diamond gevestig en die manne van Arnold in die half verbrande voorstad St. Roche gepos.

'N Selfversekerde Carleton

Terwyl die Amerikaanse skerpskutters wagte in blootgestelde posisies afgehaal het, het Montgomery probeer om grondwerke op te gooi en 'n battery van ses 9-ponders en 'n haubits op te tel.

By die onderskep van boodskappe tussen die Amerikaanse bevelvoerders, was Carleton deeglik bewus van die sterkte en beskikking van die koloniale magte. Na die nuttelose uitdaging van Arnold, het Carleton sy mag versterk deur luitenant-kolonel Allan MacLean met 400 rekrute uit Sorel te laat opmars. Met hierdie bykomende mans het Carleton nou 1,200 man tot sy beskikking gehad. Hy het vol vertroue op Montgomery se vooruitgang gewag.

Toe die hewige Kanadese winter aanbreek, het sneeu begin ophoop en 'n rou, blêrende wind huil op die skuilende hoogtes rondom Quebec. Met die besef dat sy ammunisie en voorrade nie lank genoeg sou duur om Quebec onderdanig te maak nie, het Montgomery 'n boervrou die fort in gestuur met 'n ultimatum wat die oorgawe van die kasteel eis. Om sy vraag te beklemtoon, het hy gewere naby die mure van Quebec gevorder. Maar Carleton weier weer om te kapituleer en sê dat hy nie met rebelle sal saamwerk nie. Om sy punt te beklemtoon, het hy 'n tromspeelseun die brief uit die vrou se hande met 'n tang laat neem en dit ongelees in die kaggel gegooi. Terwyl die Amerikaanse skerpskutters wagte in blootgestelde posisies afgehaal het, het Montgomery probeer om grondwerke op te gooi en 'n battery van ses 9-ponders en 'n haubitser op te tel.

Die klein skulpe wat deur die battery gegooi is, het die garnisoen nie ernstig beseer nie. Onder 'n tweede vlag van wapenstilstand het Montgomery weer probeer om Carleton te dwing om oor te gee. Weer is hy weerlê. Dit was vir Montgomery duidelik dat sy blaser en gewere geen sigbare indruk op Carleton gemaak het nie. Met geen swaar gewere om die mure van Quebec te verslaan nie, kos wat te kort was, en diensplanne verval, het Montgomery voorberei op 'n algehele aanval. Montgomery en Arnold het besluit om te wag tot die volgende sneeustorm om hul bewegings vir die stad te verberg en dan die kransstad aan te val. Montgomery het op Kersnag 'n algemene oorsig gelas en vir sy manne reguit gesê: 'Tot die storm moet ons uiteindelik kom.'

Die plan van aanranding

Carleton was 'n bekwame bevelvoerder wat geweet het wat gedoen moes word om Quebec uit te hou. Omdat hy besef het dat Montgomery se aanval teen die laer stad gerig sou word, het hy sy verdediging daarvolgens ingestel. Montgomery was ook 'n bekwame man, maar hy het nie die belangrikste voordeel van Carleton gehad nie - die groot driehoekige klip -vesting. In plaas daarvan het Montgomery 'n gewaagde plan beraam vir 'n aanval van vooraf. Na die pad wat langs die voet van die hoë kranse loop, sou Montgomery een afdeling uit die weste lei, terwyl Arnold 'n tweede aanval uit die noorde sou lei. Saam met die kragte in die laer stad, ry hulle teen die helling die boonste stad in. Terselfdertyd sou fyn bewegings teen die westelike mure geloods word wat na die vlaktes van Abraham kyk.

Voorbereidings is gejaag. Mans het skalers bymekaar gehamer en hulself met strydbyl en spiese gewapen en hand-tot-hand-gevegte verwag. Montgomery het 'n proklamasie uitgereik om sy troepe te inspireer: 'Die [Amerikaners] het volgehoue ​​sukses, vol vertroue in die geregtigheid van hul saak, en vertrou op die voorsienigheid wat hulle beskerm het, sal met skerpheid voortgaan om die werke aan te val wat nie in staat is om te verdedig nie deur die ellendige Garnisoen agter hulle. ” Carleton, wat 'n aanval verwag het, het die hele nag langs die vesting se mure fakkels laat brand.

Die aanval op Quebec

Op die middag van Saterdag, 30 Desember, het sneeuwolke versamel en sterk winde het uit die noordooste ingetrek. Laaste bevele is uitgereik en die manne was gereed om die aanval te begin, wat om 02:00 sou begin. Teen die vroeë oggend op die 31ste, met 'n sneeustorm wat rondom Quebec gehuil het, is die twee valse aanvalle voor die tyd geskeduleer. Kolonel James Livingston se klein Kanadese mag het die St. John's Gate genader, maar vinnig gebreek en gehardloop, terwyl kaptein Jacob Brown se mans uit Massachusetts 'n aanhoudende vuur teen die Cape Diamond -bastion gelewer het sonder dat dit 'n noemenswaardige uitwerking gehad het. Die Britse garnisoen, nou gewaarsku, begin tromme slaan en kerkklokke lui. Beamptes het deur die strate van Quebec gehardloop om hul troepe uit te skakel. Die versperrings in die laer stad is vinnig beman.

In die vroeë oggendure is die Britse sersant Hugh McQuarters gewaarsku deur die ligte van lanterns wat van die vlaktes van Abraham afkom, asook seinpyle. Toe hy langs die baan kyk wat oos van Wolf's Cove gelei het, het hy gou beweging opgespoor. Binne die wervelende sneeu het die beweging duideliker geword en uiteindelik in 'n groep mans opgegroei in vorming wat versigtig vorentoe stoot. In 'n verblindende sneeustorm, het die manne van Montgomery van die vlaktes van Abraham afgekom en veilig om Point Diamond gegaan. Toe hy by die eerste versperring kom en dit onbeskerm vind, stuur Montgomery boodskappers om sy manne aan te dring om saam te kom. Deur 'n nou verontreiniging vorentoe, sien hy 'n houthuis met skuiwergate vir muskiete en twee drie-ponders vol druiweskote. Binne die blokhuis wag McQuarters op die vyand se benadering met aangesteekte lont.

Montgomery het gewag totdat ongeveer 60 man by hom aangesluit het. Toe spoor hy sy manne vorentoe aan, en hy vorder vinnig met die battery. McQuarters, in beheer van die gelaaide kanon, het sy vuur gehou. The Americans closed to within about 50 yards and halted in the blinding snow. Trying to make out the nature of the obstacle ahead, Montgomery slowly moved forward, followed by two or three others. McQuarters dropped his match to the breech of the cannon. A sheet of flame spewed forth, and a devastating blast of grapeshot tore through the advancing Americans. Montgomery was instantly cut down, along with most of his advance party, leaving the cluster of bodies lying dead in the snow. The balance of the men fell back in panic. Morale shattered, Colonel Donald Campbell assumed command and, leaving the bodies of the slain Montgomery and his men where they fell, ordered an immediate retreat.

The long and arduous march that took its toll on Arnold’s men.

Arnold, meanwhile, led his troops in single file on a path along the St. Charles. They passed the Palace Gate unchallenged. No sooner had the main body passed the Palace Gate, however, than the city bells began to ring and the drums beat a general alarm. From the ramparts above came a tremendous fire. Pelted by musketballs, Arnold and his men ran the gauntlet for a third of a mile. Driving forward into the narrow street, they came upon a barricade mounted with two guns. A musket ball struck Arnold in his left leg, pitching him forward into the snow. Trying to continue the charge in spite of a broken leg, he was finally led to a military surgeon a mile from the battle.

Morgan assumed command, and his men rushed to the portholes in the first battery and fired into them while others mounted ladders and quickly carried the battery. Greene, Bigelow, and Meigs soon joined Morgan at the head of his Virginians and a few Pennsylvanians, swelling their meager force to 200 Americans. They quickly pressed down a narrow lane toward the second barricade at the extremity of Sault au Matelot. Upon reaching the barricade, Greene made a heroic effort to carry it, but upon scaling its walls he was met with a wall of bayonets. The Americans were exposed to heavy fire from both sides of the narrow street. Unable to push forward or retreat, the attackers were quickly overpowered and forced to surrender. A few individuals managed to make their way back to their own lines, but Morgan and 425 other colonials were taken prisoner. Another 60 were killed outright.

The Campaign into Canada Crumbles

The fight for Quebec was over. Arnold and Montgomery’s attempt to seize Canada died during the howling snowstorm on December 31. Everything had conspired against its success. Arnold’s long trek through the wilderness and Montgomery’s delay at St. John’s placed their armies before Quebec ill-equipped to either breach the citadel’s walls or mount a siege. Their ensuing attack resulted in Montgomery’s death and Arnold’s wounding. Recuperating quickly, Arnold assumed command of the remnant army outside Quebec. Stubbornly attempting to maintain the siege, he began pulling his forces together, checking the flight of deserters, and imploring the lethargic Wooster, Montreal’s commander, to send as many men and equipment as he could spare. Wooster replied that he could send little help. This, along with the refusal of the New York regiment to reenlist, caused Arnold’s chances for a renewal of the conflict to disappear.

Meanwhile, Carleton bided his time safe inside the walls of Quebec, allowing the winter cold and sickness to further reduce the American force. General John Thomas replaced Wooster and assumed command of the Canadian expedition. Shortly after his arrival in May 1776, British ships sailed up the St. Lawrence, their decks crowded with the scarlet and white of the British Army and the blue and white of 2,000 German mercenaries. This eliminated any hope the Americans had of capturing Quebec. Thomas issued orders for a retreat toward Montreal. The colonial army began a slow withdrawal toward Richelieu, St. John’s, Ile aux Nois, Crown Point, and Ticonderoga.

At St. John’s, Brig. Gen. John Sullivan replaced Thomas, who had died of smallpox during the retreat. Sullivan briefly considered making a stand at Montreal, but decided against it. Arnold wrote to Schuyler, “The junction of the Canadians with the Colonies—an object which brought us into this country—is at an end. Let us quit then and secure our own country before it is too late. There will be more honor in making a safe retreat than hazarding a battle against such superiority which will doubtless be attended with the loss of our men and artillery. These arguments are not urged by fear for my personal safety. I am content to be the last man who quits the country.”

Arnold assumed charge of the rear guard and waited until the British army came into view before firing off one last pistol shot and joining the retreating soldiers in boats ferried south to Isle aux Noix. From there, the remnants of Montgomery’s and Arnold’s commands fell back to Crown Point. Strangely, Carleton broke off his pursuit and withdrew, leaving the shaky garrison at Ticonderoga in American hands. The ambitious Canadian campaign had ended in defeat, but once again the American forces had lived to fight another day.


The White House wasn’t opposed to the plan.

Far from some whiskey-fueled daydream, the Irish-American plan to invade Canada was carefully crafted for months by veteran Civil War officers, including the one-armed general Thomas William Sweeny. Although an attack on a foreign country with which the United States maintained peaceful relations ran afoul of American neutrality laws, the plan also had the tacit approval of the White House.

Indeed, President Andrew Johnson proved more than willing to let the Fenian Brotherhood twist the tail of the British lion as he sought to pressure Great Britain to pay reparations for the damage caused by Confederate warships, such as the CSS Alabama, that had been built in British ports. In addition, many Americans hoped Canada would become the next territory to be absorbed by the United States as it fulfilled its expansionist Manifest Destiny. The U.S. govern­ment sold surplus weapons to the Irish militants, and Johnson met personally with their leaders, reportedly giving them his implicit backing. The Irishmen were free to establish their own state in exile𠅌omplete with their own president, constitution, currency and capital in the heart of New York City.


War of 1812, Invasion of Canada.

The US States in the North did not support the Invasion, many of the active troops that participated in the campaign were from southern states. Several revolutionary war veterans from the Kings mountain campaign were active in the campaign such as Isaac Shelby.

Many of the war hawks in congress that pushed for war were slave owning politicians who feared Canada’s declaration of emancipation and their plans to create an Indian State was seen as a potential safe haven for run away slaves.

The drill of the US officers, soldiers was very poor prior to the war the politicians didn’t field their best generals. The best generals were those who had previous field experience, they chose men who were mostly administrators (the equivalent of placing Horatio Gates in charge of the Southern Army by Congress in 1780).

The campaign itself was flawed from the start and the objectives were not clear was Canada to be Annexed? Or was it to be considered liberated by British rule? The US annexation of Canada doesn’t seem likely because they simply didn’t have the troops to occupy the entire nation nor the navy to defend its ports. The US Military was also in poor supply of regular troops and artillery for sieges of fortified areas. Most offensive operations were conducted with Militia who were unreliable and often left the field.

You're laying down an awful lot of your own suppositions for someone who is looking for answers.

They're not suspicions just lots of observations from small reads, video's.

You should read Pierre Berton's books on the War of 1812. There is no evidence to suggest annexation was the aim - The U.S. didn't even have a standing army when the war was declared.

Those books are fantastic but put the sword to a lot of misconceptions on both sides.

Thanks, I'll def jump on that. I always hear that Annexation was an aim of the Americans, I could see that potentially being so in 1776 however in 1812 I don't thing it was realizable.

How do you think this relates to the failed Invasion of Québec in 1775?

Its worth noting in regard to item #3 that here on the Canadian side, we only had a small garrison of professional English troops, most of the numbers were made of militia (not to minimize the participation of native irregulars) who were likely of comparable quality to the US troops.

and to note the Canadians were able to out maneuver the Americans with very reliable Indian scouts. The Americans really did mimic the mistakes of the Quebec invasion of 1776. Over extended marches, shortness of supplies, theft of enemy merchandise and private property, failure to synch the navy with the movements of the army etc. The only really successful military campaign in Canada was in the French and Indian War when the armies of Wolf and Amherst converged on Montreal, York, and Quebec with the combined navy, land forces and militia. The French were completely overwhelmed.

It seems the Militia combined with a regular force is best suited for defensive positions. As far as offensive maneuvers militia are best used in guerrilla war tactics, such as how the Americans conducted themselves at concord and Lexington and in the South during the revolutionary war.

Almost more than half the American troops were milititia, very bad decision by Henry Dearborn and Hull.

CBC Ideas recently did a great show about the war of 1812. It seems like the US feels they won, Canada feels they beat the US, Britain feels it's hardly important but they won.

I love this College Originals skit on the War of 1812. I think it basically sums up what people in general know about it:

Americas objective at the onset of the war was the expulsion of Britain from North America as well as the capture of Canada and the cessation of British impressment of US sailors. A large majority of upper Canada consisted of American loyalists who moved up prior to and after the revolution. This lead the American brass to assume they could march on places like York(Toronto) and be hailed as liberators. Instead they razed the city and united a nation. Canada is still a country, Britain never left and the only reason they stopped impressment was Napoleons defeat and exile.

All in all I don't know how anyone could view it as a US victory. It was by and large a blunder of war on both sides and the only clear cut winners are the people of Canada who exist because Britain was able to defend against and repel superior forces.

See I'm from the US and it always seemed like we got the shit kicked out of us till the very end.

Canada did defeat the US the only claim the US has to victory in Canada were the few victories they had on America Soil at Thames, the second battle of Detroit and Plattsburgh.

The closest the US came to any sort of victory in Canada was in the Nigra offensive campaign, but once gain a lack of good leadership made the difference for America.

The way I've always seen it presented in America is that we won the sea war and got our asses kicked in the ground war up until the very end in New Orleans and that the war overall was basically a draw leaning towards a US victory.

The US States in the North did not support the Invasion, many of the active troops that participated in the campaign were from southern states. Several revolutionary war veterans from the Kings mountain campaign were active in the campaign such as Isaac Shelby.

This is not really true - rather than being based on regional or sectional lines, votes for the war tended to be along party lines - federalists opposed the war, democratic-republicans did not. Pennsylvania was one of the biggest supporters of the war, for example. New England federalists opposed the war, New England democratic-republicans were for it. While some D-R's opposed the war, all federalists did.

Many of the war hawks in congress that pushed for war were slave owning politicians who feared Canada’s declaration of emancipation and their plans to create an Indian State was seen as a potential safe haven for run away slaves.

What's your source for this statement? While I've heard support for Native Americans and a potential Native American state being among the reasons the US went to war, I've never heard that potential emancipation and a safe haven for runaway slaves factored into the war.

The campaign itself was flawed from the start and the objectives were not clear was Canada to be Annexed? Or was it to be considered liberated by British rule?

I don't think this is true - modern scholarship has settled quite firmly that Canada was a means to an end - a way to get Britain to the negotiation table where economic sanctions had backfired horribly, by cutting off a large supply of its food and timber.


Tweede Wereldoorlog

On September 9, 1939, eight days after Germany’s invasion of Poland, Canada’s Parliament voted to declare war on Germany, which the country did the next day. (Its separate declaration of war was a measure of the independence granted it in the 1931 Statute of Westminster in 1914 there had been no such independence and no separate declaration of war.) The vote was nearly unanimous, a result that rested on the assumption that there was to be a “limited liability” war effort that would consist primarily of supplying raw materials, foodstuffs, and munitions and the training of Commonwealth air crews, mainly for the Royal Air Force. Canadian men were to be actively discouraged from serving in the infantry, which was expected to take high casualties, and it was anticipated that few infantry units would be formed. If this plan were followed, King and other government leaders reasoned, conscription would be unnecessary. King and the leader of the Conservative opposition had both pledged themselves to a “no conscription” policy even before the war began.

The expulsion of the British from the Continent and the fall of France in the spring of 1940 totally changed the circumstances. Canada’s overseas allies had fallen or were in danger of doing so, and the country immediately concluded an agreement at Ogdensburg, New York, with the United States for the defense of North America. Moreover, Canada now stood in the forefront of the war. After Britain, it was (prior to the U.S. entry into the war in December 1941) the second most powerful of Germany’s adversaries. The emphasis on supply gave way to a focus on combat forces. King’s “no conscription” policy had been modified in 1940 when the government introduced conscription for home defense, but at the same time King renewed his pledge not to send conscripts overseas for “active” duty. In 1942 the King government called a national plebiscite asking Canadian voters to release it from that pledge nearly two-thirds of Canadian voters supported conscription, though in Quebec three-fourths opposed it. Thereafter the government enforced compulsory service for home defense, but King, fearing an Anglo-French cleavage, did not send conscripts overseas during the early years of the war, preferring to avoid such a move unless absolutely necessary.

Still, Canadians were deeply enmeshed in the war. Under increased pressure from military leaders to move Canadian troops into battle, two battalions were sent to help defend Hong Kong (then a British colony), but the results were disastrous, as the Japanese imperial forces swept to victory. An ill-planned and poorly executed raid on the German-occupied French port of Dieppe was attempted, largely by Canadian troops, in August 1942, with significant casualties. Lessons learned from the disaster, however, later proved useful during the planning for the Normandy (France) Invasion in 1944. What became known as the Battle of the Atlantic marked one of Canada’s largest commitments. Canadian escorts helped protect the convoys that traversed the Atlantic bringing supplies to Britain. Again Canada suffered many casualties, both in the naval service and in the merchant marine. Under the British Commonwealth Air Training Plan, Canadians flew in both Royal Canadian Air Force and combined Royal Air Force (RAF) squadrons from the Battle of Britain through the bombing campaigns over Germany to eventual victory. Aircrew losses were particularly heavy in the RAF Bomber Command.

At Normandy in June 1944, Canada was assigned one of the five invasion beaches. Casualties began to mount quickly as the offensive in France dragged on, and the Canadian army became strapped for infantry reinforcements. The Canadian army, which had been fighting in Sicily and Italy since July 1943, was crippled by particularly high infantry casualties in late summer and early fall 1944. King’s minister of national defense, J.L. Ralston, supported sending conscripts overseas and was forced to resign as a result. Ralston’s resignation precipitated a cabinet crisis, which was resolved in November 1944 when King relented and agreed to send conscripts to the front to reinforce the army’s infantry units.

Not only was Canada’s war effort in World War II far more extensive than that in World War I, but it also had a much more lasting impact on Canadian society. By the end of the war, more than 1,000,000 Canadians (about 50,000 of whom were women) had served in the three services. Although total casualties were lower than in the previous war, still some 42,000 were killed or died in service, and 54,400 were wounded. The domestic war effort was no less significant. Canada hosted, and paid much of the cost of, the British Commonwealth Air Training Plan, which trained more than 100,000 Commonwealth airmen. Canadian factories turned out everything from rifles to Lancaster heavy bombers, and Canadian scientists, technicians, and engineers worked on advanced weapons technology, including the atomic bomb (for which Canada supplied the uranium ore). Canadian foods, direct cash contributions to Britain, and munitions for the Allies, including the Soviet Union, contributed to the overall war effort.

The government intervened in almost all aspects of Canadian life to regulate the war effort, ensure a smooth flow of troops and supplies, and curtail inflation. Agencies such as the Wartime Prices and Trade Board and the National War Labour Board represented a massive growth in the federal government, bringing a surge of government spending and a vast increase in the civil service. Toward the end of the war, the King government launched even further social welfare policies, introducing a major veterans’ benefits program, family allowances, farm price supports, compulsory collective bargaining, and a national housing program. It would undoubtedly have gone even further than it did in 1945 and 1946—a national health insurance plan was under consideration—but for the opposition of provincial governments, particularly Ontario and Quebec. Despite that opposition, however, the war produced a significant shift of power toward Ottawa. World War II had been a watershed in Canadian history, as the role of the federal government in engineering national economic growth had been considerably strengthened.


Inhoud

United States President Election in 2012

The 59th quadrennial presidential election of the United States is held in November 3, 2020. Frank Joseph Roberts defeated Barack Obama and other candidates and became the President of the United States. He pursued more land for the United States.

Alaska Crisis

Soon after Frank Joseph Roberts became the POTUS, Alaska is filled with soldiers of the US Army, and multiple warships nearby. This caused suspicion of a possible invasion of Canada by the United States. In December 2012, Canada moved its troops to the Alaska border.

Uitbreking van oorlog

On February 2, 2013, the United States forces in garrisoned Alaska broke the border and attacked the Yukon territories. Soon after the attack, the Commonwealth including the United Kingdom, Australia, New Zealand and the Bahamas joined the Canadians and declared war on the United States. Russian territories near Alaska set up defenses and resupplied the Commonwealth forces. The Canadians took massive casualties and retreated to British Columbia and Northwest territories.


The Irish Invasions of Canada: Yes, the Irish really did Invade Canada – They Won Some Battles Too

The Irish have had a rough time in the era of modern history. They suffered from the awful potato famine and faced intense hostility when they came in droves to America. The British occupation of Ireland was also a tense subject, greatly exacerbated by the thought that British lack of aid during the potato famine was almost as bad as a full genocide against the Irish.

Many American Irish simply put their heads down and worked hard to find their place in America, but some were simply angry and wanted to do something. The Fenian Brotherhood was an Irish Republican group, largely based in New York City and Ireland, that bordered on a terrorist organization, though it did contain a large international faction aimed at simply giving humanitarian aid to Ireland.

One of their main goals was to free Ireland from British rule. Though technically not under orders from Ireland, the Fenians were a large contingent of Irish fighting on behalf of Ireland.

For the thousands of Fenian supporters in America, freeing their home island from British rule was a tough ask, seeing as it was across the Atlantic. But a massive British possession loomed just to the north. The idea was formed that the Fenian Brotherhood would form an armed invasion force to seize as large of a chunk of Canadian territory as they could. They could then use this as a bargaining chip, trading Irish independence for giving back their occupied territories of Canada.

The Irish Famine caused a lot of emigration as well as resentment towards the British whom the Irish thought could have helped more.

Before the large, planned attack, a group of about 700 Fenians invaded New Brunswick, but scattered very quickly at fast approaching British warships. A discouraging result for the Irish, but apparently not too much, for the other main attack would commence just two months later.

The plan was to cross the Niagara River between the Great Lakes of Erie and Ontario. The area was possibly defensible after it was secured and was able to be taken by surprise. Additionally, the US patrolling gunboat USS Michigan was sabotaged by crew loyal to the Fenian Brotherhood the morning of the invasion on June 1 st , allowing most of the Fenian invaders to get across in multiple barges.

A map of the raids in the heart of the Great Lakes region.

For such a bold attack it could be assumed that the Fenian Brotherhood had about 10,000 soldiers or more, considering their aspirations of invading Canada. Well, they probably had about 900, with a possible maximum of 1,500 men.

So, manpower was lacking, but firepower, command structure and experience were not. Many of the Fenian Brotherhood volunteers were veterans of the American Civil War. The war being very recent, they were skilled down to the individual level, being expert riflemen. They also had the ability to perform tactical maneuvers on command. The Irish also had plenty of weapons and apparently so much ammunition that they had to dump some in the river to lighten their load.

Once the USS Michigan was repaired, it was able to cut off the remaining Fenians and their supplies. Despite their position the Fenians across the river kept on marching, setting up an ambush for the soon to respond Canadian militia. The Fenian commander, John O’Neill, had extensive military experience and set up a trap to lure the Canadians to a ridge where the bulk of the Fenians were entrenched.

The Battle of Ridgeway.

The battle of Ridgeway started with the larger Canadian force pushing back the forward units of Fenian troops. This progressed according to the Fenian plan to lure the Canadians to their fortifications on the ridge. As the Canadians were pressing onward, however, their discipline absolutely fell apart. It seems that one unit formed a square formation fearing an ultimately nonexistent cavalry charge. When the order was reversed the unit fell apart and the line of advance wavered.

The Fenians noticed the wavering of the lines and decided to rally their forces and launched a bayonet charge that broke the Canadians and prompted a full withdrawal. The Canadians suffered about 22 dead and 37 wounded to the Fenian’s five dead and 16 wounded.

The Fenians knew that they couldn’t hold the town of Ridgeway and decided to take the lightly defended Fort Erie. Here, 79 Canadians made a brave stand against the hundreds of Fenian attackers. After some fierce fighting, the Fenians captured the better-defended town.

Things didn’t change too much, however, as several thousand men of the Canadian militia and British regulars were advancing towards the Fenians. Despite their successes, the Fenians were losing hope in their cause with a massive sense of impending doom. About half of O’Neil’s forces deserted, many making makeshift rafts to cross the river back to America.

In the face of sure defeat, the Fenians marched back to American soil, being apprehended by American troops just on the other side of the river. The Fenians banked on some US support or at least US recognition of the Irish holding lands in Canada, but they were mistaken. The Americans did indeed make little effort to stop the rallying of the Fenians and have been accused of giving some support. It seems that the US saw the earlier failed “invasion” and figured that the second one would have a similar outcome, so it wasn’t worth the expense to root out and apprehend the invaders.

Irish freedom was not just an idea limited to the Fenian movement, though they had some of the most aggressive and deadly tactics.

Despite the victories, the Irish invasion of Canada was a total failure, as no possessions could be held long enough to negotiate on behalf of Ireland. Despite these failures, many Fenians still held on to the idea of attacking Canada. The Fenian efforts redoubled after news that a Fenian made bomb was set off in London in an effort to break out a fellow Fenian. 120 people were injured and 12 killed by the blast. Aims for the radical Fenians seemed to shift from securing territory to simply causing enough problems to force negotiations.

This political cartoon paints a very unflattering image of the Fenians and their violent acts.

Several more raids were launched over the next several years all were utter failures. US treatment of the raiders was usually quite lenient and they often simply ferried them away from the Canadian border. Despite their best efforts, Fenian raids and bombing fostered British resentment against the Irish and greatly undermined peaceful Irish independence movements. The raids also unified the Canadian territories as the citizens and militia had to rely on themselves to defend against these attacks that could happen at any time. This sense of unity would lead to the formation of an independent Canada.


Invasion of Canada - History

On July 12, 1812, US forces under General Hull invaded Canada. The invasion was met with fierce opposition and American forces are forced to withdraw. By August 16, Hull surrendered Detroit to the British.

One of the main American goals of the war was to attack and capture Canada. The plan was to attack Canada in three places. That attack should have taken place simultaneously, but the American forces were not ready, so the western leg of that attack began first. General William Hull who had led Massachusetts's troops during the Revolutionary War led it. He was the governor of Michigan territory and as such the head of Michiganâ's territorial militia. Hull believed it was dangerous to enter Canada as long as the British controlled Lake Erie. Despite his concerns Hull went forward with his plan to march on Detroit and on to Canada.


Hull made his first mistake by sending the schooner Cuyahoga ahead on the Maumee River with some sick men and more importantly his correspondence. When the British captured it they became aware of Hulls plans.
On July 5th Hull and his soldiers arrived at Detroit. A week later Hull and his troops, (less two hundred Ohio militia member who refused to cross the border) enter Canada unopposed.


Hull headed south along the Detroit River. He attempted to lay siege to Fort Malden, but failed to capture it. At this point he began to fear that his supplies lines were too long. He sent a force of 150 to meet a supply train coming from Ohio. They were beaten back by Indian forces led by Tecumseh. Hull then sent a second larger force of 600 they to were attacked and forced back.


Meanwhile a worse setback was occurring on Mackinac Island. Lieutenant Porter Hanks commanded the Fort. His opponent was Captain Charles Robert who was the commander of the British fort of St Joseph. On July 16th he set off with 46 British regulars, 180 Canadian militia and 400 Indians to capture Fort Mackinac. Hanks had not known that a state of war existed between the United States and Great Britain. Faced with a much larger force then his own Hanks quickly surrendered to the superior British force.
As a result of the fall of Fort of Mackinac ordered the evacuation of Fort Dearborn. Captain Herald who marched out with 54 regulars, twelve militia nine women and 18 children commanded Fort Dearborn. A mile from the fort the column was attacked and surrendered. The Indians slaughtered two woman, 12 children and many of the soldiers.
Hull withdrew from Canadian territory and pleaded for reinforcements. That reinforcement coming from Ohio were unfortunately tied down on the Raisin River. The British brought to bear cannons on Fort Detroit and began an intermittent bombardment. After a British demand to surrender Hull agreed. The Northwest frontier was now unprotected. Thus ended the first American assault on Canada.


Gemeenskapsresensies

When I was a college intern in Washington, D.C., I got into an argument with a student from Canada over who won the War of 1812. I, as a good and patriotic American, was perfectly aware that ons had won the War of 1812. She, as a good and patriotic Canadian, was equally adamant that that hulle had won. It wasn&apost until later that I learned we had both been right. The U.S. claimed victory over Britain in the War of 1812, but Canada claimed victory over the U.S. because it successfully repulsed multi When I was a college intern in Washington, D.C., I got into an argument with a student from Canada over who won the War of 1812. I, as a good and patriotic American, was perfectly aware that ons had won the War of 1812. She, as a good and patriotic Canadian, was equally adamant that that hulle had won. It wasn't until later that I learned we had both been right. The U.S. claimed victory over Britain in the War of 1812, but Canada claimed victory over the U.S. because it successfully repulsed multiple American attempts to invade and annex it.

The Invasion of Canada by Pierre Berton is a masterful narrative history of why that effort failed – and why Americans have all but forgotten it. He documents thoroughly the utter bumbling incompetence exhibited by both sides in the war, but especially by an American military force that was skeptical of non-democratic concepts such as chain of command and following orders and relied heavily for leadership on aging Revolutionary War heroes unwilling to take the risks necessary to successfully invade another nation.

As a result, the battles of 1812-13 along the Canadian border ranged from the farcical, as in Canada's bloodless capture of Mackinac Island and Detroit, to the needlessly horrific, as in the abominable atrocities committed by Americans against Native tribes followed by the natives' in-kind response in the Battle of Frenchtown. And all of it caused by a handful of "War Hawks" in the American Congress who blithely assumed war against Canada could be won in mere weeks and worked their will despite widespread opposition among the people and soldiers asked to fight it.

In many ways, Berton's account is an indictment of war in general. The War of 1812, as he shows, is a particularly egregious example of those things that make war so evil – the Americans declared war after Britain had capitulated to their demands (but hadn't heard the news yet, a situation that would reverse itself when the Battle of New Orleans was needlessly fought after the war's official end) rushed into battle without enough troops, supplies or popular support and managed to permanently alienate both native tribes and the previously friendly Canadian provinces through their arrogance and brutality. Breton in fact argues that if not for the American invasion, Canada would likely have drifted closer to the United States and eventually allowed itself to be annexed willingly. Instead, American hostility not only repelled Canada but actually hastened the creation of a founding national myth and sense of common purpose so important to nationhood.

Berton's account only covers the first year of fighting the American-Canadian frontier was a focus of the war until its end, but the tone was set by its first year, when even minimally competent American military leadership could have indeed conquered Canada with a minimum of blood shed. That did not happen, and Breton is unsparing in recounting the tragedy that was a needless front in a needless war.

[EDIT to add: This is indeed a work of narrative history Berton does his duty in describing troop movements and the strategy (or lack of it) conceived by the Great Men of the War, but he also delves deep into diaries and newspaper accounts to provide common touches of individual soldiers thrust into a conflict they barely understood.]

As a Canadian himself, Berton clearly brings a perspective to his writing, as we all do, but I never got the sense that he was interested in anything other than laying out the causes and effects of the battles over the border as clearly and fairly as possible. He succeeded with flying colors. This is an excellent book! . meer

I think that without question this is the finest history book I&aposve ever read.

The narrative thrill of McCullough or Shelby Foote, the insight of Ellis or Remini, Pierre Berton manages to tell you everything you need to know in half a page, dripping with excitement and insight, yet somehow leaving nothing out.

So what is this book about? The book covers the first amazing and turbulent year of the War of 1812, focusing on the engagements in the "Northwest", really meaning today&aposs I think that without question this is the finest history book I've ever read.

The narrative thrill of McCullough or Shelby Foote, the insight of Ellis or Remini, Pierre Berton manages to tell you everything you need to know in half a page, dripping with excitement and insight, yet somehow leaving nothing out.

So what is this book about? The book covers the first amazing and turbulent year of the War of 1812, focusing on the engagements in the "Northwest", really meaning today's upper-Midwest: Illinois, Michigan, Ohio, Indiana, New York, and adjacent portions of Southern Canada, called Upper Canada at the time. Readers will meet an amazing pantheon of figures, such as Tecumseh, Issac Brock, Winfield Scott, William Henry Harrison, and many others.

Honestly the book is wonderful enough that I'm unable to tell you much more than that if you consider yourself a fan of history at ALL, then you should consider this a book that you need to read as soon as possible. I mean it when I say I think this is the best history book I've ever read, and this comes from a very serious amateur historian. Outstanding! . meer

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