Combat of Zell, 14 September 1796

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Combat of Zell, 14 September 1796

In die geveg teen Zell (14 September 1796) was 'n nederlaag van 'n swak beplande Oostenrykse aanval op generaal Moreau se leër van die Ryn-en-Mosel net voor die begin van sy terugtog oor die suide van Duitsland in die herfs van 1796.

In die somer van 1796 het die Franse 'n tweeledige inval in Duitsland uitgevoer. Moreau, in bevel van die suidelike punt, bereik uiteindelik die buitewyke van München en stoot sy Oostenrykse teenstanders stadig terug. Verder noord het generaal Jourdan ook ver gevorder in die suide van Duitsland, maar terwyl Moreau 'n oorwinning op Friedberg (24 Augustus) behaal het, ly Jourdan 'n nederlaag deur die aartshertog Charles by Amberg, 80 kilometer noord.

Moreau het voortgegaan om tot einde September te vorder, maar toe die Duitse koerante die nuus van Amberg berig, begin hy stadiger. Toe die nuus bevestig word, besluit Moreau dat hy iets moet doen om Jourdan te help.

Moreau besluit om Desaix, met die hele linkervleuel van sy leër, na Neurenberg te stuur waar hy hoop dat dit Jourdan sou vind. Op 10 September steek Desaix die Donau by Neuburg oor en begin 'n kortstondige optog na die noorde. Teen hierdie tyd was Jourdan ver na die weste. Op 3 September het hy 'n tweede nederlaag in Würzburg, 60 kilometer wes van Neurenberg, gely en teen 10 September het hy Frankfurt am Main genader. Desaix se optog kan net misluk.

Moreau het die res van sy leër so ontplooi dat enige bekwame generaal hom 'n verpletterende nederlaag kon toedien. Die grootste deel van sy sentrum verhuis na Unterstadt, aan die noordoewer van die Donau, naby Neuburg. Delmas is op die suidelike oewer van Zell gelaat met ses bataljons om die rivieroorgang te bewaak. Generaal Ferino, wat gestuur is om die brûe oor die Lech te bewaak, neem pos by Friedberg, net oos van Augsburg, tussen die Rivers Paar en Lech, meer as twintig kilometer suidwes van Neuburg.

Gelukkig vir Moreau was Latour nie 'n besonder bekwame generaal nie. Gekonfronteer met 'n wydverspreide teenstander, was sy eerste gedagte altyd om homself net so dun te versprei. In plaas daarvan om die hele of die grootste deel van sy leër teen Ferino of Moreau te fokus, het hy besluit om 'n enkele afdeling (Mercantin) te stuur om die Franse in Neubourg aan te val. Froelich is na Landsberg gestuur, vyf en twintig myl suid van Augsburg aan die Lech. Nauendorf is na die noordoewer van die Donau gestuur. Latour self vorder na Schrobenhausen, net minder as vyftien myl suid van Neuburg en twintig myl noordoos van Augsburg.

Op 14 September val Mercantin Delmas se ses bataljons onder die mis aan. Delmas se manne was naby aan breek. Delmas en Oudinot is albei gewond in die geveg, wat die afdeling sonder 'n bevelvoerder gelaat het. Moreau het homself aan die hoof van die afdeling geplaas, maar as Latour in werklike krag aangeval het, sou die posisie verlore gewees het. In plaas daarvan kon die Franse lank genoeg vasstaan sodat Saint-Cyr versterkings vanaf die noordoewer kon stuur, en uiteindelik is die Oostenrykse aanval bestry.

Die Oostenrykers het nog twee aanvalle op die Franse posisie gedoen, wat albei misluk het. Die derde en laaste aanval het geëindig toe die Oostenrykse kavallerie breek en vyf myl oos na Lichtenau vlug.

Alhoewel die Franse die aanval van Latour verslaan het, het Moreau nou geweet dat Jourdan terugtrek na die Ryn. Desaix is beveel om terug te marsjeer na die Donau, op 16 September terug te keer na die suidelike oewer. Moreau begin daarna met 'n stadige terugtog langs die Donau, in die hoop om die boonste dele van die rivier terug te volg na die Swartwoud en die Ryn. Hy was selfs vol vertroue om suid van Ulm te stop, waar hy Latour 'n nederlaag toegedien het (slag van Biberach, 2 Oktober 1796), maar dit het die aartshertog Charles tyd gegee om suid te trek nadat hy Jourdan oor die Ryn gedwing het, en Moreau nederlae gely het Emmendingen (19 Oktober 1796) en Schliengen (23 Oktober 1796) op die westelike hange van die Swartwoud voordat hulle oor die Ryn terugkeer.

Napoleontiese tuisblad | Boeke oor die Napoleontiese oorloë | Onderwerpindeks: Napoleontiese oorloë

Jesuïete orde gevestig

In Rome ontvang die Society of Jesus 𠅊 Rooms -Katolieke sendingorganisasie — sy handves van pous Paulus III. Die Jesuïete-orde het 'n belangrike rol gespeel in die teenhervorming en het uiteindelik daarin geslaag om miljoene regoor die wêreld tot Katolisisme te bekeer.

Die jezuïetbeweging is gestig deur Ignatius de Loyola, 'n Spaanse soldaat wat priester geword het, in Augustus 1534. Die eerste Jesuïete en#x2013 Ignatius en ses van sy studente het geloftes van armoede en kuisheid afgelê en planne beraam om vir die bekering van Moslems te werk. As dit nie moontlik was om na die Heilige Land te reis nie, het hulle belowe om hulself aan die pous te bied vir apostoliese werk. As gevolg van die Turkse oorloë, kon hulle nie na Jerusalem reis nie, maar het eerder na Rome gegaan om met die pous te vergader en toestemming te vra om 'n nuwe godsdienstige orde te vorm. In September 1540 het pous Paulus III Ignatius se uiteensetting van die Genootskap van Jesus goedgekeur, en die Jesuïete -orde is gebore.

Onder die charismatiese leierskap van Ignatius ’ het die Genootskap van Jesus vinnig gegroei. Jesuïete sendelinge het 'n leidende rol gespeel in die teen-hervorming en het baie van die Europese getroues teruggegee wat vir Protestantisme verlore was. In die leeftyd van Ignatius is Jesuïete ook na Indië, Brasilië, die Kongo -streek en Ethiopië gestuur. Opvoeding was vir die Jesuïete van uiterste belang, en in Rome stig Ignatius die Romeinse Kollege (later die Gregoriaanse Universiteit genoem) en die Germanicum, 'n skool vir Duitse priesters. Die Jesuïete het ook verskeie liefdadigheidsorganisasies bestuur, soos een vir voormalige prostitute en een vir bekeerde Jode. Toe Ignatius de Loyola in Julie 1556 sterf, was daar meer as 1 000 Jesuïete priesters.

Broers en susters

Catharina Lenz 1820-1820
Eva Lenz 1821-1827
Margaretha Lenz 1823-1882
Maria Lenz 1824-
Maria Lenz 1827-
Johann Lenz 1833-1834
Anna Margaretha Lenz 1835-

Half-broers en susters

met Johann Jakob Klinkner 1743-1781

Maria Magdalena Klinkner † 1817
Matthias Klinkner 1772-1773
Johann Jakob Klinkner 1775-1781
Christian Klinkner 1778-

Combat of Zell, 14 September 1796 - Geskiedenis

Die tydperk vir 'n nuwe verkiesing van 'n burger om die uitvoerende regering van die Verenigde State te administreer, is nie ver nie, en die tyd het aangebreek dat u gedagtes moet werk om die persoon aan te dui wat met die belangrike vertroue geklee moet word. vir my, veral omdat dit kan lei tot 'n meer duidelike uitdrukking van die openbare stem, dat ek u nou moet inlig oor die resolusie wat ek gemaak het, om te weier om in ag geneem te word onder die aantal mense uit wie 'n keuse gemaak moet word .

Ek smeek u tegelykertyd om my geregtigheid te bewys om te verseker dat hierdie resolusie nie streng geneem is nie, al die oorwegings rakende die verhouding wat 'n pligsgetroue burger aan sy land bind en die terugtrekking van die tender van diens, wat stilte in my situasie kan impliseer, word ek beïnvloed deur geen afname van ywer vir u toekomstige belangstelling nie, geen gebrek aan dankbare respek vir u vriendelikheid uit die verlede, maar word ondersteun deur 'n volle oortuiging dat die stap verenigbaar is met albei.

Die aanvaarding van en tot dusver in die amp waarna u stemme my twee keer geroep het, was 'n eenvormige offer van neiging tot die mening van plig en tot eerbied vir wat u na u begeerte blyk te wees. Ek het voortdurend gehoop dat dit baie vroeër in my mag sou gewees het, konsekwent met motiewe wat ek nie vrygemaak het nie, om terug te keer na die aftrede waaruit ek teësinnig getrek het. Die sterkte van my neiging om dit te doen, voor die vorige verkiesing, het selfs gelei tot die voorbereiding van 'n toespraak om dit aan u te verklaar, maar volwasse nadenke oor die destydse verwarde en kritiese houding van ons aangeleenthede met vreemde lande en die eenparige advies van persone wat geregtig is op my vertroue, het my gedwing om die idee te laat vaar.

Ek is verheug dat die toestand van u bekommernisse, ekstern sowel as intern, nie meer die strewe na neiging onverenigbaar maak met die sentiment van plig of gepastheid nie, en ek is oortuig, watter partydigheid ook al vir my dienste behoue bly, dat in die huidige omstandighede van ons land, sal u my vasbeslotenheid om af te tree nie afkeur nie.

Die indrukke waarmee ek eers die moeilike vertroue onderneem het, is op die regte geleentheid verduidelik. In die vrystelling van hierdie vertroue, sal ek net sê dat ek met goeie bedoelings bygedra het tot die organisasie en administrasie van die regering, met die beste inspannings waarvan 'n baie foutiewe oordeel in staat was. Nie bewusteloos in die begin van die minderwaardigheid van my kwalifikasies nie, het ervaring in my eie oë, miskien nog meer in die oë van ander, die beweegredes versterk om van myself te verskil en die toenemende gewig van jare vermaan my elke dag dat die die aftrede is vir my net so nodig as wat dit welkom sal wees. Tevrede dat, indien enige omstandighede 'n besondere waarde aan my dienste gegee het, dit tydelik was; ek het die troos om te glo dat, hoewel keuse en omsigtigheid my nooi om die politieke toneel te verlaat, patriotisme dit nie verbied nie.

As ek uitsien na die oomblik wat bedoel is om die loopbaan van my openbare lewe te beëindig, laat my gevoelens my nie toe om die diepe erkenning van die dankbaarheidsskuld wat ek aan my geliefde land verskuldig is, op te skort vir die vele eer wat dit my toegeken het nie nog meer vir die standvastige vertroue waarmee dit my ondersteun het en vir die geleenthede wat ek daaruit geniet het om my onaantasbare gehegtheid aan die dag te lê, deur getroue en volhardende dienste, maar in bruikbaarheid wat nie gelyk is aan my ywer nie. As ons ons land baat gevind het met hierdie dienste, moet u dit altyd tot u lof onthou, en as 'n leersame voorbeeld in ons annale, dat onder omstandighede waarin die hartstogte, in alle rigtings opgewonde was, soms te midde van voorkoms kon mislei twyfelagtige, wisselvallighede van fortuin wat dikwels ontmoedigend is, in situasies waarin nie -selde gebrek aan sukses die gees van kritiek in ag geneem het, was die bestendigheid van u ondersteuning die belangrikste steunpunt van die pogings en 'n waarborg vir die planne waarmee dit uitgevoer is. Deur hierdie idee diep deurdring, sal ek dit saam met my na my graf bring, as 'n sterk aanhitsing tot onophoudelike geloftes dat die hemel vir u die beste tekens van sy weldaad kan voortbring, sodat u vereniging en broederlike geneigdheid ewig kan bly, sodat die vrye Grondwet, wat is die werk van u hande, kan dit heilig gehandhaaf word dat die administrasie daarvan in elke departement met wysheid en deugde gestempel kan word, sodat die geluk van die mense van hierdie state, onder die vaandel van vryheid, inderdaad volkome kan word sorgvuldige bewaring en so 'n verstandige gebruik van hierdie seën dat dit hulle die heerlikheid sal verwerf om dit aan te applous, die liefde en aanneming van elke nasie wat nog 'n vreemdeling daarvoor is, aan te beveel.

Miskien moet ek hier stop. Maar 'n sorg vir u welsyn, wat nie met my lewe kan eindig nie, en die vrees vir die natuur, dat ek so 'n behoefte het, dring by my aan by 'n geleentheid soos die huidige om u plegtige nadenke aan te beveel en u gereeld aan te beveel , 'n paar sentimente wat die gevolg is van baie besinning, van geen onbeduidende waarneming nie, en wat vir my baie belangrik is vir die permanensie van u geluk as 'n volk. Dit sal u met meer vryheid aangebied word, aangesien u slegs die ongeïnteresseerde waarskuwings van 'n afskeidsvriend kan sien, wat moontlik geen persoonlike motief kan hê om sy raad te vooroordeel nie. Ek kan ook, as 'n aanmoediging daarvoor, u toegeeflike ontvangs van my gevoelens by 'n voormalige en nie gelyke geleentheid vergeet nie.

Verweef soos die liefde vir vryheid met elke ligament van u harte, is geen aanbeveling van my nodig om die verbintenis te versterk of te bevestig nie.

Die eenheid van die regering wat u as een volk vorm, is u ook nou dierbaar. Dit is tereg so, want dit is 'n belangrike pilaar in die gebou van u werklike onafhanklikheid, die ondersteuning van u rustigheid tuis, u vrede in die buiteland van u veiligheid van u welvaart van die vryheid wat u so hoog op prys stel. Maar aangesien dit maklik is om te voorsien dat daar uit baie oorde en uit verskillende oorde baie moeite gedoen sal word, sal baie kunsmatige dinge die oortuiging van hierdie waarheid in u gedagtes verswak, want dit is die punt in u politieke vesting waarteen die batterye van interne en eksterne vyande word die meeste en aktiefste (alhoewel dikwels bedekte en verraderlik) gerig, is dit op 'n eindelose oomblik dat u die ontsaglike waarde van u nasionale unie behoorlik moet skat vir u gesamentlike en individuele geluk dat u 'n hartlike, gewoonte moet koester en onroerende gehegtheid daaraan, om julleself daaraan te dink en te praat as die palladium van u politieke veiligheid en voorspoed, en kyk na die bewaring daarvan met jaloerse angstvermindering, wat selfs 'n vermoede kan aandui dat dit in elk geval kan laat vaar en verontwaardig frons. die eerste aanbreek van elke poging om 'n deel van ons land van die res te vervreem, of om die heilige te verswak d bande wat nou die verskillende dele met mekaar verbind.

Hiervoor het u alle simpatie en belangstelling. Burgers, van geboorte of keuse, van 'n gemeenskaplike land, het die reg om u liefde te konsentreer. Die naam Amerikaner, wat u in u nasionale hoedanigheid behoort, moet altyd die eerlikheid van patriotisme verhoog, meer as enige benaming wat deur plaaslike diskriminasie veroorsaak word. Met 'n effense verskil, het u dieselfde godsdiens, maniere, gewoontes en politieke beginsels. U het in 'n gemeenskaplike saak saamgeveg en geseëvier, die onafhanklikheid en vryheid wat u besit, is die werk van gesamentlike beradings en gesamentlike pogings van algemene gevare, lyding en suksesse.

Maar hierdie oorwegings, hoe kragtig dit ook al tot u sensitiwiteit is, word swaarder weeg as diegene wat meer onmiddellik op u belangstelling van toepassing is. Hier vind elke deel van ons land die mees oorheersende motiewe om die eenheid van die geheel noukeurig te bewaak en te bewaar.

Die Noorde, in 'n onbeperkte omgang met die Suide, beskerm deur die gelyke wette van 'n gemeenskaplike regering, vind in die produksies van laasgenoemde groot ekstra hulpbronne van maritieme en kommersiële ondernemings en kosbare materiale uit die vervaardigingsbedryf. Die Suide, in dieselfde omgang, wat baat by die agentskap van die Noorde, sien hoe sy landbou groei en sy handel uitbrei. Die seelui van die Noorde, wat gedeeltelik in sy eie kanale verander, vind sy besondere navigasie versterk, en hoewel dit op verskillende maniere bydra om die algemene massa van die nasionale seevaart te voed en te vergroot, sien dit uit na die beskerming van 'n seevaart , waarop homself ongelyk aangepas is. Die Ooste vind reeds, in 'n soortgelyke omgang met die Weste, en in die geleidelike verbetering van binnelandse kommunikasie deur land en water, meer en meer 'n waardevolle uitlaatklep vir die goedere wat dit uit die buiteland bring, of tuis vervaardig. Die Weste kom uit die Ooste wat noodsaaklik is vir sy groei en gemak, en wat miskien nog 'n groter gevolg het, moet noodwendig die veilige genot van onontbeerlike afsetpunte vir sy eie produksies te danke wees aan die gewig, invloed en die toekomstige maritieme sterkte van die Atlantiese kant van die Unie, gelei deur 'n onoplosbare gemeenskap van belange as een nasie. Enige ander ampstermyn waarmee die Weste hierdie wesenlike voordeel kan inhou, hetsy dit uit sy eie afsonderlike krag of uit 'n afvallige en onnatuurlike verband met 'n vreemde mag kom, moet ingrypend onseker wees.

Alhoewel elke deel van ons land dus 'n onmiddellike en besondere belangstelling in unie voel, kan al die dele saam nie in die verenigde massa van middele en pogings groter krag, groter hulpbronne, proporsioneel groter veiligheid teen eksterne gevaar vind nie, maar minder gereelde onderbreking van hul vrede deur vreemde nasies en, wat van onskatbare waarde is, moet hulle uit vakbond 'n vrystelling verkry van die broeikane en oorloë onderling, wat buurlande so gereeld tref wat nie deur dieselfde regerings verbind is nie, wat hul eie mededingende skepe het. alleen sou voldoende wees om te produseer, maar wat teenoor buitelandse alliansies, aanhangsels en intriges sou stimuleer en verbitter. Daarom sal hulle ook die noodsaaklikheid vermy van die toegegroeide militêre instellings wat, onder enige regeringsvorm, die vryheid ongunstig is en wat as besonder vyandig teenoor die republikeinse vryheid beskou moet word. In hierdie sin is dit dat u vereniging as 'n vernaamste voorwerp van u vryheid beskou moet word, en dat die liefde van die een vir u die behoud van die ander moet geniet.

Hierdie oorwegings spreek 'n oortuigende taal vir elke reflekterende en deugsame verstand, en toon die voortbestaan van die Unie as 'n primêre doel van patriotiese begeerte. Is daar twyfel of 'n gemeenskaplike regering so 'n groot gebied kan omhels? Laat ervaring dit oplos. Om na blote bespiegeling in so 'n geval te luister, was krimineel. Ons is gemagtig om te hoop dat 'n behoorlike organisasie van die geheel met die hulpagentskap van regerings vir die onderskeie onderafdelings 'n gelukkige probleem vir die eksperiment sal bied. Dit is die moeite werd om 'n eerlike en volledige eksperiment te doen. Met sulke kragtige en voor die hand liggende motiewe tot vakbond, wat alle dele van ons land raak, hoewel ervaring nie die onuitvoerbaarheid daarvan getoon het nie, sal daar altyd rede wees om die patriotisme te wantrou van diegene wat in enige kwartaal probeer om die groep te verswak.

By die oorweging van die oorsake wat ons Unie kan versteur, is dit ernstig kommerwekkend dat daar enige grond vir geografiese diskriminasie van partye gebring moes word, noordelike en suidelike, Atlantiese en Westerse waaruit ontwerpende mans kan poog om 'n oortuiging aan te wakker dat daar 'n werklike verskil tussen plaaslike belange en sienings. Een van die hulpmiddels van 'n party om invloed in sekere distrikte te verkry, is om die menings en doelstellings van ander distrikte verkeerd voor te stel. Julle kan julleself nie te veel beskerm teen die jaloesie en hartseer wat voortspruit uit hierdie wanvoorstellings nie, en dit is geneig om mekaar te vervreem van diegene wat deur broederlike geneentheid verbind moet word. Die inwoners van ons Westerse land het die afgelope tyd 'n nuttige les gehad wat hulle gesien het in die onderhandeling deur die uitvoerende gesag, en in die eenparige bekragtiging deur die senaat, van die verdrag met Spanje en in die universele tevredenheid by die geleentheid, dwarsdeur die Verenigde State, 'n beslissende bewys van hoe ongegrond die vermoedens onder hulle was oor 'n beleid in die algemene regering en in die Atlantiese state wat hul belange ten opsigte van die Mississippi onvriendelik was, dat hulle getuies was van die totstandkoming van twee verdrae, dat met Groot -Brittanje, en dit met Spanje, wat hulle alles verseker wat hulle kan begeer ten opsigte van ons buitelandse betrekkinge, om hul welvaart te bevestig. Sal dit nie hulle wysheid wees om vir die behoud van hierdie voordele staat te maak op die Unie waardeur hulle verkry is nie? Sal hulle nie voortaan doof wees vir die raadgewers nie, as hulle bestaan, wie sou hulle van hulle broers skei en met vreemdelinge verbind?

Vir die doeltreffendheid en permanensie van u Unie is 'n regering in die geheel onontbeerlik. Geen alliansie, hoe streng ook al, tussen die dele kan 'n voldoende plaasvervanger wees nie; hulle moet onvermydelik die oortredings en onderbrekings ondervind wat alle alliansies te alle tye ondervind het. Verstaanbaar oor hierdie belangrike waarheid, het u verbeter op u eerste opstel, deur die aanneming van 'n regeringsgrondwet wat beter bereken is as u voormalige vir 'n intieme vakbond, en vir die doeltreffende bestuur van u algemene bekommernisse. Hierdie regering, die nageslag van ons eie keuse, sonder invloed en onaangeraak, aangeneem by volledige ondersoek en volwasse beraadslaging, heeltemal vry in sy beginsels, in die verdeling van sy magte, die vereniging van veiligheid met energie en wat in homself 'n bepaling vir sy eie wysiging bevat , het 'n regverdige aanspraak op u vertroue en u ondersteuning. Respek vir sy gesag, nakoming van sy wette, instemming met sy maatreëls, is pligte wat die fundamentele maksimums van ware vryheid vereis. Die basis van ons politieke stelsels is die reg van die mense om hul regeringswette op te stel en te verander. Maar die Grondwet wat te eniger tyd bestaan, totdat dit verander word deur 'n eksplisiete en outentieke daad van die hele volk, is heilig verpligtend vir almal. Die idee van die mag en die reg van die mense om 'n regering te stig, veronderstel die plig van elke individu om die gevestigde regering te gehoorsaam.

Alle belemmerings vir die uitvoering van die wette, alle kombinasies en assosiasies, onder watter aanneemlike aard ook al, met die werklike ontwerp om die gereelde beraadslaging en optrede van die saamgestelde owerhede te rig, te beheer, teë te werk of te ontsag, vernietig hierdie fundamentele beginsel, en van dodelike neiging. Hulle dien om faksie te organiseer, om dit 'n kunsmatige en buitengewone krag te gee om, in die plek van die gedelegeerde wil van die nasie, die wil van 'n party te plaas, dikwels 'n klein, maar kunstige en ondernemende minderheid van die gemeenskap en, volgens die plaasvervanger seëvierings van verskillende partye, om die openbare administrasie die spieël te maak van die swak saamgestelde en onkonvensionele faksieprojekte, eerder as die orgaan van konsekwente en heilsame planne wat deur algemene raad verteer word en deur wedersydse belange aangepas word.

Hoe ook al kombinasies of assosiasies van die bogenoemde beskrywing af en toe die populêre doelwitte beantwoord, dit sal mettertyd waarskynlik kragtige enjins word, waardeur listige, ambisieuse en beginselvrye manne die krag van die mense en om self die leisels van die regering in beslag te neem en daarna die enjins te vernietig wat hulle tot onregverdige heerskappy verhef het.

Met die oog op die behoud van u regering en die permanensie van u huidige gelukkige toestand, is dit nie net noodsaaklik dat u onreëlmatige opposisies geleidelik afkeur teen die erkende gesag daarvan nie, maar ook dat u die gees van innovasie versigtig weerstaan op grond van sy beginsels, hoe besonders ook al die voorwendsels. Een metode van aanranding kan wees om, in die vorme van die Grondwet, veranderinge aan te bring wat die energie van die stelsel sal benadeel en sodoende kan ondermyn wat nie direk omvergewerp kan word nie. Onthou dat in alle veranderings waarvoor u uitgenooi kan word, tyd en gewoonte minstens so nodig is om die werklike karakter van regerings vas te stel as van ander menslike instellings wat ondervinding die sekerste standaard is om die werklike neiging van die bestaande grondwet te toets van 'n land wat veranderings moontlik maak, met die krediet van blote hipotese en opinie, blootstel aan ewigdurende verandering, van die eindelose verskeidenheid van hipoteses en opinies, en onthou veral vir die doeltreffende bestuur van u gemeenskaplike belange in 'n land wat so uitgebreid is as ons s'n, is 'n regering van soveel krag as wat in ooreenstemming is met die volmaakte vryheidsveiligheid onontbeerlik. Liberty self sal in so 'n regering, met behoorlike magte versprei en aangepas, die sekerste voog vind. Dit is inderdaad weinig anders as 'n naam, waar die regering te swak is om die faksie -ondernemings te weerstaan, om elke lid van die samelewing binne die perke wat deur die wette voorgeskryf word, te beperk en om almal in die veilige en rustige genot van die regte van persoon en eiendom.

Ek het u reeds die gevaar van partye in die staat aan u bekend gemaak, veral met verwysing na die stigting daarvan oor geografiese diskriminasie. Laat ek nou 'n meer omvattende siening inneem en u op die plegtigste manier waarsku teen die banale gevolge van die partygees.

Hierdie gees is ongelukkig onafskeidbaar van ons natuur en het sy wortel in die sterkste passies van die menslike verstand. Dit bestaan in verskillende regerings in verskillende regerings, min of meer verstik, beheer of onderdruk, maar in die vorme van die gewilde vorm word dit in sy grootste rang gesien en is dit werklik hul grootste vyand.

Die alternatiewe oorheersing van die een faksie oor die ander, verskerp deur die gees van wraak, natuurlik tot onenigheid tussen partye, wat in verskillende eeue en lande die verskriklikste omvang gepleeg het, is self 'n skrikwekkende despotisme. Maar dit lei uiteindelik tot 'n meer formele en permanente despotisme. Die versteurings en ellende wat gelei het tot die geleidelike neiging van die gees van mense om veiligheid te soek en te rus in die absolute mag van 'n individu en vroeër of later die hoof van 'n heersende faksie, meer bekwaam of meer gelukkig as sy mededingers, wend hierdie ingesteldheid tot die doelwitte van sy eie hoogte, op die ruïnes van openbare vryheid.

Sonder om uit te sien na 'n uiterste van hierdie soort (wat egter nie heeltemal uit die oog moet wees nie), is die algemene en voortdurende onheil van die gees van die party voldoende om die belang en plig van 'n wyse volk te maak om dit te ontmoedig en te beperk. .

Dit dien altyd om die openbare rade se aandag af te lei en die openbare administrasie te verswak. Dit roer die gemeenskap op met ongegronde jaloesie en valse alarms, laat die vyandigheid van die een deel teen die ander aansteek, soms ontroering en opstand. Dit maak die deur oop vir buitelandse invloed en korrupsie, wat deur die kanale van partytjie -passies makliker toegang tot die regering kry. Die beleid en die wil van een land word dus onderwerp aan die beleid en die wil van 'n ander land.

Daar is 'n mening dat partye in vrye lande 'n nuttige kontrole vir die administrasie van die regering is en die gees van vryheid lewendig hou. Dit is binne sekere perke waarskynlik waar en in regerings van 'n monargiese rolverdeling kan patriotisme met genot, indien nie met guns, na die gees van die party kyk. Maar by diegene van die gewilde karakter, in regerings suiwer elektiewe, is dit 'n gees om nie aangemoedig te word nie. Uit hul natuurlike neiging is dit seker dat daar altyd genoeg van daardie gees sal wees vir elke heilsame doel. En aangesien daar voortdurend gevaar van oormaat is, moet die poging met geweld van die openbare mening gedoen word om dit te versag en te versag. Om 'n vuur nie te blus nie, vereis dit 'n eenvormige waaksaamheid om te verhoed dat dit in 'n vlam uitbars, sodat dit in plaas van opwarming nie verteer nie.

Dit is ook belangrik dat die denkgewoontes in 'n vrye land by die administrasie toevertrou moet wees om hulself te beperk binne hul onderskeie konstitusionele sfere, en te vermy om die bevoegdhede van die een departement te benadeel. Die gees van inbreuk is geneig om die magte van al die departemente in een te konsolideer en sodoende, ongeag die regeringsvorm, 'n werklike despotisme te skep. 'N Regverdige skatting van daardie liefde vir mag en die geneigdheid om dit te misbruik, wat in die menslike hart oorheers, is voldoende om ons te bevredig van die waarheid van hierdie posisie. Die noodsaaklikheid van wedersydse kontrole in die uitoefening van politieke mag, deur dit in verskillende bewaarders te verdeel en te versprei, en elkeen die beskermheer van die openbare weerstand teen invalle deur die ander is, is bewys deur antieke en moderne eksperimente, sommige van hulle in ons land en onder ons eie oë. Om dit te bewaar, moet net so nodig wees as om dit in te stel. As die verdeling of aanpassing van die grondwetlike bevoegdhede na die mening van die mense in 'n spesifieke fout is, laat dit regstel deur 'n wysiging van die manier waarop die Grondwet dit aanwys. Maar laat daar geen verandering by onsurpasie wees nie, alhoewel dit in een geval die instrument van goed kan wees, maar dit is die gebruiklike wapen waarmee vrye regerings vernietig word. Die presedent moet altyd 'n gedeeltelike of verbygaande voordeel wat die gebruik te eniger tyd kan oplewer, in permanente boosheid oorwig.

Van al die gesindhede en gewoontes wat tot politieke voorspoed lei, is godsdiens en moraliteit onontbeerlike steun. Tevergeefs sou daardie man aanspraak maak op die huldeblyk van vaderlandsliefde, wat moet werk om hierdie groot pilare van menslike geluk, die sterkste rekwisiete van die pligte van mans en burgers, te ondermyn. Die blote politikus, net soos die vrome, behoort hulle te respekteer en te koester. 'N Deel kon nie al hul verbintenisse met private en openbare geluk opspoor nie. Laat ons eenvoudig vra: Waar is die veiligheid vir eiendom, reputasie, lewenslank, as die gevoel van godsdienstige verpligting die ede wat die ondersoekinstrumente in die howe is, laat vaar? En laat ons met omsigtigheid die veronderstelling oorweldig dat moraliteit sonder godsdiens gehandhaaf kan word. Wat ook al toegegee kan word aan die invloed van verfynde opvoeding op die denke van 'n besondere struktuur, rede en ervaring, verbied ons beide om te verwag dat nasionale moraliteit die deurslag kan vind by die uitsluiting van godsdienstige beginsels.

Dit is in wese waar dat deug of sedelikheid 'n noodsaaklike bron van volksregering is. Die reël strek inderdaad met min of meer krag tot elke soort vrye regering. Wie is 'n opregte vriend hiervan, kan met onverskilligheid kyk na pogings om die fondament van die stof te skud?

Bevorder dan, as 'n voorwerp van primêre belang, instellings vir die algemene verspreiding van kennis. In verhouding tot wat die struktuur van 'n regering krag gee aan die openbare mening, is dit noodsaaklik dat die publieke opinie verlig moet word.

Koester openbare krediet as 'n baie belangrike bron van krag en veiligheid. Een manier om dit te bewaar, is om dit so spaarsamig moontlik te gebruik, om koste -uitgawes te vermy deur vrede te bewerkstellig, maar onthou ook dat tydige uitbetalings om vir gevaar voor te berei, dikwels veel groter uitbetalings voorkom om dit af te weer, en ook die opbou van skuld te vermy, nie net nie deur vermyding van kostegeld, maar deur kragtige inspanning in die tyd van vrede om die skulde wat onvermydelike oorloë mag veroorsaak, af te los, en nie die nageslag die las wat ons self moet dra, op ons gooi nie. Die uitvoering van hierdie maksimums behoort aan u verteenwoordigers, maar die publieke opinie moet saamwerk. Om die uitvoering van hul pligte vir hulle te vergemaklik, is dit noodsaaklik dat u prakties in gedagte moet hou dat vir die betaling van skulde inkomste moet wees wat belasting moet inhou om inkomste te hê wat nie min of meer belasting kan wees nie inconvenient and unpleasant that the intrinsic embarrassment, inseparable from the selection of the proper objects (which is always a choice of difficulties), ought to be a decisive motive for a candid construction of the conduct of the government in making it, and for a spirit of acquiescence in the measures for obtaining revenue, which the public exigencies may at any time dictate.

Observe good faith and justice towards all nations cultivate peace and harmony with all. Religion and morality enjoin this conduct and can it be, that good policy does not equally enjoin it - It will be worthy of a free, enlightened, and at no distant period, a great nation, to give to mankind the magnanimous and too novel example of a people always guided by an exalted justice and benevolence. Who can doubt that, in the course of time and things, the fruits of such a plan would richly repay any temporary advantages which might be lost by a steady adherence to it ? Can it be that Providence has not connected the permanent felicity of a nation with its virtue ? The experiment, at least, is recommended by every sentiment which ennobles human nature. Alas! is it rendered impossible by its vices?

In the execution of such a plan, nothing is more essential than that permanent, inveterate antipathies against particular nations, and passionate attachments for others, should be excluded and that, in place of them, just and amicable feelings towards all should be cultivated. The nation which indulges towards another a habitual hatred or a habitual fondness is in some degree a slave. It is a slave to its animosity or to its affection, either of which is sufficient to lead it astray from its duty and its interest. Antipathy in one nation against another disposes each more readily to offer insult and injury, to lay hold of slight causes of umbrage, and to be haughty and intractable, when accidental or trifling occasions of dispute occur. Hence, frequent collisions, obstinate, envenomed, and bloody contests. The nation, prompted by ill-will and resentment, sometimes impels to war the government, contrary to the best calculations of policy. The government sometimes participates in the national propensity, and adopts through passion what reason would reject at other times it makes the animosity of the nation subservient to projects of hostility instigated by pride, ambition, and other sinister and pernicious motives. The peace often, sometimes perhaps the liberty, of nations, has been the victim.

So likewise, a passionate attachment of one nation for another produces a variety of evils. Sympathy for the favorite nation, facilitating the illusion of an imaginary common interest in cases where no real common interest exists, and infusing into one the enmities of the other, betrays the former into a participation in the quarrels and wars of the latter without adequate inducement or justification. It leads also to concessions to the favorite nation of privileges denied to others which is apt doubly to injure the nation making the concessions by unnecessarily parting with what ought to have been retained, and by exciting jealousy, ill-will, and a disposition to retaliate, in the parties from whom equal privileges are withheld. And it gives to ambitious, corrupted, or deluded citizens (who devote themselves to the favorite nation), facility to betray or sacrifice the interests of their own country, without odium, sometimes even with popularity gilding, with the appearances of a virtuous sense of obligation, a commendable deference for public opinion, or a laudable zeal for public good, the base or foolish compliances of ambition, corruption, or infatuation.

As avenues to foreign influence in innumerable ways, such attachments are particularly alarming to the truly enlightened and independent patriot. How many opportunities do they afford to tamper with domestic factions, to practice the arts of seduction, to mislead public opinion, to influence or awe the public councils. Such an attachment of a small or weak towards a great and powerful nation dooms the former to be the satellite of the latter.

Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence (I conjure you to believe me, fellow-citizens) the jealousy of a free people ought to be constantly awake, since history and experience prove that foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes of republican government. But that jealousy to be useful must be impartial else it becomes the instrument of the very influence to be avoided, instead of a defense against it. Excessive partiality for one foreign nation and excessive dislike of another cause those whom they actuate to see danger only on one side, and serve to veil and even second the arts of influence on the other. Real patriots who may resist the intrigues of the favorite are liable to become suspected and odious, while its tools and dupes usurp the applause and confidence of the people, to surrender their interests.

The great rule of conduct for us in regard to foreign nations is in extending our commercial relations, to have with them as little political connection as possible. So far as we have already formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith. Here let us stop. Europe has a set of primary interests which to us have none or a very remote relation. Hence she must be engaged in frequent controversies, the causes of which are essentially foreign to our concerns. Hence, therefore, it must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves by artificial ties in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics, or the ordinary combinations and collisions of her friendships or enmities.

Our detached and distant situation invites and enables us to pursue a different course. If we remain one people under an efficient government. the period is not far off when we may defy material injury from external annoyance when we may take such an attitude as will cause the neutrality we may at any time resolve upon to be scrupulously respected when belligerent nations, under the impossibility of making acquisitions upon us, will not lightly hazard the giving us provocation when we may choose peace or war, as our interest, guided by justice, shall counsel.

Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation? Why quit our own to stand upon foreign ground? Why, by interweaving our destiny with that of any part of Europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of European ambition, rivalship, interest, humor or caprice?

It is our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances with any portion of the foreign world so far, I mean, as we are now at liberty to do it for let me not be understood as capable of patronizing infidelity to existing engagements. I hold the maxim no less applicable to public than to private affairs, that honesty is always the best policy. I repeat it, therefore, let those engagements be observed in their genuine sense. But, in my opinion, it is unnecessary and would be unwise to extend them.

Taking care always to keep ourselves by suitable establishments on a respectable defensive posture, we may safely trust to temporary alliances for extraordinary emergencies.

Harmony, liberal intercourse with all nations, are recommended by policy, humanity, and interest. But even our commercial policy should hold an equal and impartial hand neither seeking nor granting exclusive favors or preferences consulting the natural course of things diffusing and diversifying by gentle means the streams of commerce, but forcing nothing establishing (with powers so disposed, in order to give trade a stable course, to define the rights of our merchants, and to enable the government to support them) conventional rules of intercourse, the best that present circumstances and mutual opinion will permit, but temporary, and liable to be from time to time abandoned or varied, as experience and circumstances shall dictate constantly keeping in view that it is folly in one nation to look for disinterested favors from another that it must pay with a portion of its independence for whatever it may accept under that character that, by such acceptance, it may place itself in the condition of having given equivalents for nominal favors, and yet of being reproached with ingratitude for not giving more. There can be no greater error than to expect or calculate upon real favors from nation to nation. It is an illusion, which experience must cure, which a just pride ought to discard.

In offering to you, my countrymen, these counsels of an old and affectionate friend, I dare not hope they will make the strong and lasting impression I could wish that they will control the usual current of the passions, or prevent our nation from running the course which has hitherto marked the destiny of nations. But, if I may even flatter myself that they may be productive of some partial benefit, some occasional good that they may now and then recur to moderate the fury of party spirit, to warn against the mischiefs of foreign intrigue, to guard against the impostures of pretended patriotism this hope will be a full recompense for the solicitude for your welfare, by which they have been dictated.

How far in the discharge of my official duties I have been guided by the principles which have been delineated, the public records and other evidences of my conduct must witness to you and to the world. To myself, the assurance of my own conscience is, that I have at least believed myself to be guided by them.

In relation to the still subsisting war in Europe, my proclamation of the twenty-second of April, I793, is the index of my plan. Sanctioned by your approving voice, and by that of your representatives in both houses of Congress, the spirit of that measure has continually governed me, uninfluenced by any attempts to deter or divert me from it.

After deliberate examination, with the aid of the best lights I could obtain, I was well satisfied that our country, under all the circumstances of the case, had a right to take, and was bound in duty and interest to take, a neutral position. Having taken it, I determined, as far as should depend upon me, to maintain it, with moderation, perseverance, and firmness.

The considerations which respect the right to hold this conduct, it is not necessary on this occasion to detail. I will only observe that, according to my understanding of the matter, that right, so far from being denied by any of the belligerent powers, has been virtually admitted by all.

The duty of holding a neutral conduct may be inferred, without anything more, from the obligation which justice and humanity impose on every nation, in cases in which it is free to act, to maintain inviolate the relations of peace and amity towards other nations.

The inducements of interest for observing that conduct will best be referred to your own reflections and experience. With me a predominant motive has been to endeavor to gain time to our country to settle and mature its yet recent institutions, and to progress without interruption to that degree of strength and consistency which is necessary to give it, humanly speaking, the command of its own fortunes.

Though, in reviewing the incidents of my administration, I am unconscious of intentional error, I am nevertheless too sensible of my defects not to think it probable that I may have committed many errors. Whatever they may be, I fervently beseech the Almighty to avert or mitigate the evils to which they may tend. I shall also carry with me the hope that my country will never cease to view them with indulgence and that, after forty five years of my life dedicated to its service with an upright zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities will be consigned to oblivion, as myself must soon be to the mansions of rest.

Relying on its kindness in this as in other things, and actuated by that fervent love towards it, which is so natural to a man who views in it the native soil of himself and his progenitors for several generations, I anticipate with pleasing expectation that retreat in which I promise myself to realize, without alloy, the sweet enjoyment of partaking, in the midst of my fellow-citizens, the benign influence of good laws under a free government, the ever-favorite object of my heart, and the happy reward, as I trust, of our mutual cares, labors, and dangers.

2nd Battalion, 1st Infantry Regiment "Cold Steel"

In 2007, the 2nd Battalion, 1st Infantry Regiment was reactivated as part of the 5th Brigade Combat Team, 2nd Infantry Division at Fort Lewis, Washington. Previously, it had been assigned to the 172nd Infantry Brigade Combat Team at Fort Wainwright, Alaska. There its mission had been to, on order, deploy worldwide, secure a lodgment, and conduct combat operations in support of US national interests.

The 1st Infantry Regiment draws its lineage from a distinguished line of post Revolutionary War Infantry Regiments. The 1st Infantry Regiment was originally constituted in the Regular Army as the 2nd Infantry Regiment in March 1791. 2nd Battalion, 1st Infantry Regiment traces its lineage back to a company of the 2nd Infantry. The 1st Infantry was redesignated in 1792 as the 2nd Sub-Legion, with the unit becoming a company of that formation. The 2nd Sub-Legion then took part in the battle of Fallen Timbers, the first victory for the post-Revolutionary Army. After the Legion system was disbanded the Regiment once again became the 2nd Infantry Regiment on 31 October 1796. In the War of 1812 the 2nd Infantry Regiment, as well as the 7th and 44th Infantry Regiments, fought in the southern theater to include the Battle of New Orleans with General Jackson.

In 1815 the Army underwent a draw-down. Between May and October 1815, the 2nd, 7th, and 44th Regiments were consolidated into the 1st Infantry Regiment. On 21 August 1816 the company that 2nd Battalion, 1st Infantry traces its lineage to was designated as Company B, 1st Infantry. In the ensuing years the Regiment was primarily concerned with Indian conflicts. The 1st Infantry was involved in the Black Hawk War of 1832 and the Second Seminole War from 1839 to 1842. During this time the Regiment was commanded by one of its most famous commanders, Colonel Zachary Taylor, who would later become the 12th President of the United States.

When War broke out with Mexico in 1846 the 1st Infantry Regiment was sent across the border with General Zachary Taylor's Army and participated in the storming of Monterrey where the Regiment fought house to house in savage hand to hand combat. From Monterrey the Regiment was transferred to General Winfield Scott's command and participated in the first modern amphibious landing in American history at Vera Cruz in 1847.

Following the Mexican War, the Regiment campaigned in the Texas area against the Comanches until the outbreak of the Civil War in 1861. After escaping from rebel forces in Texas, the Regiment returned to the Mid-west and fought in the Mississippi area of operations. The Regiment fought in one of the first battles of the Civil War at Wilson's Creek, Missouri in 1862. The 1st Infantry then campaigned with General Grant against Vicksburg in 1863. The end of the War found the Regiment garrisoning New Orleans.

After the Civil War the Regiment was sent West to fight the Indians once again. Company B, 1st Infantry was consolidated in April 1869 with Company B, 43rd Infantry, Veteran Reserve Corps (which had been first constituted 21 September 1866), and the consolidated unit remained designated as Company B, 1st Infantry. The 1st Infantry campaigned against the Sioux in the 1870's and 1890's and against the Apache, led by Geronimo, from 1882 to 1886. After the end of the Indian wars the Regiment was occupied with quelling labor disputes in California.

War was declared with Spain in 1898 following the sinking of the USS Maine. The 1st Infantry was quickly sent to Florida where it embarked on ships and was sent to Cuba. While in Cuba the Regiment took part in the storming of the San Juan Heights and the capture of Santiago.

In 1900, following occupation duty in Cuba, the Regiment was preparing for shipment to China to save foreigners threatened by the Boxer Rebellion. Instead, the Regiment was detoured to deal with the rebellion on the Philippine Islands, which had also been captured by the United States in the Spanish-American War. The Regiment would fight in this vicious guerrilla war in the jungles of the Philippines from 1900-1902 and again from 1906-1908.

The 1st Infantry was assigned on 11 September 1918 to the 13th Division and relieved on 8 March 1919 from assignment to the 13th Division. It was then assigned on 27 July 1921 to the 2nd Division. It was relieved on 16 October 1939 from assignment to the 2nd Division and assigned to the 6th Division (later redesignated as the 6th Infantry Division).

The Regiment's next action came in World War II as part of the 6th Infantry Division. The 1st Infantry participated in the destruction of Japanese forces on New Guinea in 1943, winning a Presidential Unit Citation for its action at Maffin Bay. The Regiment then participated in MacArthur's celebrated return to the Philippines in January 1945. After the war the Regiment was sent to Korea for occupation duty until it was deactivated on 10 January 1949.

In 1950, the Regiment was reactivated at Fort Ord, California as a training regiment for units being sent to the fight in Korea. In 1956 the Regiment was assigned to the United States Military Academy at West Point, New York. Company B, 1st Infantry was inactivated on 15 May 1958 at West Point, New York, relieved from assignment to the United States Military Academy, and redesignated as Headquarters and Headquarters Company, 2nd Battle Group, 1st Infantry with its organic elements concurrently constituted. The Battle Group was assigned on 17 March 1958 to the 2nd Infantry Division and activated on 14 June 1958 at Fort Benning, Georgia. The unit was inactivated on 10 May 1963 at Fort Benning, Georgia, and relieved from assignment to the 2nd Infantry Division.

The unit was redesignated on 10 September 1965 as the 2nd Battalion, 1st Infantry, and assigned to the 196th Infantry Brigade (Separate). It was activated on 15 September 1965 at Fort Devens, Massachusetts. In 1966, 2-1st Infantry was shipped to Vietnam with the rest of the 196th Infantry Brigade (Separate) where it would fight for the next 6 years. During this time the Regiment fought in 14 campaigns to include the bloody Tet Offensive. The unit was relieved during its service in Vietnam on 15 February 1969 from assignment to the 196th Infantry Brigade (Separate) and assigned to the 23rd Infantry Division. It was later relieved on 1 November 1971 from assignment to the 23rd Infantry Division and assigned back to the 196th Infantry Brigade (Separate).

Following its tour of duty in Vietnam the Battalion was sent to Fort Lewis, Washington, where it became part of the 9th Infantry Division on 21 July 1972, having been relieved from assignment to the 196th Infantry Brigade (Separate).

On 16 February 1991, the Battalion became part of the 199th Infantry Brigade (Separate) at Fort Polk, Louisiana, where it remained until inactivation in 1994. At that time it was relieved from assignment to the 199th Infantry Brigade (Separate). On 16 December 1995 the Battalion was reactivated at Fort Wainwright as part of the 6th Infantry Division (Light). It was relieved on 16 April 1998 from assignment to the 6th Infantry Division and assigned to the 172d Infantry Brigade (later redesignated as the 172nd Infantry Brigade Combat Team).

The unit was redesignated on 1 October 2005 as the 2nd Battalion, 1st Infantry Regiment. It was inactivated on 16 December 2006 at Fort Wainwright, Alaska, and relieved from assignment to the 172nd Infantry Brigade Combat Team. It was assigned on 17 April 2007 to the 5th Brigade Combat Team, 2nd Infantry Division, and activated at Fort Lewis, Washington. In July 2010, 5th Brigade, 2nd Infantry Division was inactivated and reflagged as the 2nd Brigade, 2nd Infantry Division, to which 2-1st Infantry was assigned.

636th Tank Destroyer Battalion

Unit History: Activated on 15 December, 1941, at Camp Bowie, Texas. Arrived at Oran, Algeria, on 13 April, 1943. Landed at Paestum, Italy, beginning 13 September, 1943. Elements performed artillery missions, guarded Fifth Army CP, and trained British troops on M10 and TD doctrine in October and November. Reentered line in Mignano sector in late November, supporting assault on San Pietro. Supported Rapido River crossing in January, 1944. Entered Cassino sector in February. Transferred to Anzio beachhead in May. Entered Rome on 4 June. Landed in southern France on 15 August. First unit to enter Lyon and to reach the Moselle River in September. Engaged in the Vosges Mountain region beginning in October. Relieved 601st TD Battalion in Strasbourg in December. Battled German Northwind offensive in January and February, 1945. Converted to M36 beginning late February. Struck Siegfried Line near Wissembourg in late March. Crossed Rhine with 14th Armored Division in April, dashed toward Nürnberg. Ended war in southern Bavaria near Tegernsee. Attached to: 14th Armored Division 36th Infantry Division. History text from the book The Tank Killers by Harry Yeide. Used by permission.

Combat Equipment: 9/43 - M10 3/45 - M36.

Commanding Officers: Lt. Col. Van W. Pyland Maj. Regan L. Dubose (4/21/44) Lt. Col. Charles F. Wilber (6/44, WIA 3/17/45) Lt. Col. Edward Purdy (9/27/44 Temporary Duty till Lt. Col. Wilbur's return) Maj. Richard A. Danzi (3/17/45) Lt. Col. James W. Fry (4/13/44 thru 4/21/44)

Code Name/s: Shamrock

Campaign Credits: Naples - Foggia. Sept. 9, 1943 to Jan. 21, 1944

Anzio. Jan. 22, to May 24, 1944

Rome Arno. Jan. 22, to Sept. 9, 1944

Southern France. Aug. 15, to Sept. 14, 1944 (Amphib)

Rhineland. Sept. 15, 1944 to Mar. 21, 1945

Ardennes-Alsace. Dec. 16, 1944 to Jan 25, 1945

Central Europe. Mar. 22, to May 11, 1945

Awards: Croix De Guerre (French or Belgium "Cross of War")

Location August 1945: Brumath, France

Additional Information/Materials:

1.) Seek, Strike, Destroy, the History of the 636th Tank Destroyer Battalion. Written by Thomas M. Sherman, who was a veteran of the 636th, the book has 243 pages and was published in 1986 by Tom, who spent thousands of dollars purchasing unit records, which he then utilized while writing the book. Tom is from Marquette, Nebraska. The book is out of print but can still be purchased through rare and military booksellers. I do have a copy of the book, generously provided to me by Tom. If you have questions, I am willing to take a close look through the book for you.

2.) Unit Roster - From the book by Tom Sherman and provided here by permission. Please note that the name Robert Burns appears in the roster for Recon. Company. While I can not be sure that there was not a Robert Burns, I do know that T5 John W. Burns was in Recon. Company and his name was ommitted from the list. You can see his Write-up in the Honoree section of the site.

3.) Combat Highlights, Sept. 3, 1943-May 8, 1945 , 4 pages. Courtesy of the Tank Destroyer Association by L. L. Gill, TDA Historian.

4.) B Company, 3rd Platoon Personnel List - Provided courtesy of Della Sutton Morris.

The following documents are from the Combined Arms Research Library of the Command and General Staff College, Fort Leavenworth, Kansas, the Dwight D. Eisenhower Presidential Library, Museum and Boyhood Home, Abilene, Kansas (*) and Javier Tome (**).

Sep. 1-20, 1943. 5 Pages (Operation Avalanche)

Mar. 1-31, 1944. 15 Pages (Includes casualties, awards and Officer's roster)

May 1-31, 1944. 20 Pages (Includes casualties, awards and Officer's roster)

Jul. 1-31, 1944. 14 Pages (Includes awards and Officer's roster)

Aug. 1-31, 1944. 34 Pages (Includes casualties and awards lists)

Sep. 1-30, 1944. 31 Pages (Includes casualties, awards and Officer's roster)

March 1-31, 1945 . 23 Pages (Includes casualties, awards, Officer and Hq Co rosters) (**)

March 2-31, 1945. 75 Pages (Unit Journal)(**) NOTE - Large File

May 11-31, 1945 . 28 Pages (Includes unit roster) (*)

8.) Personal Narratives - These were written by a former veteran of the 636th, during the 1980's, in response to questions he recieved from the author doing research for an upcoming book on U. S. tank destroyer forces. Courtesy of the Tank Destroyer Association by L. L. Gill, TDA Historian.

9.) Miscellaneous Documents-From the Tank Destroyer Association by L. L. Gill, TDA Historian.

Co. A at Anzio , narrative by Capt. Robert A. Graham, 1944. 7 Pages
Unit Commendation, May 25, 1944 . 1 Page
Articles about a TD named 'Jinx' . 2 Pages
"The Goering Incident" by Lt. Golden C. Sill, Recon Co. 3 Pages

11.) Reconnaissance Company - Photo of the the Reconnaissance Company of the 636th, possibly taken at Camp Edwards while they were stationed there from October of 1942 to February of 1943. It was provided courtesy of Charles Burns whose father, John W. Burns, served in the unit and is shown in the second row from the front, 21st soldier from the right. Also in the second row is Leo R. Norkewicz, standing 22nd from the left.

12.) Single Recon. Platoon - Small group photo of one of the Reconnaissance platoons along with the Recon. Company Commander, Cpt. Paul Kinnison, standing in the center. Kinnison was from San Antonio, Texas. John W. Burns is kneeling in front, 3rd soldier from the left. Photo courtesy of Charles Burns.

13.) Video Clip, Members of the 636th TD Bn. - It has been identified to me that members of the 636th Tank Destroyer Battalion can be seen crossing a bridge in both the trailer and the actual documentary "The Long Way Home". The 1997 film is an Academy Award winner by Koch Lorber Films. Bret Lyon's father, Robert Lyon, who served in the Reconnaissance Company of the 636th, can be seen walking in the group of men. Bret saw his father quite by accident as he viewed the film. He has provided a link to the trailer, which is included above.

14.) The Stokes Twins Ride The Oklahoma Widecat: WWII in Europe - Is a 163 page book by author Madlyn V. Stokes about Claude H. Stokes and his twin brother Clyde T. Stokes, who both served in the 636th Tank Destroyer Battalion. The book was published in 2003 and covers their pre and post-war lives. We do not have a copy of the book but it can be purchased from Amazon, which is where the our link takes you.

15.) Small Group Photo - A group of men from the 636th pose for a photo during the occupation period. Their placard identifies them as the "Goons". Photo courtesy of Margaret Pickett whose father Frank L. Pickett joined the unit during the occupational period from the 55th Armored Engineers Battalion.

16.) From the Riviera to Zell Am See, A Texas Soldier's Story - Book written by Sgt. Rufus Lester Leggett, which is a memoir of his service with the Reconnaissance Company of the 636th Tank Destroyer Battalion.

17.) Interview with Rufus Lester Leggett - A detailed inte rview on Leggett's participation in the surrender of Hermann Goering on May 7, 1945.

Combat of Zell, 14 September 1796 - History

This is a finding aid. It is a description of archival material held in the Wilson Library at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. Unless otherwise noted, the materials described below are physically available in our reading room, and not digitally available through the World Wide Web. See the Duplication Policy section for more information.

Funding from the State Library of North Carolina supported the encoding of this finding aid.

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Grootte	1.5 feet of linear shelf space (approximately 200 items)
Abstract	William Lea (1777?-1873), was a merchant of Leasburg, N.C. He had three sons: Willis M., who became a physician and settled in Mississippi Lorenzo, Methodist minister and teacher in Tennessee and Mississippi and Solomon (1807-1897), Methodist minister and schoolmaster at Boydton, Greensboro, and Leasburg. Solomon's six daughters included Adeline, Lilianne, Eugenia, and Wilhelmina (1843-1936). The collection includes letters, 1812-1820s, consisting of family correspondence of William Lea (1777?-1873) and his brothers, Vincent and James, all merchants, writing from Leasburg, N.C., Petersburg and Norfolk, Va., and New York City, chiefly about business matters, prices, economic conditions, debts, current news, and other topics. Letters, 1820s-1850s, are chiefly between William Lea and his children and among the children. Willis M. Lea wrote from Philadelphia, where he was studying medicine, and later from Holly Springs, Miss. Solomon Lea was a student at the University of North Carolina and later lived at Boydton, Farmville, and Greensboro, N.C. Letters from 1861 onwards are chiefly correspondence of the daughters of Solomon Lea, most written by Wilhelmina from the various places where she taught school, including Louisburg, Olin, and other places in North Carolina and Murfreesboro, Tenn., and at the Marshall Institute in Mississippi. Volumes are ledgers, 1797-1803, of William Lea (1751-1806), merchant of Leasburg and uncle of William (1777?-1873) school accounts, 1853-1862, of Solomon Lea, who taught at Somerville Seminary and founded Somerville Female Institute in Leasburg and was president of Greensboro College, 1846-1857 and reminiscences and a 19-volume diary, 1872-1934, of Wilhelmina Lea.
Creator	Lea family.
Language	English

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The following terms from Library of Congress Subject Headings suggest topics, persons, geography, etc. interspersed through the entire collection the terms do not usually represent discrete and easily identifiable portions of the collection--such as folders or items.

Clicking on a subject heading below will take you into the University Library's online catalog.

Account books.
Diaries.
Education--North Carolina--History--19th century.
Family--North Carolina--Social life and customs.
Greensboro College (N.C.)--History.
Lea family.
Lea, James, fl. 1812-1830.
Lea, Lorenzo.
Lea, Solomon, 1807-1897.
Lea, Vincent, fl. 1812-1830.
Lea, Wilhelmina, 1843-1936.
Lea, William, 1751-1806.
Lea, William, 1777?-1873.
Lea, Willis M., fl. 1826-1940.
Leasburg (N.C.)--History--19th Century.
Medicine--Study and teaching--United States--History--19th Century.
Merchants--North Carolina--History--19th Century.
New York (N.C.)--Commerce--History--19th Century.
Norfolk (Va.)--Commerce--History--19th Century.
Petersburg (Va.)--Commerce--History--19th Century.
Physicians--Mississippi--History--19th Century.
Somerville Female Institute (Leasburg, N.C.)--History.
Somerville Seminary (Leasburg, N.C.)--History.
Teachers--North Carolina--History--19th Century.
Woman--North Carolina--Diaries.
Women teachers--North Carolina--History.
Women--North Carolina--Social life and customs.

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William Lea (1777?-1873), merchant at Leasburg, N.C., was the son of Gabriel Lea (1756-1834). Gabriel also had a brother William who was a merchant.

William Lea (1777?-1873) had three sons: Willis M., who became a physician and settled in Mississippi Lorenzo, Methodist minister and teacher in Tennessee and Mississippi and Solomon (1807-1897), Methodist minister and schoolmaster at Boydton, Greensboro, and Leasburg. Solomon was president of Greensboro Female College, 1846-1847, and operated the Somerville Female Institute at Leasburg from its founding in 1848 until 1892. William Lea, Jr., was a merchant at Petersburg, Va. Addison was also a Methodist teacher and preacher, mostly in Tennessee William's daughter Anness was the wife of Yancey Wiley of Oxford, Miss.

Solomon's six daughters, including Wilhelmina (1843-1936). The other daughters were: Anness Sophia, who married Leon Richmond Henrietta, who married M. C. Thomas Adeline, who married B. L. Arnold) Lilianne, who married T. C. Neal and Eugenia, who married Calvin G. Lea. One son died in infancy and one son never married. Three of Eugenia and Calvin G. Lea's daughters married Dunlaps.

Historical Notes:

Description of the Insignia: Designed by the crew, the ship's insignia includes a classic profile of America's first president, a band of thirteen stars representing the original colonies and the crossed flags of freedom, all encircled by an unbroken rope representing the solidarity of the crew. The ship's motto, "The Spirit of Freedom," was used by George Washington in a letter to a fellow patriot during the Revolution to describe the mood of the people.

Geskiedenis

HMS Surprise, originally under french service the Unite, was designed by Pierre-Alexandre Forfait and was designated as a corvette under french service. The Unite launched on the 16th of January 1794.

On 20 March 1794, lieutenant de vaisseau Jean le Drézénec, who was 41 years old and had entered the naval service soon after the revolution from a career in the merchant service, arrived to take command of Unité. He supervised the fitting out of the ship, and found the long guns were too large to be easily reloaded, and the lower sails were also too large. He notified the authorities, who urged him to finish fitting out the ship because a major naval operation was imminent. Soon afterwards, Unité took part in the battle of the Glorious First of June by escorting the dismasted Révolutionnaire as she was towed by the Audacieux. In June 1794 Unité completed repairs in Saint-Malo and Brest to damage she had sustained in the battle. In the following months she escorted merchant vessels along the coasts of France. On 28 September, with the corvette Bergere and under the command of Lieutenant de Vaisseau Gouley, the two ships left Brest to sail northwest in between Ireland and the islands of the Hebrides and St Kilda to intercept enemy merchant ships. On 17 October, the ships captured a 200 ton merchant ship Dianne. The next day the weather turned foul and the two ships were separated. Unwilling or unable to continue the mission alone, Unité searched for Bergere fruitlessly for sixteen days before finally returning to Brest on 1 November.

After repairs, Unité was ordered to join the Mediterranean fleet at Toulon, and arrived there in March 1795. She spent the remainder of the year either blockaded in port or serving as a courier. In April 1796, she was ordered on one such courier mission to North Africa to deliver personnel and messages to the port of Bône. At the time, Le Drézénec, who had been recently promoted to capitaine de frégate, was suffering from smallpox and was incapacitated. Consequently, her first lieutenant, Lieutenant Le Breton, commanded Unité. Captain Thomas Fremantle in command of the frigate HMS Inconstant had heard there was a French frigate in Bône, and sailed to intercept her. When Unité arrived in the afternoon of 20 April 1796, the watch aboard Unité identified Inconstant as a neutral vessel and Le Breton did not clear the ship for action. About an hour later, Inconstant sailed alongside, boarded and captured Unité intact. About a year after capture, Unité was renamed HMS Surprise because another French ship also named Unité had already been taken into the navy. Surprise was re-classed by the British as a 28-gun sixth-rate frigate, though she carried twenty-four 32-pounder carronades on her main deck, eight 32-pounders on her quarter- and fore- decks and two (or four) long 6-pound cannons as chasers. As in the French Navy, this led to difficulty in her rating, considered a fifth rate from 1797-98 but a sixth rate the rest of her commission. Also, she bore the main-mast of a 36-gun ship, just as unusual as her large armament.

Under Captain Edward Hamilton, Surprise sailed in the Caribbean for several years, capturing several privateers. Surprise gained fame for the cutting-out expedition in 1799 of HMS Hermione. Hermione's crew had mutinied, and had sailed her into the Spanish possession of Puerto Cabello. Captain Edward Hamilton of Surprise led a boarding party to retake Hermione and, after an exceptionally bloody action, sailed her out under Spanish gunfire. The Spanish casualties included 119 dead 231 were taken prisoner, while another 15 jumped or fell overboard. Hamilton had 11 injured, four seriously, but none killed.

After the Treaty of Amiens, the Royal Navy sold Surprise out of the service at Deptford in February 1802 and she was broken up.