Fedor Dan in 1914

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Fedor Dan is in 1871 in St. Petersburg, Rusland, gebore. As jong man het hy by die Unie van Stryd vir die Emansipasie van die Werkersklas. Dan is in Augustus 1896 gearresteer en is drie jaar lank in ballingskap na Orlov gebring.

Met sy terugkeer sluit hy aan by die Social Democratic Labour Party (SDLP) en woon die Tweede kongres van die Social Democratic Labour Party in Londen in 1903. Op die kongres was daar 'n geskil tussen Vladimir Lenin en Julius Martov, twee van die leiers van die SDLP. Lenin het aangevoer vir 'n klein groepie professionele rewolusionêres met 'n groot rand van nie-party simpatiseerders en ondersteuners. Martov was dit nie eens nie en het geglo dat dit beter is om 'n groot groep aktiviste te hê.

Julius Martov het sy idees gebaseer op die sosialistiese partye wat in ander Europese lande bestaan het, soos die Britse Arbeidersparty. Lenin het aangevoer dat die situasie in Rusland anders was, aangesien dit onwettig was om sosialistiese politieke partye onder die tsar se outokratiese regering te stig. Aan die einde van die debat het Martov die stemming met 28-23 gewen. Vladimir Lenin was nie bereid om die uitslag te aanvaar nie en stig 'n faksie wat bekend staan as die Bolsjewiste. Diegene wat lojaal aan Martov gebly het, het as Mensjewieke bekend gestaan.

Dan ondersteun Julius Martov en word saam met Pavel Axelrod, Leon Trotsky, Irakli Tsereteli, Moisei Uritsky en Noi Zhordania 'n Mensjewiek. Hy het ook by die redaksie van sy tydskrif aangesluit, Iskra en mede-redakteur saam met Martov van Stem van die sosiaal -demokraat.

Na 'n paar jaar in ballingskap keer Dan terug na Rusland in Januarie 1913. Petersburg waar hy 'n verskeidenheid koerante redigeer wat deur die Mensjewiste gepubliseer is.

Fedor Dan

1. Was baie krities oor Nikolaas II en die outokrasie.

2. Wou dat Rusland 'n algemene stemreg het.

3. Wou dat die Russiese regering vryheid van uitdrukking en 'n einde maak aan politieke sensuur van koerante en boeke.

4. Glo dat demokrasie slegs in Rusland bewerkstellig kan word deur die gewelddadige omverwerping van Nicholas II en die outokrasie.

5. was sterk daarteen gekant dat Rusland met Oostenryk-Hongarye en Duitsland sou oorlog voer.

6. Het geglo dat as mens Rusland met Oostenryk-Hongarye en Duitsland sou oorlog voer, die Mensjewiste, Bolsjewiste en die Sosialistiese Revolusionêres by die oorlogspoging moes aansluit, aangesien hy nie die oorlog wou verloor nie en deur buitelanders regeer sou word.

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Hoe die Mensjewiste die Russiese rewolusie verloor het

Lesingsdatum: Sun, 2 Apr, 2017

Geplaas op: Wo, 2 Aug., 2017

Geskatte leesperiode van 9 minute

Soms geniet 'n politieke party aan die begin van 'n wedstryd 'n groot voorsprong op sy mededingers, net om sy voordeel weg te gooi deur sy eie onbekwaamheid. Maar hierdie stuk handel nie oor die klug van die Britse konserwatiewes in 2017 nie, maar oor die tragedie van Rusland se Mensjewiste 'n eeu tevore.

Toe Nikolaas II van Rusland aan die einde van Februarie 1917 van die bewind val en die sovjette van werkers- en soldate-afgevaardigdes in Rusland verspring, is die meeste van hierdie nuwe liggame gestig en gedomineer deur mensjevikgerigte arbeidsaktiviste. Einde Oktober 1917 het die meeste mense van die Mensjewiste, en baie van hul voormalige lede, hulle verlaat. Werkers en soldate het hul trou oorgeskakel na die meer radikale bolsjewiste, wat die mag in Rusland kon oorneem in die naam van die selfde Sowjets.

Sedert 1903 was Mensjewiste en Bolsjewiste die twee belangrikste faksies in die Russiese marxisme, nominaal beide deel van die sosiaal-demokratiese party (RSDRP), maar dikwels heeltemal afsonderlik. Toe dit in die 1880's en 1890's die eerste keer verskyn het, het die Russiese marxisme 'n ontwikkelingskema gehad: Rusland was nie 'anders' nie, dit was bloot agterlik. Dit kon nie vermy om Wes -Europa in die industriële kapitalisme te volg nie. Ekonomiese vooruitgang het politieke vooruitgang vereis-die pre-kapitalistiese outokrasie, met sy argaïese sosiale struktuur wat die mag in 'n klein landbesit-adel konsentreer, sou weggevoer moes word. Die komende revolusie sou politieke vryheid, die byeenkoms en organisasie, gelykheid voor die wet, 'n gelyke franchise bring - maar dit sou 'n 'burgerlike', nie 'n sosialistiese, revolusie wees nie. Die werkersklas sou vryheid en regte verkry, maar nie mag nie. Ten spyte van sy vinnige industriële ontwikkeling, het Rusland steeds byna 80% uit die boere bestaan.

In 1905 het 'n golf van werkers- en kleinboere se opkoms oor Rusland gespoel. Die algemeen meer radikale bolsjewiste het 'n kans gesien: die arbeidersparty kan denkbaar die mag oorneem as hy met die revolusionêre kleinboere saamwerk. Die Mensjewiste was geneig om boere te wantrou en het vasgehou aan die ou skema, waarin die mag na stedelike liberale sou oorgaan, terwyl werkersklaspartye buite die regering gebly het. Die herbevestiging van die outokrasie na die einde van 1905 het hierdie punte sterk laat styg. Die RSDRP is weer ondergronds gedryf, en veral veral die Mensjewiste het hulle liewer toegespits op die (nuwe maar beperkte) geleenthede vir regsorganisasie onder werkers in vakbonde, koöperasies en vriendelike verenigings. Terwyl die party se faksieleiers in ballingskap na die buiteland geskets en geskarrel het, het aktiviste in Rusland hulself en hul idees in die werkersklas ingebed.

Toe die Eerste Wêreldoorlog in 1914 uitbreek, het die meeste Europese regerings hul arbeidersbewegings gekoöpteer om die oorlogspoging te help. In Rusland, daarenteen, is alle vooraanstaande RSDRP -lede in die algemeen afgerond en na Siberië gestuur. Maar die rang-en-lêer arbeidsaktiviste het voortgegaan met die organisering en agitasie onder die werkers, nie die minste nie, in die sterk uitgebreide ammunisiesektor. Toe die tsaristiese regime in duie stort, was arbeids-aktiviste wat deur Mensjewiek ingestel was, reeds in plek om revolusionêre organisasies te stig en die toon vir hulle te gee. Die eerste uitvoerende gesag van die Petrograd -Sowjet, die belangrikste in Rusland, was oorwegend Mensjewiek, van die meer gematigde, praktiese elemente in die faksie - mense soos Nikolai Chkheidze, Boris Bogdanov en Matvey Skobelev.

Aanvanklik lyk dit asof die verloop van die rewolusie soos 'n handskoen by die Mensjewistiese skema pas. Liberale politici van die staatsduma (parlement) het in ooreenkoms met die Petrograd -Sowjet 'n nuwe voorlopige regering gevorm, en liberale elemente het plaaslike owerhede in Rusland oorgeneem. Politieke gevangenes is vrygelaat, burgerlike vryhede is uitgeroep en Rusland het die vryste van al die strydlustige state geword. Daar is begin met die voorbereiding vir 'n konstituerende vergadering wat verkies moet word deur universele, gelyke stemreg van beide geslagte. Dit lyk asof Rusland bestem was om 'n moderne, demokratiese, parlementêre republiek te word. Intussen was die rol van die Sowjete om te verseker dat die rewolusie op koers bly, om die nuwe owerhede van buite af te ondersteun 'tot die mate dat' hulle die 'take' van die rewolusie uitgevoer het.

Hierdie beperking spruit nie slegs uit teoretiese oorwegings nie. Daar was verskeie oortuigende praktiese redes waarom die Petrograd -Sowjet nie vroeg in Maart 1917 self die mag probeer neem het nie. Eerstens was Petrograd nie die hele Rusland nie. Dit was aanvanklik nie duidelik hoe, of selfs of die revolusie oor die ryk sou versprei nie. Tweedens was daar geen rede om te verwag dat die staatsdiens of die weermag die Petrograd -Sowjet sou erken en gehoorsaam nie, terwyl hulle 'n voorlopige regering sou erken wat uit verkose Doema -politici bestaan. In die derde plek het die Sowjet -leiers besef dat die tsaar nie geval het omdat werkers in Petrograd betoog het nie, maar omdat die outokrasie deur die militêre en politieke elite verlaat is. Daar het kragtige magte - in die weermag, die staatsapparaat, die Ortodokse Kerk en onder grondeienaars en kapitaliste - oorgebly wat probeer om die dinastie te herstel. Die Sowjet -leiers kon nie die beste kans op vryheid ooit waag vir 'n politieke avontuur nie. Uiteindelik het hulle nie geglo dat die omstandighede ryp is vir die klein werkersklas van Rusland om die heersende klas te word nie.

Die 'wittebroodperiode' van die rewolusie, toe daar algemene konsensus was tussen liberale en sosialiste oor wat gedoen moet word, het 'n paar weke geduur. Maar Rusland was besig om in 'n steeds dieper krisis in te gaan, wat vanaf begin April 1917 vererger is deur die terugkeer uit die Switserse ballingskap van die Bolsjewistiese leier, Vladimir Lenin, wat 'n heel ander, radikale en kompromislose lyn volg. Die politieke verskille het nie net betrekking op beleid en taktiek nie, maar ook op die interpretasie van die revolusie. Lenin se Bolsjewiste het energiek meegeding vir die ondersteuning van werkers, matrose en soldate in fabrieke, sovjette, komitees en militêre eenhede regoor Rusland. Hulle het hul Mensjewistiese mededingers as versoeners, kansvatters en nog erger veroordeel, en aangevoer dat die werkers, kleinboere en soldate self die mag deur hul Sowjetunie moet neem.

Aan die grond van al die ernstige probleme van Rusland in 1917 was die kwessie van die oorlog. Rusland kon die oorlogspoging nie meer volhou nie. Die ekonomie was besig om te verbrokkel en die voorkant het verbrokkel. Woestyn, verbroedering met die vyand en ongedissiplineerdheid was toenemende probleme, en die verskaffing van mense en materiaal aan die front was al hoe moeiliker. Rusland het vrede nodig, maar niemand sou 'n aparte vrede met Wilhelm se Duitsland voorstaan nie. Die meeste Russiese sosiaal -demokrate het nie in 1914 tot die vlag van die keiserlike Rusland saamgestem nie en ondersteun die internasionalistiese eis om 'vrede sonder anneksasies of herstelwerk'.

Maar al dan nie, met hul invloed en gesag onder soldate en matrose, het die Sowjet -leiers na Februarie 'n gesamentlike verantwoordelikheid vir die oorlogspoging gekry. Die Petrograd -Sowjet het op 14 Maart 'n beroep op die volke van die hele wêreld gedoen waarin hulle 'n beroep gedoen word om die oorlog te beëindig, maar intussen aanvaar dit die noodsaaklikheid om revolusionêre Rusland te verdedig teen die reaksionêre en roofsugtige sentrale magte, in afwagting van 'n algemene demokratiese vrede. In werklikheid het hy 'n beroep op Rusland gedoen om aan te hou veg, maar nie om te wen nie.

Die oorlog was die belangrikste kwessie waaroor die mensjewisme self geskei het. Die hoofleier van die Mensjewiste, Fedor Dan, het in Junie 1917 'n beroep op soldate gedoen om die oorlogsminister Alexander Kerensky se plan vir 'n offensief teen Duitsland en Oostenryk te ondersteun. Dan het gedink dat revolusionêre Rusland se internasionale aansien sou verbeter as dit sou wys dat dit steeds kan veg. 'N Linksgesinde, losstaande' Mensjewisties-internasionalistiese 'faksie, onder leiding van Dan se swaer (en bewoner) Yuliy Martov, het dit as 'n verraad van internasionale sosialistiese beginsels veroordeel. Die Bolsjewiste het intussen 'n gereed gehoor onder die soldate gevind, wat broederskap aan die voorkant aanmoedig en beweer dat as Rusland 'n Sowjetregering het wat 'n algemene vrede aankondig, 'n regering van 'n ander strydlustige staat wat weerstand bied onmiddellik deur sy eie omvergewerp word werkersklas.

Die taboe van die Mensjewiste teen die toetreding tot 'n 'burgerlike' regering moes vroeg in Mei 1917 laat vaar word, toe 'n regeringskrisis oor oorlogsdoelwitte slegs opgelos kon word deur Sowjet -verteenwoordigers, waaronder die voorste Mensjewiek Iraklii Tsereteli, wat portefeuljes neem. Daardeur het hulle hulself direk verbind tot die lot van die voorlopige regering. Maar hulle het volgehou dat slegs 'n kruis-klas koalisie van 'al die lewende magte in die land' die toenemende politieke, sosiale en ekonomiese krisis van Rusland kan hanteer en die land na die konstituerende vergadering kan lei.

By die Eerste All-Rusland-kongres van Sowjette in Junie-Julie 1917 het die Mensjewiste, in bondgenootskap met die boergerigte Party van Sosialistiese Revolusionêre, steeds 'n gemaklike meerderheid oor die Bolsjewiste en heel links geniet. Maar hulle het hulself verbind tot 'n rampspoedige beleid wat teen die einde van die jaar tot hul volledige verduistering sou lei. In die regering het hulle aangedring op koalisie met nie-sosialiste. Oor die oorlog het hulle daarop aangedring om die front te behou, offensiewe te ondersteun en met die Geallieerdes saam te werk totdat 'n internasionale vredeskonferensie 'n ideale demokratiese vrede kon bereik. Hulle het goeie redes vir hul beleid-'n vrees vir burgeroorlog as die sosialiste alleen sou probeer, en 'n oortuiging dat 'n aparte vrede sou lei tot 'n opgrawing deur die Duitse imperialisme. Maar hulle kon die meedoënlose kritiek van die Bolsjewiste en selfs nie van die internasionalistiese linkses in hul eie party weerstaan nie. Teen die laat somer en herfs van 1917 was die Mensjewistiese party besig om weg te smelt en sy steun onder die werkers en soldate aan die Bolsjewiste te verswelg.

Waarom het die Mensjewiste-internasionaliste van Martov nie by die Bolsjewiste aangesluit nie? Baie van hulle kritiek was identies. Daar was verskeie redes. Eerstens het die groep van Martov nie geglo dat 'Sowjet -mag' moontlik of wenslik was nie. Alhoewel Martov in die herfs van 1917 'n uitsluitlik sosialistiese koalisieregering gevra het verantwoordbaar aan die sovjete om Rusland na die konstituerende vergadering te lei, was die sovjete self, met hul indirekte, klasgebaseerde verteenwoordiging en vloeibare struktuur, geen plaasvervanger vir 'n staatsmasjien nie. Tweedens het hulle nie geglo dat die basis vir 'n sosialistiese rewolusie in Rusland bestaan of dat 'n wêreldsosialistiese revolusie op hande is nie. En ten derde, miskien die belangrikste, was sosialisme vir alle mensjewiste 'n konstruktief leer. Die klasoorlogse agitasie van die Bolsjewiste, met oproepe om die plunderaars te plunder, die goed van die rykes te gryp, ensovoorts, het geen konstruktiewe inhoud gehad nie. Dit was bloot 'n herverdeling van die algemene verarming. Dit was hul dilemma: hulle kon nie saam met die Bolsjewiste gaan nie, maar kon ook nie 'n aantreklike alternatief bied nie.

Teen Oktober het die Bolsjewiste die grootste deel van die polities aktiewe werkers en soldate gewen. By die Tweede All-Rusland-kongres van Sowjette op 25/26 Oktober het hulle 'n meerderheid afgevaardigdes gehad om hul optrede om die voorlopige regering af te sit en die uitreiking van die Sowjet-mag te ondersteun, te ondersteun. Die hoofstroom Mensjewiste het aan die begin die kongres verlaat, later gevolg deur Martov, wat, nadat hy nie 'n kompromis kon bekom nie, deur Leon Trotsky ontslaan is om by sy kamerade aan te sluit in die 'asblik van die geskiedenis'.

Omdat die mensjewiste nie kon reageer nie, het hulle hergroepeer. Fedor Dan en die middelpunt van die party het die regs verlaat en hulle met Martov en links verbind. Die regte minderheid beskou die Bolsjewistiese heerskappy as die teenrevolusie self, op enige beskikbare manier teëgestaan. Die sentrum en links het gevrees dat 'n regse reaksie op die Bolsjewiste wat al die winste van die rewolusie sou wegvee, en daarom gekant was teen enige poging om die Bolsjewiste met geweld te weerstaan. Die party het oor die algemeen gefragmenteer en verkrummel.

Die tydperk onmiddellik na Oktober verteenwoordig die laagste punt in 1917 - tydens die verkiesings tot die Grondwetgewende Vergadering, wat in November plaasgevind het ondanks die bolsjewistiese magsoorname, het die Mensjewiste slegs 3%gewen, en die helfte van hul totale stemme was in hul vesting van Georgië. Die Sosialistiese Revolusionêre, wat in 1917 tevrede was om die Mensjewistiese leiding in die Sowjetunie te volg, het baie beter gevaar om hul boere -steun in Rusland te behou en het ongeveer 40% gewen teenoor die Bolsjewiste se 24%. Dit het beteken dat 'n meerderheid van die parlementslede 'n parlementêre republiek eerder as 'n Sowjet -mag verkies.

Toe die afgevaardigdes egter op 5 Januarie 1918 byeenkom, na tien weke van die Bolsjewistiese bewind, was die vergadering 'n leë dop sonder 'n staatsapparaat tot sy beskikking en is dit maklik versprei deur 'n groep pro-Bolsjewistiese matrose. Daar sou geen parlementêre republiek wees nie. Die werklike verloop van die revolusie het die Mensjewieke se vooropgestelde skema heeltemal vervals.

Fedor von Bock

Ons redakteurs gaan na wat u ingedien het, en bepaal of hulle die artikel moet hersien.

Fedor von Bock, (gebore 3 Desember 1880, Küstrin, Duitsland [nou Kostrzyn nad Odrą, Pole] — oorlede Mei 1945, Lensahn, Holstein), Duitse weermagoffisier en veldmaarskalk (vanaf 1940), wat deelgeneem het aan die Duitse besetting van Oostenryk en die invalle van Pole, Frankryk en Rusland tydens die Tweede Wêreldoorlog.

Bock, opgelei aan die militêre skool in Potsdam, is in 1897 by 'n infanteriewagregiment aangestel en het in 1914 tot kapteinskap gevorder. Toe hy uit die Eerste Wêreldoorlog as majoor kom, word hy in 1920 bevelvoerder van die Derde Leërgroep en bly in die pos tot 1938, toe Adolf Hitler hom bevelvoerder van die First Army -groep gemaak het. Tydens die inval van België en Frankryk in Mei en Junie 1940 het hy bevel gegee oor die laer Somme -leërgroep. Hy was een van die 12 Duitse generaals wat Hitler op 19 Julie 1940 veldmarschale van die Ryk geskep het.

In 1941 neem Bock die bevel oor die sentraal -Duitse leërs in die Russiese veldtog. Hy het die Russe 'n paar van hul ernstigste nederlae in die vroeë deel van die veldtog behandel, veral in Bialystok en Minsk, en later ook by Smolensk en Vyazma. Hy het in die herfs van 1941 ses afsonderlike groot offensiewe teen Moskou losgelaat, maar hy kon nie die stad inneem nie. Toe begin Bock met sy reeks 'ordelike terugtogte' en 'verdedigingsaksies'. Hy is later na die suidelike front verskuif en het die kolomme gelei wat na Stalingrad in die groot Duitse someroffensief van 1942 gestap het. Hy is van sy bevel onthef toe hy kla oor die strategiese onpraktiesheid om massiewe Duitse offensiewe gelyktydig teen Stalingrad en in die Kaukasus. Bock is saam met sy vrou en dogter tydens 'n lugaanval dood.

Hierdie artikel is onlangs hersien en bygewerk deur Michael Ray, redakteur.

White Star Line-skepe wat tussen 1889-1914 in diens getree het

Nomadic (II) - Gestig in 1911 - Gebou as tender vir Olympic en Titanic, nou die laaste White Star Line -skip aan die oppervlak.

Verkeer (II) - Begin in 1911 - Gebou as 'n tender vir Olympic en Titanic.

New - Belgic (III) - Gestig in 1902, maar in 1911 by White Star Line diens gedoen. Dien as immigrantskip.

Olimpies - Gestig in 1910 - Voering van die Olimpiese klas en susterskip van Titanic.

Arabies (II) - Gestig in 1902 - In diens van 1903-1915.

Cedric - Gestig in 1902 (in diens geneem in 1903)

Cymric - Gestig in 1897. 'n Passasiers- en vragskip wat van Brittanje na Amerika gevaar het. Geduik tydens die Eerste Wêreldoorlog.

Goties - Gestig in 1893. 'n Passasiers- en vragskip wat van Brittanje na Australië en Nieu -Seeland gevaar het.

Besoek ons Titanic -bladsye se webwerf vir Titanic.

Verwante bladsye-Skepe wat in diens getree het tussen: 1871-1888 en 1915-1932

Kopiereg en kopie 2007-2012 White Star Line History-webwerfprojek. Alle regte voorbehou.

Inhoud

Vroeë jare en opvoeding Redigeer

Tsereteli is gebore in Gorisa, Kutais Governorate, in die Russiese Ryk (nou in Imereti, Georgia), uit 'n Georgies -Ortodokse Christelike familie, die derde kind van Giorgi Tsereteli, 'n radikale skrywer uit die edele Tsereteli -familie, en Olympiada Nikoladze, die suster van die joernalis Niko Nikoladze. Tsereteli het een suster gehad, Eliko (1877–1950) en broer, Levan (1879–1918). [1] Beide Giorgi en Niko was lede van die meore dasi (დასი Georgies vir 'tweede groep'), 'n groep Georgiese populiste en sosialiste, en hulle het Irakli se siening baie beïnvloed. [2] Tsereteli het grootgeword in die nabygeleë Kutaisi en het van kleins af die somers op die landgoed van sy gesin in Gorisa [3] deurgebring, en hy het die ongelykheid tussen sy familie en hul bediendes en die plaaslike boere opgemerk en wou die wanbalans herstel. [4]

Toe hy drie was, sterf Tsereteli se ma, en hy en sy broers en susters is gestuur om by twee tantes in Kutaisi te woon, terwyl Giorgi na Tiflis (nou Tbilisi), die administratiewe sentrum van die Kaukasus, verhuis het, en soms die kinders besoek. [5] Tsereteli sou later na Tiflis verhuis en 'n gimnasium bywoon. [6] Terwyl hy daar was, woon hy by sy pa wat sedertdien getroud was met Anastasia Tumanova, 'n etniese Armeenaar. Tsereteli se biograaf W.H. Roobol stel voor dat as gevolg van Tsereteli se reservaat teenoor Tumanova, die invloed van Giorgi op sy seun afgeneem het: "Giorgi Tsereteli kon in elk geval nie sy seun Irakli met sy patriotiese ideale deurdrenk nie." [7] Nikoladze se standpunte, wat versigtiger was teen die Georgiese nasionalisme, het waarskynlik ook 'n rol gespeel in die veranderende ideale van Tsereteli. [8] By die gimnasium distansieer Tsereteli hom van die Christendom, bevraagteken die dood en die betekenis daarvan, en stel hy kennis met die geskrifte van die Britse natuurkundige en bioloog Charles Darwin, wat ook deel was van sy wegbeweeg van godsdiens. [9] Hy voltooi sy skoolopleiding in 1900, dieselfde jaar as sy vader se dood, en verhuis na Moskou om regte te studeer. [10]

Betreding van politiek en arrestasies Redigeer

Kort nadat Tsereteli in Moskou aangekom het, is dit onduidelik dat studente betogings in daardie jaar uitgebreek het oor hoe betrokke hy aanvanklik was, met die enigste sekerheid dat hy nog nie 'n Marxis was nie. [11] Dit was tydens hierdie protes dat Tsereteli eers bekendheid verwerf het as spreker, en uiteindelik het hy 'n leidende figuur in die studentebeweging geword. [12] Hy is in die lente van 1901 gearresteer en na 'n kort aanhouding is hy toegelaat om na Georgië terug te keer. Alhoewel hy gearresteer is, kon hy in die herfs van 1901 na Moskou terugkeer om sy eksamens af te lê. [3] Daar was tot op daardie stadium relatief stil in die universiteite, maar dit het weer in protes uitgebreek, hierdie keer het Tsereteli 'n leidende rol gespeel en word dit beskou as een van die belangrikste figure van die Moskouse studentebeweging. [13]

Tydens 'n vergadering van studente -betogers op 9 Februarie 1902 is Tsereteli gearresteer as een van die mees radikale leiers; hy was een van twee studente wat 'n vonnis van vyf jaar ballingskap in Siberië opgelê is, die langste vonnis wat aan die betogende studente opgelê is. [14] Alhoewel die regering vinnig teruggekeer het en hom die kans gebied het om dit in Georgië te bedien, het Tsereteli geweier, dit as 'n kwytskelding beskou en 'beskou dit as strydig met [sy] sienings', soos hy in 'n brief verduidelik het. [15] Hierdie weiering, wat met ander ballinge bekend gemaak is, het die sosiale demokrasie aangehaal soos voorgestel deur die Russiese Sosiaal -Demokratiese Arbeidersparty (RSDLP), en het Tsereteli se steun vir die ideologie op hierdie stadium effektief bevestig. [16] Nadat hy die aanbod om terug te keer na Georgië geweier het, het Tsereteli vroeg in 1902 in die dorpie Tulun aangekom, ongeveer 400 kilometer van Irkutsk, die administratiewe sentrum van Siberië. Teen die laat somer is hy egter toegelaat om na Irkoetsk te verhuis. [17] Dit was tydens hierdie ballingskap dat Tsereteli vertroud geraak het met die Russiese sosiaal -demokrate, veral Marxisme wat Tsereteli gelees het deur Vladimir Lenin Wat moet gedoen word?, alhoewel hy die mening van Lenin nie gehou het nie (die RSDLP sou in 1903 in twee hooffaksies verdeel oor faksieverskille). [18]

By sy vrylating uit ballingskap keer Tsereteli terug na Georgië en skakel hy in by die Georgiese tak van die RSDLP, later bekend as die Georgiese Mensjewieke (die minderheidsfaksie binne die party). [19] Hy het ook begin werk as redakteur vir die vorige publikasie van sy vader, Kvali (კვალი Spoor) en skryf die meeste van hul toonaangewende artikels. In Januarie 1904 is hy egter weer in hegtenis geneem en twee maande later in die Metekhi -gevangenis in Tiflis Kvali is verbied. Tsereteli is toegelaat om Georgië te verlaat, waarskynlik as gevolg van die invloed van sy oom, en daarom verhuis hy na Berlyn om sy regte -studies te hervat en 18 maande in Europa deur te bring. [20] As gevolg van 'n vorm van hemofilie, het Tsereteli in die herfs van 1905 ernstig siek geword, maar was nie in staat om vinnig terug te keer huis toe vir rus toe die rewolusie van 1905 in die Russiese Ryk uitgebreek het nie. [21] Dit was eers in Mei 1906 dat hy na Georgia teruggekeer het. [22]

Tweede Duma Edit

Tsereteli het gedurende die somer van 1906 in Georgië gebly en herstel van sy siekte en was nie polities aktief nie. [22] Tog is hy uitgenooi om as die sosiaal -demokratiese kandidaat te staan vir die Russiese wetgewende verkiesings in Januarie 1907, wat die Kutais Governorate, sy geboortestreek, verteenwoordig. [23] Hy is aangemoedig om dit te doen deur 'n mede -Georgiese Menshevik, later politieke teenstanders van Noe Zhordania wat oor byna elke onderwerp verskil het; Zhordania sou later in sy memoires onthou "dat dit die enigste keer was dat Irakli ooit na my geluister het." [24] Al sewe setels in Georgië is deur die sosiaal -demokrate verower. [25]

Ondanks die feit dat hy die jongste lid van die keiserlike Doema was (op 25, die minimum ouderdom wat vereis word vir lidmaatskap), speel Tsereteli 'n leidende rol. [25] Hy het onmiddellik erkenning gekry as 'n groot redenaar. [26] Hy was veral bekend vir drie toesprake waarin hy die standpunte van die sosiaal -demokrate uiteengesit het en die regering sterk gekritiseer het. Die eerste toespraak, wat met hom geopen is, waarin verklaar word dat die "regering die nasie in 'n ketting van 'n staatsnood vasgevang het, wat sy beste seuns in die tronk sit, verminder die mense tot bedelaars en skeur die pennies weg wat ingesamel is vir honger en behoeftiges. Vandag, daar het met ons die ou feodale Rusland gepraat, deur die regering verpersoonlik. " Dit het 'n beroep op die opposisie gedoen om nie met die regering saam te werk oor die agrariese hervormings van premier Pyotr Stolypin nie, net om 'n gewapende opstand te versoek. [27]

Die toespraak het Tsereteli onmiddellike respek onder sy eweknieë gekry. [28] Hy het daarna gestreef om die opposisiepartye te verenig, alhoewel hy aansienlike opposisie ondervind het, beide van die Kadets, 'n liberale groep wat voorheen teen die regering gekant was, maar nou vir hulle vriendeliker was, en die Bolsjewiste (die groter faksie in die RSDLP), wat gewerk het om die Mensjewiste in die Doema in diskrediet te bring. [29] Hy soek 'n alliansie met die ander linkse faksies, naamlik die Socialist Revolutionary Party en die Trudoviks, 'n splintergroep van die Socialist Revolutionaries. [30] Stolypin het al hoe meer moeg geraak vir die opposisie van die sosiaal -demokrate, en was bang dat sy hervormings nie sou slaag nie. [31]

Arrestasie wysig

Die Doema is op 2 Junie 1907 ontbind en kort ná middernag op 3 Junie het die regering verskeie van die Sosiaal -Demokrate, waaronder Tsereteli, gearresteer. [32] Hulle word daarvan beskuldig dat hulle probeer het om die regering omver te werp. [33] Tsereteli is in November skuldig bevind en tot vyf jaar harde arbeid gevonnis, hoewel dit weens sy swak gesondheid tot tyd in die gevangenis verander is. [25] Die eerste jaar van sy gevangenisstraf is in St. Irkoetsk. [34] In die herfs van 1913 is Tsereteli toegelaat om te verhuis na Usolye, 'n dorpie ongeveer 70 kilometer van Irkutsk en maklik bereikbaar vanweë sy ligging op 'n taklyn van die Trans-Siberiese Spoorweg. [35]

Tsereteli sou later met genot besin oor hierdie tydperk van ballingskap: daar was verskeie ander ballinge in die streek, en in die somers sou hulle bymekaarkom in Usolye, met 'n gunstige klimaat. By geleentheid kon Tsereteli ook Irkutsk besoek en politieke gesprekke voer. Beide Bolsjewiste en Mensjewiste was betrokke by hierdie besprekings en het hartlik met mekaar omgegaan, wat Tsereteli laat glo het dat die twee faksies uiteindelik weer kan herenig. [36] Dit was in skrille kontras met die situasie buite Siberië, waar die twee faksies al hoe meer afstand geneem het. [37]

Siberiese Zimmerwaldisme Redigeer

Die uitbreek van die Eerste Wêreldoorlog in Augustus 1914 was vir Tsereteli aanvanklik nie van groot belang nie. [38] Net soos die res van die bevolking in die streek het hy egter gereeld nuus in die koerante gelees en probeer vasstel watter soort teenkanting internasionaal plaasvind, alhoewel die meeste vermeldings van opposisiebewegings gesensor word, het Tsereteli tot die gevolgtrekking gekom dat iets moes bestaan en was van mening dat die Tweede Internasionaal, 'n Parys-organisasie van sosialistiese en arbeiderspartye, 'n rol kan speel om die oorlog te beëindig. [39] Tsereteli was ook in gesprek met ander sosiaal -demokrate in die Irkutsk -streek oor sy siening ten opsigte van die oorlog, hulle sou almal hul gedagtes in tydskrifte publiseer, insluitend Tsereteli, sy idees in 'n tydskrif wat hy geredigeer het, Siberiese joernaal (Сибирский Журнал, in Russies), later vervang deur die Siberiese resensie (Сибирское Обозрение). [40] Daar sou later na hierdie groep verwys word as die Siberian Zimmerwaldists, 'n verwysing na die Zimmerwald -konferensie van internasionale sosialistiese groepe in 1915. [41]

Aan die begin was die Siberiese Zimmerwaldisme gebaseer op die ideale van 'n tak van sosialiste wat teen die oorlog gekant was en die Tweede Internasionaal wou herstel. Die Tweede Internasionaal het gebreek tydens die uitbreek van die oorlog, aangesien die verskillende sosialistiese groepe verskil het oor die beleid ten opsigte van die oorlog: baie het die Internasionaal verlaat ten gunste van die verdediging van hul lande (die sogenaamde "defensiste"), terwyl die "minderheid" was verdeel tussen die uiterste linkse (onder leiding van Lenin), wat gepleit het vir klasoorlogvoering, en die meer algemene siening wat die Internasionale as sodanig probeer gebruik het, was bekend as die "Internationaliste". Dit was hierdie laasgenoemde groep met wie die Siberiese Zimmerwaldiste verwant was. [39] Deur sy redaksie van die tydskrifte het Tsereteli albei 'n mentor vir ander Siberiese Zimmerwaldiste geword en die groep se standpunt oor die oorlog beïnvloed ondanks die feit dat hy net drie artikels geskryf het, wat dit moeilik gemaak het om sy posisie ten volle te verstaan. [42]

Die eerste van Tsereteli se oorlogsartikels, getiteld "The International and the War" ("Интернационал и Война") kyk na hoe die verskillende sosialistiese groepe op die oorlog reageer. [40] Hy stem saam met die meerderheid internasionalistiese siening, wat verklaar het dat die oorlog nie heeltemal onvermydelik was nie, en dat die Internasionaal dus die bedreiging van oorlog probeer beperk het. [43] Hy het verder aangevoer dat die Internasionaal nie sterk genoeg was om 'n algemene staking uit te roep nie, aangesien die proletariaat te swak was om kapitalisme omver te werp, en dit die beweging net sou benadeel. [44] Tsereteli het ook die Defensiste gekritiseer en gesê dat daar wel iets soos 'n regverdige verdediging kan wees, maar dat 'nie een van die strydende moondhede behalwe België' 'n verdedigende oorlog voer nie. [45] Dat sosialistiese leiers in Duitsland, Frankryk en die Verenigde Koninkryk hul onderskeie regerings in die oorlogspoging gesteun het, was ook vir Tsereteli onaanvaarbaar, hoewel hy verduidelik dat dit 'nie die historiese weg van die proletariaat kon verdraai nie'. [44]

The second article Tsereteli wrote, "Democracy in Russia at War" ("Демократия среди воюющей России") was largely a response to the leading Russian "Defensists", namely Georgi Plekhanov and Alexander Potresov, and refuted their argument. [46] He stated that all of the warring states were guilty and none could be victorious. [44] His third article, "For Two Years" ("За два года"), looked at how the war had evolved, and how bourgeois nationalism had encompassed the conflict. [47] He called the conflict an "imperialist struggle over spheres of influence", largely conforming to the view of the International, though also stating his support for the idea of self-defence. [48] Publication of more articles was halted by the authorities, but the articles Tsereteli did write had a considerable impact, and helped keep him relevant even while in exile. [49]

Petrograd Soviet Edit

News of the February Revolution, the mass protests that led to the overthrow of the Tsar and ended the Russian Empire, began on 23 February 1917 news of it first arrived in Irkutsk on 2 March and reached Usolye that evening Tsereteli left for Irkutsk the following morning. [50] Several people, including Tsereteli, arrested the regional governor and declared Irkutsk a free city. [51] A committee consisting of important social groups was formed to run the city, while a soviet (council) of soldiers was simultaneously created. [50] Tsereteli took a leading role in this committee, though the work took a considerable toll on his health and after ten days he stepped down as he began to vomit blood. His family and friends suggested he return to Georgia, though Tsereteli instead decided to travel to Petrograd (the name St. Petersburg had adopted at the start of the war), arriving there on 19 or 20 March. [52] [53]

Tsereteli was the first of the major exiled politicians to arrive in Petrograd after the revolution, and thus was welcomed by a large crowd at the train station. [54] Immediately, Tsereteli went to the Petrograd Soviet and gave a speech in support of the revolution, but warned members that it was too early to implement socialist policies. [55] At the time of his arrival, there was no clear leadership of the country, with both the Petrograd Soviet and the Provisional Government claiming authority. The Soviet, composed of representatives of workers and soldiers, enjoyed popular support, though it was not regarded as a government. In contrast, the Provisional Government claimed it was the legitimate governmental successor to the Russian Empire, but did not have the support of the people. [56] Each thus needed the other to legitimize their claim. [57] This system, later dubbed "dual power", was highly inefficient, though neither side wanted to upset the balance lest they lose their power. [58]

Due to his former membership in the Duma, Tsereteli was appointed to the Soviet on 21 March in an advisory role. [59] At his first meeting he argued that Russia should strive to defend itself, calling defence "one of the fundamentals of the revolution". [60] He stated that both the country and the revolution had to be defended from the German Empire, but also that the Soviet should pressure the Provisional Government to negotiate a peace, one that recognized self-determination and did not include annexation. This policy would soon be given the name "Revolutionary Defensism". [61] Tsereteli led the Soviet side in negotiations with the Provisional Government to have the no-annexation policy adopted, in the process showing that he had effectively become a leader within the Soviet. [62] Tsereteli was not seeking an increased role for himself, nor did he want the Soviet to become a power-base, but simply a representative body of the workers and soldiers. [63]

Minister in the Provisional Government Edit

The April Crisis – a series of demonstrations against Russia's continued participation in the war and a note to the Allied powers affirming that Russia was still interested in annexing Constantinople – nearly led to the downfall of the Provisional Government, and it survived mainly due to negotiations with the Soviet to form a coalition. [64] The coalition was unpopular among many of the Mensheviks, Tsereteli included, but they realized that without the support of the Soviet the Provisional Government was unlikely to survive another threat like the April Crisis, thereby ending the Revolution, so they supported it. [65] Though the socialists could have dominated the newly formed cabinet, Tsereteli cautioned that this would only hurt their cause, so they only took six of the fifteen cabinet posts. [66]

Tsereteli was given the position of Minister of Post and Telegraph, an office created just so he could be in the cabinet. [67] Reluctant to join the government, Tsereteli only did so in hopes of avoiding the dissolution of the Provisional Government and the outbreak of civil war. He did little in his role as minister, which he held until August 1917, and kept his focus on the Soviet, leaving the actual administration to others. [68] In his memoirs, Tsereteli never mentioned his time as minister, and the only notable action he took in the position was an attempt to increase the pay of post office employees. [69] Even so, Tsereteli's position in the cabinet was aimed at allowing him to serve as a liaison between the Provisional Government and Soviet. [67] He also realized that, as a member of the cabinet, he could "exercise real influence upon the government, since the government and the middle classes which back it are greatly impressed by the power of the Soviet". [70] Despite his relatively unimportant ministerial post, Tsereteli was regarded as a major figure by his peers: Viktor Chernov called him the "Minister of General Affairs", while Nikolai Sukhanov referred to him as the "Commissar of the Government in the Soviet". [67] Highly valued by the Prime Minister, Georgy Lvov, Tsereteli was part of the "inner cabinet" that held the real power in the Provisional Government. [71] He would later express support for the cabinet, as long as it benefited the Revolution. [72]

Lvov resigned as Prime Minister on 2 July 1917, after disagreements within the cabinet regarding the status of the Ukrainian People's Republic, which was in control of Ukraine. [73] Tsereteli had travelled to Kiev with a party representing the Provisional Government to negotiate a means to ensure defence of Russia while respecting Ukrainian self-determination. The outcome saw the Ukrainians allow the Russians to continue to defend their territory, while granting increased autonomy, a move opposed by many in the cabinet. [74] This came at the same time as the July Days, a major demonstration that broke out in Petrograd, and threatened the Provisional Government. [75] The Provisional Government was able to withstand the threat, and Alexander Kerensky took over as Prime Minister. Though Tsereteli opposed Kerensky, seeing him as the force behind Lvov's resignation, he had little option but to consent to the move. [76]

Tsereteli was appointed Minister of the Interior, serving for two weeks until a new cabinet could be formed. [77] Despite his senior ranking in the Soviet, Tsereteli was passed over for the post of Prime Minister, ostensibly because of his position the coalition wanted reform and felt that influence from the Soviet would prevent that. [78] However, with Kerensky frequently absent, Tsereteli served as the de facto Prime Minister, and tried to implement some domestic reforms and restore order throughout the country. [79] Upon his return, Kerenskey was given a mandate to form a new cabinet, though Tsereteli declined a position in it, wanting instead to focus his efforts in the Soviet. [80] He used his influence to force Kerensky to release Leon Trotsky, imprisoned in the aftermath of the July Days Tsereteli needed Trotsky and the Bolsheviks to support the socialist movement in the Soviet against the Kadets. This had the opposite effect, as Trotsky quickly proceeded to orchestrate a Bolshevik takeover of the Soviet, expelling Tsereteli. [81]

Oktoberrevolusie Redigeer

Removed from his post in the Soviet and suffering from tuberculosis, Tsereteli decided to move into semi-retirement. [82] At the end of September 1917, he returned to Georgia, his first visit there in ten years. Roobol believed that Tsereteli only left because he was confident that the new Kerensky government was secure enough to last until the Constituent Assembly could meet. [83] Though the Bolsheviks now had control of the Soviet, Tseretli was dismissive of them as a threat to the Provisional Government while he expected them to try and seize power, he expected them to only last "two or three weeks". [84]

Tsereteli stayed in Georgia for about a month, returning to Petrograd after the Bolsheviks seized control in the October Revolution. [85] Seen as a threat due to his position as a leading Menshevik and a delegate for the upcoming Constituent Assembly, Tsereteli had a warrant for his arrest issued on 17 December. [86] He defied the authorities and stayed in Petrograd for the only meeting of the Constituent Assembly, which took place on 5 January 1918. [87] Speaking to the body, he attacked the Bolsheviks, accusing them of failing to do anything constructive, and stifling any criticism against their policies. [88] The assembly was dissolved by the Bolshevik regime after its lone meeting. Now fearing arrest, Tserteli returned to Georgia, which had broken away from Russian control during the Revolutions. [89]

Georgian independence Edit

Back in Georgia, Tsereteli delivered a speech on 23 February 1918 at the Transcaucasian Centre of Soviets, reporting on the events in Russia. He warned the delegates of the problems dual power had caused, and that the soviet would have to surrender its power to a legislative body. [90] This was established as the "Seim", a de facto parliament created the same day. [91] A member of this new body, Tsereteli took up a leading role in helping defend the Transcaucasus, which included Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia, from the approaching forces of the Ottoman Empire. [92] He strongly denounced the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk, which was signed between the Bolshevik government and the Central Powers to end Russia's involvement in the war, as it would have meant ceding important Transcaucasian territories to the Ottoman, such as the Black Sea port city of Batumi. In response to this the Transcaucasus declared war against the Ottoman Empire on 14 April. [93]

The tripartite Transcaucasian Democratic Federative Republic was formed on 22 April, though due to the ongoing invasion by the Ottoman Empire and the lack of unity among the three groups, it was immediately in a precarious position. [94] The Georgians, afraid for their own country and future, began negotiating with Germany for protection against the Ottomans, which would come in the form of an independent state. On 26 May Tsereteli gave a speech to the Seim stating that from the start the Transcaucasian Republic had been unable to operate due to its people not being unified. [95] On the same day, the Georgian leadership declared an independent state, the Democratic Republic of Georgia. [96] This was followed two days later by Azerbaijan and, finally, Armenia, dissolving the Transcaucasian Republic. [97]

Within the new Georgian state Tsereteli took up a seat in the Constituent Assembly, which was elected in February 1919. [98] However, he did not play a major role in the Georgian government, instead helping out more in an advisory role. [99] That he supported what was essentially a nationalist state contradicted his earlier internationalist stance, though Roobol suggested that Tsereteli "wanted a state which would be more than a Georgian national state", and championed the causes of the ethnic minorities within Georgia. [100] Even so, he was no longer able to exercise much political influence, and faded into the background. [101]

Paris Peace Conference and Europe Edit

In 1919, Tsereteli and Nikolay Chkheidze were asked to lead a Georgian delegation to the Paris Peace Conference the two were asked to attend on account of their contacts in Europe, and as neither had a major role in the Georgian government they could leave Georgia for an extended period. [102] They faced considerable difficulties there, as many of the delegates were unfamiliar with the situation in Georgia, so both Tsereteli and Chkheidze gave several newspaper interviews expressing that Georgia was only interested in gaining de jure recognition of its independence. [103] Tsereteli subsequently visited London to help their cause. While he did not make much of an impact with the British government, the Georgian government was de facto recognized on 10 January 1920, mainly because the British wanted allies in the region in case the Bolsheviks allied with the Turks and took over the region. [104]

His diplomatic efforts a success, Tsereteli returned to advocating socialism. In the summer of 1920 he represented the Georgian Social Democratic Party at a Labour and Socialist International conference in Switzerland and promoted the success of Georgia as a socialist state. [101] He also proved instrumental in helping Karl Kautsky, a leading Marxist theoretician, arrive in Georgia in August 1920 to research a book on the country. [105] However, his health problems returned, and Tsereteli was ordered by a doctor to rest in December of that year. [106]

Tsereteli was recovering in France when he heard about the Red Army invasion of Georgia and subsequent Bolshevik takeover in February 1921. [107] The news had a detrimental impact on his health, and he retired to a French village for the summer. He also worried about his Nikoladze aunts, as they had lost considerable amounts of money with the Bolshevik occupation. When his health improved in October, Tsereteli moved to Paris, joining the Georgian government-in-exile. [108] In exile he lived frugally, and quickly grew tired of residing in France, enjoying any opportunity to travel. The suicide of Chkheidze in 1926 had a profound impact on Tsereteli, and it exacerbated his distaste for exile. [109]

After retiring from émigré political life in 1930, Tsereteli resumed his law studies, which he had never completed in his youth, finishing in 1932, and worked in Paris as a lawyer. [110] He also helped edit fellow Menshevik Pavel Axelrod's works after the latter's death in 1928. Initially working with Fedor Dan, whom he had met during his Siberian exile, Tsereteli and Dan clashed as the latter had become more pro-Bolshevik, and Dan ultimately left the project over their dispute. [111] Tsereteli would later be aided in this work by his friend and fellow socialist Vladimir Voitinsky, and the project was published in Germany in 1932. [112]

Highly indignant about what he called the "platonic attitute" of the Western socialist parties towards Georgia and their inadequate support to the beleaguered country, Tsereteli continued to regard Bolshevism as the cause of the troubles, but believed that the Bolshevik regime would not survive long. [108] He continued to attend International's conferences in Europe, trying to get the organization to adopt a stronger anti-Bolshevik stance, though with limited success. [113] He attended the Conference of the Three Internationals in Berlin, at which the issue of Georgia was a major topic. [114] By 1928, as the inner conflicts of the Bolsheviks ended, it became apparent to Tsereteli that they would not so easily be removed from power, and his hopes of returning to Georgia faded. [115]

Tsereteli gradually distanced himself from his fellow Georgian exiles, and opposed both the liberal nationalist Zurab Avalishvili and the social democrat Noe Zhordania all three wrote extensively abroad on Georgian politics. [116] Tsereteli accepted the principle of the fight for Georgia's independence, but rejected the view of Zhordania and other Georgian émigrés that the Bolshevik domination was effectively identical to Russian domination. Furthermore, he insisted on close cooperation between the Russian and Georgian anti-Bolshevik socialists, but did not agree with any cooperation with Georgian nationalists. This led to Tsereteli's isolation among fellow émigrés and he largely withdrew from political activity. [117] Invited to join Voitinsky in the United States, Tsereteli waited until after the Second World War ended to do so, finally moving in 1948. Columbia University asked him to finish writing his memoirs, which he continued to work on until his death in 1959. [118] In 1973, he was reburied at the Leuville Cemetery near Paris. [119]

Throughout his life Tsereteli remained a committed internationalist, adopting this view during his first exile in Siberia. [26] He felt that if the population of the Russian Empire were united, and not divided along ethnic or national lines, socialist policies could be implemented. [120] His views were heavily influenced by the writings of Pavel Axelrod, whom Tsereteli considered his most important teacher. [121] After reading Lenin's Wat moet gedoen word? in 1902, he came to oppose Lenin's Marxist views. [18] Tsereteli never deviated from his internationalist stance, which eventually led to conflict with other Georgian Mensheviks, who became far more nationalist throughout the 1920s. [101]

Upon the outbreak of the First World War, Tsereteli, still exiled in Siberia, formulated a policy that allowed for the continuation of the war, in contrast to the more mainstream socialist goals of pressuring governments to end the conflict. [122] This policy, expressed in three articles written by Tsereteli, would become known as "Siberian Zimmerwaldism", in reference to the Zimmerwald Conference of 1915 that first saw the socialist views of the war put forth. [123] Siberian Zimmerwaldism allowed for, under certain circumstances, a defensive war, though Tsereteli argued that only Belgium fitted these criteria, as the other warring states were fighting offensively. [124] Though he edited the journal that published the Siberian Zimmerwaldist views, Tsereteli only wrote three articles during the war, making it difficult to fully comprehend his views at the time. [42]

During his political career, Tsereteli was highly regarded by his peers, though he has since faded into relative obscurity. His leading role in the Petrograd Soviet led Lenin to refer to Tsereteli as "the conscience of the Revolution". [125] Lvov would later call him "the only true statesman in the Soviet". [126] However, his refusal to perceive the Bolsheviks as a serious threat, even as late as October 1917, ultimately helped them lead the October Revolution. As Georgi Plekhanov, a contemporary Marxist and revolutionary, stated: "Tsereteli and his friends without themselves knowing or desiring it, have been preparing the road for Lenin." [127]

Tsereteli quickly faded from prominence in histories of the era. Rex A. Wade, one of the preeminent historians of the Russian Revolution, noted that Tsereteli "was not as flamboyant as Kerensky or as well known to foreigners as Miliukov, and therefore has not attracted as much attention as either in Western writings". [128] Roobol concluded that "it was [his] prestige rather than the force of his arguments which won over the doubters". [129] Roobol also described Tsereteli's career as "a rapid rise, a short period of generally recognized leadership and a rather more gradual slide into political isolation". [130]

Afsluiting

Fedor Shalyapin has now been broken up at Alang India , but she was a remarkable ship until the end. Her profile and interiors remained as built, except for a new lido deck which had a kidney shaped pool and wind protective windows. These modifications were made by Cunard themselves when they decided to use her as a cruise ship.

There two interesting messages provided by a well-known shipping identity who visited her in her final days whilst laid up.

“I understand Fedor is still at Iliychevsk , but that she could go anytime to India or even local Ukraine breakers. I think her owners have given up on her ever returning to service. When I last saw her in 1998, she was in a sorry state, so I can only imagine what she is like now.”

Also, good friend, Raoul Fiebig of www.ruderhaus.de/ said …

“A friend of mine visited the ship in Ilychevsk two years ago, and he will visit her again next month … despite the fact that she still looks pretty good from the outside, she's completely ruined inside. He’s told me that e.g. the library has been literally devastated, and books and papers are all over on the floor in a chaotic mess. He also reported that in contrast to the cabins and public spaces, the bridge is still in a good shape. BLASCO has not yet decided what to do with her but my friend (he works in the industry) says that he sees no chance whatsoever for her to return to service.”

It was in January 2004: Fedor Shalyapin was sold to be broken up by Kumar Steel Industries at Alang India . However, there is a last minute request to buy the ship for the use of a hotel/museum/tourist attraction in Northern Ireland . The author was the consultant between the owners and the purchaser. However, this venture sadly failed. There is no doubt that Fedor Shalyapin left an imprint on the minds of those who sailed on her, be it during the days she was RMS Ivernia, SS Franconia, or TS Fedor Shalyapin!

China Sea Discovery seen in Hong Kong

Photograph 2001 Kiwi Marine Consultants Ltd, Hong Kong

Another sister was the TSS Fair Princess, ex Fairsea, Fairland, which was converted by Sitmar and later taken over by P&O Princess Cruises, She was a successful ship both in the US and in her later days in Australia . She was sold to become the China Sea Discovery, and was used as a Casino ship in Asia, offering one, two, and four night voyages from Keelung , Taiwan . Due to financial troubles she was laid up and placed on the market by the bank. She was sold in August 2005 and has been broken up at Alang India . The TSS Albatros was also purchased and rebuilt by Sitmar. Later in her sailing days she became the very popular in the German cruise market. She has also been broken up.

Read about all identical four sisters of this class - The Saxonia Class Liners .

Read about the origin of this class of Cunard Liner & the TSS Fair Princess

Inhoud

Malinovsky was born in Poland, at the time part of the Russian Empire. His parents were ethnic Polish peasants, who died while he was still a child. He was jailed for several robberies from 1894-1899 and was also charged and imprisoned for rape. In 1902, he enlisted in the prestigious Izmaylovsky Regiment by impersonating a cousin with the same name. [2] Malinovsky began as an Okhrana agent within the regiment, reporting on fellow soldiers and officers. He was discharged from the army at the end of the Russo-Japanese War and relocated to Saint Petersburg.

In 1906, he found a job as a lathe operator and joined the Petrograd Metalworkers' Union and the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party (RSDLP). In 1910, Malinovsky was arrested by the Okhrana but soon released he then became a tsarist spy and infiltrated the Bolshevik party. He was the best-paid agent, earning 8,000 rubles a year, 1,000 more than the Director of the Imperial Police. [3]

In January 1912, he joined the Central Committee with Vladimir Lenin's support at the Prague Party Conference. On October 25, 1912, he was elected to the State Duma of the Russian Empire by the workers electoral college of Moscow Governorate. He led the six-member Bolshevik group (two of whom were Okhrana agents) and was deputy chairman of the Social Democrats in the Duma. As a secret agent, he helped send several important Bolsheviks (like Ordzhonikidze, Joseph Stalin, and Yakov Sverdlov) into Siberian exile.

When Menshevik leader Julius Martov first denounced Malinovsky as a spy in 1913, Lenin refused to believe him and stood by Malinovsky. The accusing article was signed Ts, short for Tsederbaum, Martov's real name. Stalin threatened Martov's sister and brother-in-law, Lydia and Fedor Dan by saying they would regret it if the Mensheviks denounced Malinovsky. [4]

In November 1912, he visited Lenin in Krakow and was urged not to unite with the Mensheviks. Malinovsky ignored that by reading a conciliatory speech in the Duma. [5] On December 28, 1912, he attended a Central Committee meeting in Vienna. He persuaded Lenin to appoint an Okhrana agent, Miron Chernomazov, as editor of Pravda as opposed to Stalin's candidate Stepan Shahumyan, who was too soft on the Mensheviks. The tsarist regime was determined to keep the RSDLP split so conciliators were targeted.

Malinovsky's efforts helped the Okhrana arrest Sergo Ordzhonikidze (April 14, 1912), Yakov Sverdlov (February 10, 1913) and Stalin (February 23, 1913). The latter was arrested at a Bolshevik fundraising ball, which Malinovsky had persuaded him to attend by lending him a suit and silk cravat. Malinovsky was talking to Stalin when detectives took him and even shouting he would free him. [6]

In July 1913, he betrayed a plan for Sverdlov and Stalin to escape, warning the police chief in Turukhansk. He was then the only Bolshevik leader not in foreign or Siberian exile.

On May 8, 1914 he was forced to resign from the Duma. His real identity was unveiled by his ex-mistress Elena Troyanovskaya, and he went into exile in Germany. When World War I broke out, he was interned into a POW camp by the Germans. Lenin, still standing by him, sent him clothes. He said: "If he is a provocateur, the police gained less from it than our Party did." This refers to his strong anti-Menshevism. Eventually, Lenin changed his mind: "What a swine: shooting's too good for him!" [7]

In 1918, he tried to join the Petrograd Soviet, but Grigory Zinoviev recognized him. In November, after a brief trial, Malinovsky was executed by a firing squad.

According to a British historian Simon Sebag Montefiore his successful infiltration into the Bolsheviks helped fuel the paranoia of the Soviets (and more specifically, Stalin) that eventually gave way to the Great Terror.

TSS Fedor Shalyapin

In the 1970s, the author working with New Zealand ’s Lord Bolingbrock was an executive with Atlantic & Pacific Travel International owners of Shaw Savill Holidays PTY. Ltd., having chartered the Russian owned, Fedor Shalyapin. This delightful ship, like her three sisters certainly had a long and distinguished Atlantic career.

Built as Cunard’s RMS Ivernia, this 21,717 GRT liner was launched December 14, 1954. Ivernia was one of four successful liners knows as the “ Saxonia Class Liners,” which were built especially for the Liverpool to Canada service. Her three sisters were the RMS Saxonia (1954), Carinthia (1955), and Sylvania (1956).

RMS Ivernia Specifications

Built by: John Brown & Company Clydebank Scotland

Launched: 1954

Displacement: 21,717 GRT (as built)

Propulsion: 4 Steam Turbines, Twin Screws 24,500 SHP

Passengers: 925 – 125 First – 800 Tourist

These four liners were typical of many new passenger ships of their day, offering comfortable passenger facilities, as well as having a large cargo capacity. Each vessel had three holds forward, and three holds aft. The Saxonia Class Liners were revolutionary for their day, as they were the first liners to be built, with tourist class occupying the majority of the passenger accommodations, thus offering greatly improved comforts. Ivernia, like her sisters, were built within the maximum dimensions, allowing her to reach Montreal up the St Lawrence waterway.

July 1, 19 55 she departed Greenock for her maiden voyage to Montreal , returning to homeport Liverpool . In 1957, she was transferred to Southampton and sailed both to New York and Canada .

A delightful colour photograph of the Ivernia

Photo from the Author’s private collection

Ivernia offered all the traditional Cunard standards of luxury and quiet elegance. This was particularly noticeable in her public rooms having an ambience closely related to stylish British, yet understated d cor.

The largest venue, located aft on Promenade deck, was the imposing two deck high ‘Amber’ Lounge. Aft of the lounge featured a balcony, with an elaborate curved Staircase. The bandstand was located on the lower level forward wall. Moving just forward, on the port and starboard sides were the Garden Lounge, and the Drawing and Writing Room, both revealing an understated, yet stylish elegance. The next room forward was the popular ‘City Cousins’ Smoke Room and bar, being very much the art deco venue. Cocktail hour had passengers sipping their drinks, whilst the pianist twinkled the ivories of the grand piano. Forward of promenade deck, overlooking the bow, was a delightful small lounge, being the ideal lounge for quiet reflection. The large tourist class restaurant continued the understated British d cor of the day and was a bright and airy room, whilst the first class dining room had an elegant, intimate ambience. Ivernia, like her sisters featured a fine balconied amidships cinema. Ivernia was fully air-conditioning, and had stabilisers, ensuring a comfortable Atlantic crossing.

RMS Ivernia/Franconia’s interior postcards below are part of the author’s private collection

Amber Lounge and Ball Room

The popular ‘City Cousins’ Bar & Smoking Room

Ivernia and her sisters plied the Atlantic until 1962, when Cunard felt the ships needed to be substantially upgraded. Ivernia and two of her sisters received considerable refits from 1962 to 1965 receiving additional features, including the installation of private facilities for 60% of their cabins. After her refit, Ivernia was renamed Franconia, the Saxonia became the Carmania, whilst the Sylvania retained her original name. Carinthia neither received a refit nor a name change.

Franconia ’s new career began with the Green Cruise Livery

From the Author’s private collection

Ivernia emerged with a green hull. Her aft section clearly revealed the added glass enclosures, protecting the new kidney shaped swimming and wading pool from the wind. On January 1, 1962, she commenced the Rotterdam-Canada service, which proved to be unsuccessful, after which she became a full time cruise ship. Franconia commenced cruising out of New York during the summer and Port Everglades in winter. In 1967, she was painted white, looking the perfect cruise ship.

Franconia the cruise ship, looking spotless in white

Photographer unknown - * See Photo notes at the bottom of the page

Fedor Shalyapin seen later in her career

Photographer unknown - * See Photo notes at the bottom of the page

Sadly, for Cunard, this venture did not prove successful, unlike the larger purpose built cruise ship, Caronia, which also featured the green cruise livery . Both Franconia and Carmania were withdrawn, and laid up late 1971. Cunard realised, the market for their Saxonia class liners had declined, and made the decision to place both ships on the market.

Page Three … Photo Page & the Final Year

Read about the origin of this class of Cunard Liner & the TSS Fair Princess

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Commenced in the passenger Shipping Industry in May 1960

Where the ships of the past make history & the 1914 built MV Doulos Story

Photographs on ssmaritime and associate pages are by the author or from the author’s private collection. In addition there are some images that have been provided by Shipping Companies and private photographers or collectors. Credit is given to all contributors. However, there are some photographs provided to me without details regarding the photographer/owner concerned. I hereby invite if owners of these images would be so kind to make them-selves known to me (my email address may be found on www.ssmaritime.com only), in order that due credit may be given.

This notice covers all pages, although, and I have done my best to ensure that all photographs are duly credited and that this notice is displaced on each page, that is, when a page is updated!

Final Months ↑

Empress Aleksandra and her daughters were arrested in Tsarskoe Selo during the February Revolution. In August 1917 the royal family was exiled to Tobolsk on the orders of the Provisional Government, and in April 1918 the Soviet government ordered them to be transferred to Ekaterinburg. On the night of 17 July 1918, Empress Aleksandra Fedorovna was shot along with her family and several people in their inner circle: Dr. Evgenii Sergeevich Botkin (1865–1918) their footman, Aleksei Egerovich Trupp (1858–1918) a chambermaid, Anna Stepanovna Demidova (1878–1918) and a cook, Ivan Mikhailovich Kharitonov (1872–1918).