Moses Grandy

Moses Grandy


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Ek is gebore in Camden County, Noord -Carolina. Slawe weet selde presies hoe oud hulle is: nie hulle of hul meesters bepaal die tyd van 'n geboorte nie; die slawe, omdat hulle nie mag skryf of lees nie; en die meesters, omdat hulle net omgee om te weet watter slawe hulle toekom.

Die meester, Billy Grandy, wie se slaaf ek gebore is, was 'n hardnekkige man: hy het baie slawe verkoop. Ek onthou vier susters en vier broers; my ma het meer kinders gehad, maar hulle was dood of verkoop voordat ek kan onthou. Ek was die jongste. Ek onthou goed, my ma het ons almal gereeld in die bos weggesteek om te voorkom dat meester ons verkoop. As ons water wou hê, soek sy dit in enige gat of plas wat gevorm word deur bome wat val of andersins: dit was dikwels vol paddavissies en insekte: sy het dit gespan en dit vir ons elkeen in die holte van haar hand gegee. Vir kos het sy bessies in die bos versamel, aartappels, rou mielies, ens.

Na 'n tyd sal die meester vir haar 'n boodskap stuur om te beloof dat hy ons nie sal verkoop nie. Maar uiteindelik kom daar persone wat ingestem het om die pryse te gee wat hy aan ons gestel het. Sy vrou het nog baie gedoen om te verseker dat hy my nie verkoop nie; maar hy het my broer, 'n klein seuntjie, verkoop. My ma, woedend van hartseer, weerstaan ​​dat hulle haar kind wegneem: sy word geslaan en vasgehou: sy word flou; en toe sy by haarself kom, was haar seuntjie weg. Sy het baie geskreeu, waarvoor die meester haar aan 'n perskeboom in die tuin vasgemaak het en haar geslaan het.

Nog een van my broers is verkoop aan Mr. Tyler, Dewan's Neck, Pasquotank County; hierdie man het baie bruin seuns baie sleg behandel. Op 'n baie koue dag het hy my broer naak en honger na 'n juk stuur gestuur: die seuntjie het teruggekeer sonder om dit te vind, toe sy meester hom geslaan het en hom weer uitgestuur het; 'n wit dame wat naby woon, gee hom kos en raai hom aan om weer te probeer: hy het dit gedoen, maar dit lyk weer sonder sukses. Hy stapel 'n hoop blare op en gaan lê daarin en sterf daar. Hy is gevind deur 'n trop kalkoenvlieë wat oor hom sweef; hierdie voëls trek sy oë uit.

Die eerste wat my gehuur het, was meneer Kemp, wat my redelik goed gebruik het; Hy het my genoeg gegee om te eet en genoeg klere.

Die volgende was ou Jemmy Coates, 'n ernstige man. Omdat ek nie kon leer hoe om koring te bak nie, het hy my kaal geslaan met 'n sterk sweep van 'n baie taai boompie; dit slinger om my by elke slag, die punt daarvan kom uiteindelik in my maag en breek af; laat 'n half sentimeter buite. Ek was nie daarvan bewus nie, maar toe ek weer aan die werk was, het dit my sy baie seergemaak, toe ek afkyk toe ek dit uit my liggaam sien steek: ek trek dit uit en die bloed spuit daarna. Die wond het destyds baie ontsmet en baie seergemaak en my jare daarna seergemaak.

As hy gehuur word, kry die slaaf soms 'n goeie huis en soms 'n slegte huis: as hy 'n goeie huis kry, is hy bang om Januarie te sien kom; as hy 'n slegte een het, lyk die jaar vyf keer so lank as wat dit is.

Ek was daarna saam met meneer Enoch Sawyer van Camden County: my besigheid was om veerboot te hou en ander vreemde werk te doen. Dit was 'n wrede lewe; ons het nie genoeg gehad van eetgoed of klere nie; Ek was half honger vir die helfte van my tyd. Ek het die doppe van die Indiese mielies gereeld weer in 'n handmeul gemaal, om die kans te kry om iets daaruit te eet, wat die voormalige maalwerk agtergelaat het. In ernstige ryp was ek genoodsaak om in die veld en in die bos te gaan werk, met my kaal voete gebars en bloei van koue: om dit warm te maak, het ek 'n bees of vark opgewek en op die plek gaan staan ​​waar dit gelê het . Ek was drie jaar op daardie plek, en baie lang jare het dit vir my gelyk. Die truuk waarmee hy my so lank gehou het, was die volgende: - die Court House was net 'n kilometer ver; Op die huurdag het hy my verhinder om te gaan totdat hy self gegaan het en vir my gebie het. By die laaste geleentheid was hy 'n rukkie aangehou deur ander besighede, so ek het so vinnig as moontlik gehardloop en gehuur voordat hy opkom.

George Furley was my volgende meester; hy het my as 'n motorseun in die Dismal-moeras aangestel; Ek moes hout ry. Ek het genoeg gehad om te eet en baie klere. Ek was so bly oor die verandering, dat ek toe gedink het ek sou nie die plek verlaat het om hemel toe te gaan nie.

Volgende jaar is ek aangestel deur mnr. John Micheau van dieselfde graafskap, wat met my jong minnares, een van die dogters van meneer Grandy, en die suster van my huidige eienaar getroud is. Hierdie meester het ons baie min klere gegee, maar min om te eet; Ek was amper kaal. Op 'n dag kom hy in die veld en vra waarom daar nie meer gewerk word nie. Die ouer mense was bang vir hom; Ek het dus gesê dat die rede hiervoor is dat ons so honger is dat ons nie kan werk nie. Hy het huis toe gegaan en vir die meesteres gesê om vir ons genoeg te gee, en tydens die ete het ons genoeg gehad. Ons het uitgekom en geskreeu van blydskap, en met vreugde aan die werk gegaan. Sedertdien het ons genoeg kos gehad, en hy het gou agtergekom dat hy baie meer werk moes doen. Die veld was nogal lewendig met die mense wat probeer het om die meeste te doen.

Dit was 'n tyd daarna dat ek met 'n slaaf van Enoch Sawyer trou, wat vir my so 'n harde meester was. Ek het haar een huis gelos (dit wil sê by sy huis) een Donderdagoggend, toe ons ongeveer agt maande getroud was. Dit was goed met haar, en dit was waarskynlik so: ons het ons klein benodigdhede mooi bymekaargemaak. Op die Vrydag, terwyl ek soos gewoonlik met die bote by die werk was, hoor ek 'n geluid agter my op die pad wat langs die kanaal loop: ek draai om om te kyk en sien 'n bende slawe aankom. Toe hulle na my toe kom, het een van hulle uitgeroep: "Moses, my skat!" Ek het gewonder wie van hulle moet my ken, en het gevind dat dit my vrou is. Sy het vir my uitgeroep: "Ek is weg." Ek is getref met konsternasie. Mnr. Rogerson was saam met hulle op sy perd, gewapen met pistole. Ek het vir hom gesê: "Het jy, om God se onthalwe, my vrou gekoop?" Hy het gesê hy het; toe ek hom vra wat sy gedoen het; hy het gesê dat sy niks gedoen het nie, maar dat haar meester geld wou hê.

Hy trek 'n pistool uit en sê dat as ek naby die wa waarop sy was, hy my sou skiet. Ek het verlof gevra om haar hand te skud, wat hy geweier het, maar ek het gesê ek kan op 'n afstand staan ​​en met haar praat. My hart was so vol dat ek min kon sê. Ek het verlof gevra om vir haar 'n drama te gee: hy het vir meneer Burgess, die man wat by hom was, gesê om af te klim en dit na haar te dra. Ek het haar die geldjie wat ek in my sak gehad het, vir haar gegee en haar gegroet. Ek het nog nooit van daardie dag tot vandag nog van haar gesien of gehoor nie. Ek was lief vir haar soos ek my lewe liefgehad het.

MacPherson was 'n opsiener waar slawe gebruik is om kanale te sny. Die arbeid daar is baie ernstig. Die grond is dikwels baie moerig: die negers is tot in die middel of baie dieper in modder en water, sny wortels weg en modder uit: as hulle hul koppe bo water kan hou, werk hulle aan. Hulle bly in hutte, of soos hulle kampe genoem word, gemaak van gordelroos of planke. Hulle gaan lê in die modder wat aan hulle kleef, en maak 'n groot vuur om hulself te droog en die koue te vermy. Geen beddegoed wat hulle toegelaat word nie; dit is slegs deur die werk wat aan sy taak verrig is, dat elkeen van hulle 'n kombers kan kry. Hulle word niks betaal nie, behalwe vir hierdie oorwerk. Hulle meesters kom een ​​keer per maand om die geld vir hul arbeid te ontvang: dan gee 'n paar baie goeie meesters hulle twee dollar elk, ander 'n dollar, sommige 'n pond tabak en sommige niks. Die voedsel is meer volop as dié van veldslawe; dit is inderdaad die beste toelae in Amerika: dit bestaan ​​uit 'n pittige maaltyd en ses pond varkvleis per week; die varkvleis is gewoonlik nie goed nie, dit is beskadig en word so goedkoop moontlik op veilings gekoop.

MacPherson het dieselfde taak aan elke slaaf gegee; natuurlik het die swakkes dit dikwels nie gedoen nie. Ek het gereeld gesien hoe hy mense in die oggend vasbind en hulle slaan, net omdat hulle nie die taak van die vorige dag kon doen nie: nadat hulle geslaan is, is varkvleis of beesvleis op hul bloeiende rug gesit om die pyn te verhoog; hy sit en rus terwyl hy dit sien doen. Nadat hulle so geslaan en ingeleg is, bly die lyers dikwels die hele dag vas, die voete raak net teen die grond, die bene vasgebind en stukke hout tussen die bene. Al die bewegings wat toegelaat is, was 'n effense draai van die nek. Die geel vlieë en muskiete, wat so blootgestel en hulpeloos was, sou in groot getalle op die bloedende en slinkende rug gaan sit en die lyer uiters martel. Dit het die hele dag aangehou, want hulle is eers in die nag afgehaal.

Met geseling het MacPherson soms die slaaf se hemp oor sy kop vasgemaak, sodat hy nie sou skrik as die slag kom nie: soms verhoog hy sy ellende deur te blaas en te roep dat hy weer gaan slaan, wat hy gedoen het of gedoen het nie, soos gebeur het. Ek het gesien hoe hy slawe met sy eie hande slaan, totdat hulle ingewande sigbaar was; en ek het die lyers dood gesien toe hulle afgeneem is. Hy is nooit daarvoor verantwoordbaar nie.

Dit is nie ongewoon dat vlieë die sere wat deur geslaan word, waai nie. In daardie geval groei ons 'n sterk onkruid in die dele, genaamd die Eik van Jerusalem; ons kook dit snags en was die sere met die drank, wat baie bitter is: hierop kom die rankplante of maaiers uit. Om hulle in 'n mate te verlig na erge geseling, vryf hul mede-slawe oor hul rug met 'n deel van hul klein hoeveelheid vet vleis.

Toe my ma oud word, is sy gestuur om in 'n eensame hut in die bos te woon. Ou en verslete slawe, hetsy mans of vroue, word algemeen so behandel. Daar word nie vir hulle gesorg nie, behalwe miskien dat daar 'n bietjie grond oor die hut skoongemaak word, waarop die ou slaaf, indien moontlik, 'n bietjie mielies kan lig. Wat die eienaar betref, leef of sterf hulle soos dit gebeur; is net dieselfde ding as om 'n ou perd uit te haal. Hulle kinders of ander nabye verhoudings, as hulle in die buurt woon, maak beurte om in die nag te gaan, met 'n voorraad wat uit hul eie skaars voedselvoorraad gespaar word, asook om hout te sny en water vir hulle te gaan haal: dit word gedoen heeltemal deur die goeie gevoelens van die slawe, en nie deurdat die meesters sorg dat dit gedoen word nie. By hierdie nagbesoeke word die bejaarde gevangene van die hut dikwels huilend gevind as gevolg van siektes of uiterste swakheid, of weens gebrek aan kos en water in die loop van die dag: baie keer dat ek nader gekom het na my ma se hut, het ek gehoor hoe sy treur en huil oor hierdie rekeninge: sy was ook oud en blind, en kon haar dus nie help nie. Sy is nie slegter behandel as ander nie: dit is die algemene praktyk. Sommige goeie meesters behandel hulle ou slawe nie so nie: hulle gebruik hulle om ligte werk oor die huis en die tuin te doen.

Voordat ek hierdie vertelling afsluit, moet ek my dank uitspreek teenoor die talle vriende in die Noordelike State, wat my aangemoedig en bygestaan ​​het: ek sal nooit vergeet om te spreken over hun goedhartigheid en om voorspoed te bid. Ek is verheug om te sê dat hulle nie net vir myself nie, maar ook vir baie ander bruin persone 'n welwillende helpende hand gegee het. Verlede jaar het menere wat ek ken, nie minder nie as tien gesinne uit slawerny gekoop, en hierdie jaar streef hulle na dieselfde goeie werk. Maar vir hierdie talle en swaar aansprake oor hul middele en hul vriendelikheid, moes ek nie 'n beroep op die vrygewigheid van die Britse publiek gehad het nie; hulle sou my graag gehelp het om al my kinders en verhoudings te verlos.

Toe ek die eerste keer na die Noordelike State gegaan het, wat ongeveer tien jaar gelede is, het ek die verskil tussen persone van verskillende kleure ernstig gevoel, alhoewel ek vry was wat die wet betref. Geen swart man is toegelaat om op dieselfde sitplekke in kerke saam met die blankes, of in die binnekant van openbare vervoer, of in straatwaens of taxi's nie: ons moes in alle weersomstandighede tevrede wees met stoombote se dekke, nag en dag, - selfs nie ons vrouens of kinders mag onder gaan nie, maar dit kan reën, sneeu of vries; op verskillende maniere is ons behandel asof ons van 'n ras onder die blankes was.

Maar die afskaffers het met vrymoedigheid vir ons opgestaan, en deur hulle verander dinge ten goede. Nou kan ons op enige plek in baie plekke van aanbidding sit, en ons word selfs gevra in die banke van eerbare wit gesinne; baie openbare vervoer maak nou geen onderskeid tussen wit en swart nie. Ons begin voel dat ons werklik op dieselfde voet as ons medeburgers is. Hulle sien ons kan en doen ons behoorlik, en hulle gee ons nou in baie gevalle dieselfde standpunt by hulself.

Tydens die stryd wat hierdie geregtigheid vir ons van ons medeburgers bekom het, het ons die gewoonte gehad om in die openbare plekke na 'n paar bekende afskaffers te soek, en as niemand wat ons weet daar was nie, het ons iemand aangespreek Kwaker; hierdie klasse het altyd ons deelgeneem teen swak gebruik, en ons moet hulle bedank vir baie wedstryde namens ons. Ons was baie bly oor die ywerige pogings en kragtige welsprekendheid in ons saak van George Thompson, wat van ons Engelse vriende gekom het om ons lydende broers te help. Hy is deur slegte mans onder die blankes gehaat en gepeupel; hulle het sy lewe in groot gevaar geplaas en bedreig vernietiging vir almal wat hom beskut het. Ons het vir hom gebid en alles in ons vermoë gedoen om hom te verdedig. Die Here het hom bewaar, en dankbaar was ons toe hy met sy lewe uit ons land ontsnap het.

Destyds, en sedertdien, het ons 'n magdom Amerikaanse vriende gehad wat dag en nag gewerk het; hulle het edel opgestaan ​​vir die regte en eer van die bruinman; maar hulle het dit eers gedoen te midde van minagting en gevaar. God se dank, die saak is baie anders. William Lloyd Garrison, wat deur 'n skare in die strate van Boston om sy lewe gejag is, was die afgelope tyd voorsitter van 'n groot vergadering ten gunste van afskaffing, gehou in Fanueil Hall, die gevierde openbare saal van Boston, genaamd "The Cradle of Liberty".

Ek is ook bly om te sê dat die getalle van my bruin broers nou uit slawerny ontsnap; sommige deur hul vryheid te koop, ander deur op te hou, deur baie gevare en ontberinge, die land van slawerny. Laasgenoemde ly baie ontberings in hul pogings om die vrye state te bereik. Hulle steek hulself bedags weg in die bos en moerasse; snags reis hulle, steek riviere oor deur te swem, of met bote waarmee hulle kan ontmoet, en loop oor heuwels en weide wat hulle nie ken nie; in hierdie gevaarlike reise word hulle gelei deur die noordster, want hulle weet net dat die land van vryheid in die noorde is. Hulle leef op sulke wilde vrugte as wat hulle kan versamel, en omdat hulle dikwels baie lank op pad is, bereik hulle die vrystate amper soos geraamtes. By hul aankoms het hulle geen vriende nie, maar is jammer vir diegene wat in slawerny was, waarvan ek gelukkig is dat dit toeneem; maar as hulle 'n man met 'n breërandhoed en 'n Quaker-jas kan ontmoet, praat hulle met hom sonder om op hom as vriend te vertrou. Op elke plek vra die ontsnapte slaaf 'n afskaffer of 'n kwaker, en hierdie vriende van die bruinman help hulle op hul reis noordwaarts totdat hulle buite bereik is.

Ons onvermoeide vriende, die afskaffers, het eens 'n wet verkry dat geen bruin persoon as 'n slaaf in die vrye state aangegryp mag word nie; hierdie wet sou ons van groot nut gewees het, deur ons van alle angs oor ons vryheid te bevry terwyl ons daar gebly het; maar ek is jammer om te sê dat dit die afgelope tyd herroep is, en dat nou, soos voorheen, 'n bruin persoon wat na bewering 'n slaaf is, in die vrystate beslag gelê en weggevoer kan word, hoe lank hy ook al mag hê Hy het daar gewoon, net soos sy kinders en hul kinders, hoewel hulle almal daar gebore is. Ek hoop dat hierdie wet binnekort weer verander sal word.

Tans word baie ontsnapte slawe deur hul vriende na Kanada gestuur, waar hulle onder Britse bewind redelik veilig is. Daar is 'n liggaam van tienduisend van hulle in Bo -Kanada; hulle is bekend vir hul goeie orde en lojaliteit aan die Britse regering; tydens die laat probleme kon altyd op hulle staatgemaak word vir die verdediging van die Britse besittings, teen die wettelose Amerikaners wat hulle probeer binnedring het.

Wat die nedersetting Liberië aan die kus van Afrika betref, gaan die vry bruin mense van Amerika nie gewillig daarna nie. Amerika is hul tuiste: as hulle voorvaders in Afrika gewoon het, weet hulle self niks van die land nie, behalwe dat vry bruin mense daarheen geneem word: as hulle slawe sou neem, het hulle baie koloniste. Slawe sal oral na vryheid gaan.

Ons sien baie na Groot -Brittanje en Ierland om hulp. Elke keer as ons hoor dat die Britse of Ierse mense goed doen met swart mans, is ons verheug en hardloop om die nuus vir mekaar te vertel. Ons vriendelike vriende, die afskaffers, word baie aangemoedig as hulle hoor van vergaderings en toesprake in Engeland in ons saak. Die eerste Augustus, die dag waarop die slawe in Wes -Indië vrygelaat is, word altyd as 'n dag van vreugde gehou deur die Amerikaanse kleurlose vrye mense.

Ek hoop en glo dat die oorsaak van vryheid vir die swartes elke dag sterker en sterker word. Ek bid vir die komende tyd dat vryheid oor die hele wêreld gevestig sal word. Dan sal mense lief wees soos broers; hulle sal verheug wees om aan mekaar goed te doen; en hulle sal gelukkig die Vader van almal aanbid.


'N Geskiedenis van 'n lewe met sy diepste bedoelings: die analoog/digitale na-lewe van Moses Grandy se verhaal van verslawing

Die eerste keer dat ek die verhaal van slawerny van Moses Grandy gelees het, het ek tien minute lank gehuil. Ek het gehuil oor die geliefdes wat hy verloor het en die lyding wat hy verduur het. Op daardie oomblik het ek geweet dat my wetenskaplike fokus daarop sou fokus om sy nalatenskap van stryd binne die openbare gees uit te brei. So 'n visuele interaksie met 'n teks is vir baie lesers glad nie ongewoon nie, en ek kon nie anders as om gelukkig te wees om toegang tot so 'n seldsame boek te hê nie weens die tegnologiese vooruitgang van digitalisering. Die herinnering aan Moses Grandy se lewe is deel van die rykdom van die American Slave Narrative -genre.

In die onlangse verlede was slaweverhalings moeilik opgespoor vanweë hul afsondering in spesiale biblioteke in verspreide biblioteke, in gebruikte boekwinkels teen hoë pryse of deur moeilik leesbare mikrofilms. Hierin is die digitaliseringsprojek 'n daad van herstel op sigself wat die stemme van Afro -Amerikaanse herinneringe in slawerny beskikbaar stel en versterk, wat histories opsy gesit is as leuens van afskaffingspropaganda. Die verhale van verslaafde mense onthul 'n kulturele erfenis wat die onderneming van digitalisering toeganklik gemaak het vir almal wat met die World Wide Web verbind kan word. Jerome McGann herinner ons daaraan dat humanistiese geleerdes 'die lank erkende monitors van kulturele geheue' is en dat die rykdom van Amerikaanse slaweverhale bloot 'presies die amp van die geleerde' is. [2]

Hierdie opstel beklemtoon die herstelwerk wat gestimuleer word deur toegang tot die spore van verslaafde ervaring in die lees van Grandy se digitale teks. Ek begin my benadering om herstelpogings te belig deur die ontwikkeling van die Noord -Amerikaanse slawevertellings digitale versameling. Vervolgens verskuif ek my fokus na die kritiese ontvangs van Amerikaanse slaweverhale as 'n historiese bron, terwyl ek die kontoere van hul heropkoms volg en sodoende die gepaardgaande ontwikkelende interpretatiewe raamwerke van hul invloed in die twintigste eeu vasvang. [3] Hierdie ondersoek is nodig ten einde om die uitdagings uit te lig om Amerikaanse slaweverhale op die voorgrond te plaas as 'n belangrike vakgebied. Nadat ek die fundamentele wetenskaplike verbintenisse met American Slave Narratives in die algemeen gevestig het, vestig ek my aandag op die Verhaal van die lewe van Moses Grandy, Late a Slave in die Verenigde State van Amerika bespreek hoe skrywers en lesers Grandy se verhaal in druk sowel as in digitale formaat geraadpleeg het. Op grond van die herstelpogings wat uit die lees van Grandy se digitale teks ontstaan ​​het, beklemtoon ek dan die noodsaaklikheid van belangstellende lesers om hulself te betrek by gemeenskapsbetrokkenheidspraktyke buite die grense van die akademie om die verslaafde mense se lewens te versterk en te herstel. Hierdie praktyke spruit voort uit 'kulturele erfenis wat gewortel is in die sosiale, politieke en ekonomiese elemente' van American Slave Narratives. [4] Hierdie verbintenisse 'wek kragtige emosionele assosiasies oor die verlede en die hede sowel as vooruitgang en verval'. Hieruit kan geleerdes sowel as kultuurwerkers 'n "komplekse mosaïek van artefakte, beelde, monumente en gebruike ontwikkel wat ons aandag vereis terwyl hulle betekenis daaraan gee. Uiteindelik voer hierdie opstel aan dat die digitalisering van Noord -Amerikaanse slawe -vertellings het uitgebreide leesverbintenisse met seldsame tekste bevorder op 'n manier wat wetenskaplike ondersoek en kulturele herstel verryk.

Die Vertelling van Moses Grandy is deel van die Noord -Amerikaanse slawevertellings digitale versameling binne die Documenting the American South elektroniese uitgewersprogram aan die University of North Carolina Chapel Hill Library. Noord -Amerikaanse slaweverhale “bevat die individuele en gesamentlike verhaal van Afro -Amerikaners wat in die agtiende, negentiende en vroeë twintigste eeu vir vryheid en menseregte worstel. ” In hierdie versameling is ook outobiografiese verhale van voortvlugtende en voormalige slawe wat tot 1920 gepubliseer is in breë syfers, pamflette of boeke in Engels.

Slaweverhale wat voorheen slegs toeganklik was deur 'n verspreiding van bewaarplekke, is nou bereikbaar via die digitale koninkryk en gevolglik kan lesers wat geïnteresseerd is in slaweverhalings, hierdie tekste analiseer, versamel en visualiseer op 'n skaal wat voorheen ongesien was. Die herstel, deel en getuienis het ontstaan ​​deur noukeurige voorlesings van slaweverhalings wat binne gedigitaliseer is Noord -Amerikaanse slawevertellings bevorder 'n merkwaardige uitbreiding van digitale ruimte vir verdere ontdekking in die Afro -Amerikaanse geskiedenis.

Sulke verbintenisse maak deel uit van 'n lewende kultuur wat deur digitaliseringspogings geskep en onderhou word. By die werk met die verhaal van Moses Grandy het ek groot geleenthede gekry om die omvang en omvang van herstelaktiwiteite te sien wat voortspruit uit hierdie betrokke praktyke om sy digitale verhaal van slawerny te lees.

In noukeurige lees Vertelling oor die lewe van Moses Grandy, het geleerdes en kultuurwerkers belowende alliansies aangegaan in 'n poging om die begrip van sy lewe en die diepste motiverings uit te brei. Hierdie pogings het nuwe perspektiewe op Grandy se erfenis sowel as die slawernyregime self gebied. Van self-gepubliseerde werke tot digitale ruimtelike vertellings en eksperimentele film, die verhaal van Moses Grandy het 'n groot aantal herstelwerk geïnspireer wat die belangrikheid van die behoud van die geskiedenis van kulturele geheue beklemtoon deur die digitalisering van seldsame en vergete tekste.

Die digitaliseringsprojek wat opgelewer is Noord -Amerikaanse slawevertellings versameling begin in 1991 toe verskeie bibliotekarisse die visioenverklaring vir Dokumentasie van die Amerikaanse Souste. Gedryf deur 'n besorgdheid oor die komplekse en omstrede konstruksie van identiteit in die suidelike streek, was die bibliotekarisse van mening dat 'n digitale versameling met 'n wye reeks navorsingsmateriaal 'die diversiteit van die Amerikaanse suide' sou beskryf. [5] Namate die projekspan materiaal verkry het Vir die versameling besef hulle vinnig die sentrale rol van Afro -Amerikaners in die vorming van die konstruksie van die suidelike historiese identiteit en begin werk aan die opstel van Amerikaanse slaweverhalings om dit binne Dokumentasie van die Amerikaanse Suide. Verskeie vrae het in hierdie vroeë stadiums van verkryging ontstaan: moet elke slaweverhaal versamel word of net die in die plaaslike besit? As 'n slaweverhaal in 'n bewaarplek buite die UNC -stelsel geleë is, hoe kan aflewering en skandering plaasvind sonder om 'n reeds brose, seldsame boek te beskadig? Laastens, hoe kan so 'n grootskaalse digitaliseringsprojek effektief bekend gemaak word? [6]

Aanvanklik het die span probeer om die slaweverhalings te digitaliseer op grond van tekste wat plaaslik gehou is en relatief hoë sirkulasiesyfers in UNC -ondernemings het. So 'n besluit was gewortel in 'n utilitaristiese manier van beplanning. Die span het die nadele in so 'n benadering begin sien, aangesien sommige van hul uitgawes van hul titels 'n probleem van egtheid veroorsaak vir die finale gedigitaliseerde weergawe. Die span het ook begin om die belangrikheid van die verkryging van slaweverhalings te verstaan ​​wat minder bekend was. Hierdie struikelblokke het die span gedwing om hul benadering tot die insameling van slaweverhalings weer te besoek DAS. 'N Meer sistematiese, globale benadering was nodig om die omvang van Noord -Amerikaanse slawevertellings te identifiseer. Terwyl die UNC -biblioteekspan aandui dat hulle nie 'n "standaard bibliografie" van Amerikaanse slaweverhalings gevind het om hul soektog te begelei nie, bied die werk van die literatuurhistorikus Marion Wilson Starling en die van Charles Nichols 'n uitgebreide lys van Amerikaanse slaweverhalings. [7] Ten spyte van hierdie toesig, het die koms van die bekende historikus van die Afro -Amerikaanse letterkunde William Andrews in 1992 gehelp om die span te begelei in hul soeke na 'n volledige lys Amerikaanse slawevertellings. Andrews, wat by die fakulteit van die UNC aangesluit het as die E. Maynard Adams -professor in Engels, het slaweverhale al meer as twintig jaar lank opgespoor en gewysig. Andrews teken vinnig aan met die DAS span om 'n bibliografie van slaweverhalings saam te stel en as redakteur vir die digitale versameling van Noord -Amerikaanse slawevertellings.[8]

Andrews het geskryf dat "die gewildste en blywende Afro -Amerikaanse literêre bydraes tot die beweging vir vryheid die outobiografiese vertellings van Amerikaanse slawe was." terwyl hulle 'n literêre genre tot stand bring wat antislawery -sentiment tydens hul publikasie aangesteek het. In 'n nasie wat "polities en geografies verdeel is deur die instelling van slawerny, het narratiewe van slawerny 'n unieke retoriese status as deelnemers aan die getuie gehad" [10] Ten spyte van hierdie spesiale gesag, het vroeë slawehistorici en die burgeroorlog slaweverhalings as dokumentêre bronne geïgnoreer. In Slawe Gemeenskap, vertel historikus John Blassingame dat die meerderheid historici geweier het om die slaweverhalings as ware getuienis te aanvaar omdat slawe mense gehelp is deur afskaffingsredakteurs of amanuense. Tog het die historici wat geweier het om die waarheid van die Amerikaanse slaweverhale te erken, nog nooit die moeite gedoen om dit te lees nie. [11]

Ulrich B. Phillips wat in 1929 gepraat het, het die heersende historiografiese konsensus oor slaweverhalings uitgespreek deur aan te dui dat "eks-slawe-verhale in die algemeen ... soveel abolitionistiese redigering uitgereik het dat hulle egtheid as 'n klas twyfelagtig is." [12] In Slawerny 'n probleem in die Amerikaanse institusionele en intellektuele lewe Stanley Elkins het oor die invloed van Phillip in die vroeë twintigste eeu geskryf as die 'onbetwiste' spesiale gesag oor slawernystudies- 'n 'gesag' wie se werk die 'geniale siening van die instelling' beklemtoon het. [13] Phillips, die seun van 'n handelaar in Georgië, was "Opgewek in 'n atmosfeer van eerbied vir die waardes en standaarde van die ou planterklas." [14] Vir hierdie doel weerspieël sy interpretasie van Amerikaanse slawerny die beginsels van die Lost Cause-tradisie-een waar Amerikaanse slawe as "happy darkies" beskryf word wat baat gevind het by die instelling van slawerny. So 'n interpretasie verminder swart mense tot 'n rassestereotipe sonder agentskap en outonomie. Implisiet in Phillips se bewering dat American Slave Narratives gesag ontbreek, was dat slawe nie in staat was om hul ervarings opreg te skryf nie, selfs al word dit aan 'n amanuensis voorgeskryf. Die bewering van Phillips kan gesien word as simptomaties van die heersende rasse -oortuigings van sy tyd - een wat in sy kern wit supremasisties was.

In hierdie lig kan ons dan dink aan die digitalisering van Amerikaanse slaweverhalings as 'n daad van herstel op 'n baie dieper vlak, waar die uitbreiding en bevordering van toegang tot eens belaglike getuienisse beskikbaar gestel word en sodoende die foute van vroeë herstel historici wat slawe -getuienis verwerp het.

Die vroeë pogings om Amerikaanse slaweverhale te versamel, het in die 1920's begin saam met die opkoms van die Harlem Renaissance deur die onvermoeide soektogte van historikus Arturo Schomburg en vroeë burgerregte -leier Arthur Spingarn. [15] Die uitgebreide versameling kulturele materiaal van Schomburg het gelei tot die oprigting van die Schomburg -sentrum vir swart kultuur in New York, terwyl Spingarn's deur die Howard -universiteit gekoop is om die Moorland Spingarn -navorsingsentrum te word. Die gesamentlike prestasies van Schomburg en Spingarn in die versameling van African Americana kan nie onderskat word nie, aangesien bibliografieë van vroeë Afro-Amerikaanse letterkunde "klein, skaars was en die boeke, wat eens geïdentifiseer en gevind is, oor die algemeen nie-sirkulerend was." [16] Spingarn en Schomburg se energie in die versameling van Afro -Amerikaanse slaweverhale en ander belangrike werke van Afro -Amerikaanse bewussyn toon die vasberadenheid wat hierdie leiers gehad het om die kulturele geheue te bewaar. Schomburg het met 'n skare in New York gesê dat '[Afro -Amerikaners] 'n versameling of 'n lys boeke benodig wat deur ons mans en vroue geskryf is. As hulle 'n gebrek aan styl het, laat die kinders die weglating van hul vader regstel. Laat hulle voortbou op die kru werk. ”[17] Dit is hier duidelik dat Schomburg en ander soos hy vasbeslote was om 'n groot argief van Afro -Amerikaanse bydraes tot die literêre kultuur te skep.

Marion Wilson Starling sou die uitdaging van Schomburg aanneem deur haar proefskrif te skryf The Slave Narrative: Its Place in American Literary History in 1946. Die navorsing van Starling het uitgeloop op 'n bibliografiese gids vir die ligging van 6006 narratiewe rekords wat van 1703-1944 verleng is. Starling het hierdie vertellings ontdek onder geregtelike rekords, breedtes, privaat drukwerk, kerkrekords en meer. [18] Starlings -werk het die grondslag gelê vir 'n uitgebreide bibliografiese lys van Amerikaanse slawevertellings. By die lees van die baanbrekerswerk van Starling ’, is u bekend met 'n groot hoeveelheid rou historiese materiaal wat vir generasies geleerdes opgegrawe is om as 'n gids te bestudeer. Die proefskrif van Starling is eers in 1981 gepubliseer, maar haar werk verteenwoordig egter 'n waardevolle bydrae tot die historiese en literêre wetenskap van die American Slave Narrative.

Charles Nichols volg in 1963 met die publikasie van Duisende is weg gebaseer op die getuienis van sewe en sewentig gepubliseerde slaweverhalings. Sponsored by the American-Institute of the Free University of Berlin and published by a Netherlands printing house, and written during his time spent in Germany, Nichols work represented a global interest in attempting to understand how American slavery shaped African American intellectual life.[19] In using slave testimony Nichols was the first published author incorporating enslaved people’s experiences as documentary evidence in accessing historiographical issues of slavery. The book revealed for readers the connections between the history of American slavery, the lived experience of enslaved people as observed through their experienced outlined in the slave narratives, and the continued struggle for political and social equality from Jim Crow through the era of the book’s publication. Historian Kenneth Stamp in reviewing the work, wrote:

“Nichols is aware of the limitations of slave narratives as historical sources, especially of those that were written for illiterate fugitives by white abolitionists. Yet he does not always use the narratives as critically as he should.”

Here Stamp’s response to Nichols’ use of American Slave Narratives as a source of evidence reveals the lingering skepticism American historians had of their utility in interpreting slavery. This review was published in The American Historical Review in 1964 with Stamp ultimately concluding that Many Thousand Gone was “an unsatisfactory volume.” In spite of Stamp’s unfavorable assessment Nichols’ work pioneered the use of American Slave Narratives as documentary evidence in studies of slavery in the United States.

It was from this collective journey of archival excavations that John Blassingame was able to produce The Slave Community which helped change the course of American slavery historiography by highlighting the experiences of enslaved people to speak for the historical record on a critical level. Blassingame wrote:

“By concentrating solely on the planter, historians have in effect been listening to only one side of a complicated debate. The distorted view of the plantation which emerges from the planter records is that of an all-powerful, monolithic institution which strips the slave of any meaningful and distinctive culture…”[20]

Blassingame revolutionizes the historical canon by utilizing enslaved people’s testimony to understand the history of slavery. The book is as a path breaking study that provides a basis of understanding enslaved people’s response to plantation life. Blassingame consults a broad range of sources from American Slave Narratives to plantation journals to articles related to psychological theory. This pivotal study exemplified a triumph on Blassingame’s part as he undoubtedly “had to fight the pressure of a white historical establishment that interpreted slavery in a less than critical way” and was resistant to incorporating the testimony of black voices.[21]

Blassingame’s analysis of the slave family is particularly revealing and he uses the Narrative of Moses Grandy shed light on the hardships enslaved men faced when they attempted to maintain monogamous unions. Drawing on the testimony of several American Slave Narratives Blassingame helps the reader to understand why enslaved men preferred unions to slave women on other plantations. Because of the power dynamics of ownership inherent in the institution of slavery that allowed slaveholders to violate slave women on a routine basis, enslaved men shielded themselves from seeing these injustices by living “abroad” at another plantation. Though Blassingame indicates that some sources show a that certain slaveholders “encouraged stable monogamous families in order to make escape more unlikely” this practice was not the case for Moses Grandy

In Narrative of the Life of Moses Grandy, Late a Slave in the United States of America we observe how slaveholders often “paired” enslaved people together while instructing them to live partnered until the vagaries of the market or death of a slaveholder and eventual division of property meant severing this precarious bond. Moses Grandy spoke of how his wife cried out “I am gone!” as the slave traders marched her off to be sold away. “My God have you bought my wife?” Moses cried out- he was not even allowed to hug her upon departure. [22]

Consulting enslaved people’s testimony and embarking on reading practices that consider silences as well as acknowledge the epistemological violence on which slave regimes verified forms of information serves to illuminate multilayered perspectives previously hidden from the historical record. [23]

What scholars have found in exploring narratives of enslavement are the ways enslaved people fashioned themselves as they “wrote themselves into being”[24] The rhetorical gestures employed in enslaved people’s narratives highlight an affirmation of personhood while providing information to readers on modes of resistance as well as daily life on the plantation. Whether written by him or herself, or dictated to an amanuensis enslaved people’s “figuration of freedom” prevailed on the page.[25]

Historian Heather Andrea Williams has written on Narrative of Life of Moses Grandy Late a Slave in the United States of America informing us that the heart of Grandy’s narrative is the silences that persist in his humble self-portrayal. This humble self-fashioning was the result of a life filled with trials. Grandy’s narrative highlights a lived experience that is rife with innumerable trauma including witnessing torture, being cheated out of his purchased freedom twice, repeated physical abuse, disease, loss of family members, and more. Grandy at one point considered committing suicide, but decided against it.[26]

Williams also points out Grandy’s construction of personhood through attributes which signified his piety, his industriousness, and deep intentions to keep his family intact against all odds. These traits sought to confront proslavery characterizations of enslaved men as idle, treacherous and subhuman.

Comprised of episodic vignettes, Grandy’s narrative indicates no deliberate mode of special design.[27] The narrative begins with a heartwrenching memory- the details of how his older brother lost his life in the woods. It was this description of the swamp landscape that drew me to Moses Grandy’s narrative. The setting of the narrative takes place in the Great Dismal Swamp region of northeastern North Carolina and Grandy’s dynamic reminiscences provided a way for me to conceptualize space and place as I read the words of his narrative on the computer screen. I decided that a digital narrative that emphasized the spatial dimensions of landscapes of trauma within the Great Dismal Swamp would help readers of Moses Grandy’s narrative conceptualize the role of

[1] Venture Smith et al., Five Black Lives (Middletown, CT: Wesleyan Univ. Pr., 1971).

[2] Jerome Mcgann, “A New Republic of Letters,” 2014, , doi:10.4159/9780674369245.

[3] P. Gabrielle Foreman and Cherene Sherrard-Johnson. “Racial Recovery, Racial Death: An Introduction in Four Parts.” Nalatenskap 24, no. 2 (2007): 157-170. https://muse.jhu.edu/ (accessed June 15, 2018).

[5] Patricia Buck Dominguez, and Joe A. Hewitt. “A Public Good: Documenting the American South and Slave Narratives.” RBM: A Journal of Rare Books, Manuscripts, and Cultural Heritage 8, no. 2 (2007): 106-124

[7] The team indicated that there was not a standard bibliography of slave narratives at the time. Ibid 109-11.

[9] William L. Andrews, North Carolina Slave Narratives: The Lives of Moses Roper, Lunsford Lane, Moses Grandy, and Thomas H. Jones (Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 2005),1.

[10] Charles J. Heglar, Rethinking the Slave Narrative: Domestic Concerns in Henry Bibb and William and Ellen Craft (1996), 9.

[11] John W. Blassingame, The Slave Community: Plantation Life in the Antebellum South (New York: Oxford, 1981), 234.

[12] Charles J. Heglar, Rethinking the Slave Narrative: Domestic Concerns in Henry Bibb and William and Ellen Craft (1996), 13.

[13] Stanley M. Elkins, Slavery: A Problem in American Institutionaland Intellectual Life. 2d Ed (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1968), 9-15.

[15] Venture Smith et al., Five Black Lives (Middletown, CT: Wesleyan Univ. Pr., 1971), ix.

[16] Frances Smith Foster, Witnessing Slavery: The Development of Ante-bellum Slave Narratives (Westport: Greenwood Press, 1979)

[17] Vanessa K. Valdes, Diasporic Blackness: The Life and times of Arturo Alfonso Schomburg (S.l.: STATE UNIV OF NEW YORK PR, 2018), 79.

[18] John Ernest, The Oxford Handbook of the African American Slave Narrative (New York: Oxford University Press, 2014), 4.

[19] Prince E. Wilson “Slavery through the Eyes of Ex-Slaves.” Phylon (1960-), vol. 24, no. 4, 1963, pp. 401–402. http://www.jstor.org/stable/273385.

[20] John W. Blassingame, The Slave Community: Plantation Life in the Antebellum South (New York: Oxford, 1981), i.

[21] Jessica Marie Johnson, “Black New Orleans: A Panel discussion on Blassingame’s Classic,” Youtube video, 1:50:28, April 2017, https://youtu.be/QWCvnYXneGU

[22] MOSES GRANDY, NARRATIVE OF THE LIFE OF MOSES GRANDY: formerly a slave in the united states of america (classic… reprint) (S.l.: FORGOTTEN BOOKS, 2015)

[23] Aisha K. Finch, Rethinking slave rebellion in Cuba: La Escalera and the insurgencies of 1841-1844 (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 2015), 10-12.

[24] William Loren Katz, Flight from the Devil: Six Slave Narratives (Trenton, NJ: Africa World Press, 1996), xvii.

[25] Saidiya V. Hartman, Scenes of Subjection: Terror, Slavery, and Self-making in Nineteenth-century America (New York: Oxford University Press, 2010), 11.

[26] After purchasing his freedom Moses Grandy traveled back to Virginia to arrange to purchase his enslaved son. The slaveholder refused to take Grandy’s payment demanding a larger sum. Because Grandy and other enslaved people freed in southern states were considered “spoiled” from freedom and that there were laws against freed slaves reentering Virginia he could only remain in the Commonwealth for less than ten days. As the deadline approached for him to leave Virginia Grandy sees a party of white men and fears they will commandeer him back into slavery: “I thought they were officers coming to take me and such was my horror of slavery, that I twice ran to the ship’s waist, to jump overboard into the strong ebb-tide then running, to drown myself, but a strong impression on my mind restrained me each time.” 45

[27] Heather Andrea Williams in North Carolina Slave Narratives: The Lives of Moses Roper, Lunsford Lane, Moses Grandy, and Thomas H. Jones (Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 2005), 138.


Osnaburg Fabric: Garment for the Enslaved

It was the osnaburg nightshirt that failed to keep Moses Grandy’s enslaved brother warm when he died of exposure while trying to find a yoke of steers that had wandered into woods of the Great Dismal Swamp during the winter of 1795. That coarse, yet thin fabric had not been enough to keep the enslaved child warm- the elements of winter’s cold air and his steadily weakening body from the previous floggings committed on him by slaver Mr. Kemp assured that death would soon remove the lad from slavery’s grip.[1]

Osnaburg fabric was part of the imposed uniform for the enslaved. It was cheap, relatively durable, and unremarkable enough to fit the status of unfreedom deployed onto enslaved people. As each day dragged on usually working fourteen hours per day in warmer months, enslaved people donned the drab fabric, however on Sunday- an enslaved person’s one day of rest, they would transform the fabric into a Sabbath Day ensemble that they could be proud of. Enslaved people combined their talents at improvisation with precious little into an aesthetic of what middling classes and planter elites would find objectionable.

The forced migration of enslaved captives placed them in alien locales across the Americas where they had to conform to European garb from the very beginning. The articles of enslaved dress are often outlined in the descriptions of runaway slave ads in order to increase the livelihood that the enslaved person could be identified by their clothing- “a strong Oznabrig shirt” or “linsey-woolsey” dress were often worn as enslaved people attempted their flight to freedom.[2]

Osnaburg is part of a family of poor quality textiles- made from coarse inexpensive linen with the main object being durability a sturdiness appropriate for the unending toil comprised from the forced agricultural, pastoral, and manual labor performed by enslaved people. While working enslaved women wore osnaburg dresses “reefed up” with a cord drawn tightly around the body, along the hips in order that their work would get done unencumbered from long dress hems. Booker T. Washington, a former enslaved person himself, recalled his experience wearing the fabric, describing osnaburg as feeling like “a hundred pin points in contact with the flesh” His older brother eased Booker’s discomfort by “breaking in” the shirt for some days before transferring the garment to him.[3]

Because enslaved people were responsible for making their own clothing, they knew which root, tree bark, leaf and berry that made red, blue, green and other colors. It was this knowledge that allowed enslaved women to use the dyed cloth to enhance the drab appearance of osnaburg in order to have something nice to wear on Sundays to church.[4]

Travelers and commentators of the nineteenth century complained about the propensity of enslaved people to dress “above themselves” to engage in elaborate finery clearly inappropriate to their lowly station in life. Nevertheless osnaburg fabric exists still today as a cultural remnant and reminder of the fabric relegated to the class of people also known as chattel.

Grandy, Moses, “Narrative of the Life of Moses Grandy, “Late a Slave in the United States of America” .London: Gilpin, 1843

White, Shane and Graham, “Slave Clothing and African-American Culture in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries”, Past and Present No. 148. Oxford, 1995

[1] Moses Grandy, Narrative in the Life of Moses Grandy: Late a Slave in the United States of America (London: C. Gilpin, 1843), 9

[2] Shane and Graham White, “Slave Clothing and African-American Culture in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries”, Past and Present No. 148 (August 1995), 154.

[4] It should be mentioned that church attendance was mandatory on many plantations during the antebellum era for enslaved people. Pastors were often Euroamerican and sermons were carefully constructed to dissuade enslaved people from insurgent activity-church was a method of control for enslaved people. In many locales enslaved people had a separate clandestine church meeting for themselves in the outlying woods of the plantation. In these gatherings enslaved people practiced their faith in a manner of their choosing.


Latest History

The details of Grandy’s life and times are documented in an autobiography, “Narrative of the Life of Moses Grandy Late a Slave in the United States of America,” published in London in 1843.

“He was an extraordinary person,” said Tommy L. Bogger, history professor and director of the Harrison B. Wilson Archives at Norfolk State University. His autobiography contradicted the racist view that blacks were simply “brutes,” Bogger said. Grandy and others like him defied such stereotypes by undeniably showing they were “conscious thinking beings who could establish a way for themselves,” Bogger said.

Grandy’s legacy today includes numerous descendants, many of whom still live in southeastern Virginia. And it includes a relatively new, 2½-mile, four-lane road in Chesapeake’s Deep Creek section that the city named in his honor in 2006.

Moses Grandy Trail runs from Dominion Boulevard west to within feet of the canal where he labored almost two centuries ago.


Narrative of the Life of Moses Grandy, Late a Slave in the United States of America

This title is not eligible for UNC Press promotional pricing.

A DocSouth Book, Distributed for the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill Library

A DOCSOUTH BOOK. This collaboration between UNC Press and the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill Library brings classic works from the digital library of Documenting the American South back into print. DocSouth Books uses the latest digital technologies to make these works available in paperback and e-book formats. Each book contains a short summary and is otherwise unaltered from the original publication. DocSouth Books provide affordable and easily accessible editions to a new generation of scholars, students, and general readers.

About the Author

Born into slavery in North Carolina around 1786, Grandy had to purchase his freedom three times due to dishonest masters.
For more information about Moses Grandy, visit the Author Page.


Sunspots | Learn how to trace your roots from former slave Moses Grandy’s descendant

Who was Moses Grandy? Who were the maroons? Can you trace your roots?

These questions and more will be answered at two Suffolk Public Library-sponsored events celebrating Black History Month.

On Feb. 16, from 6:30 to 8 p.m. Eric Sheppard, a former program manager with the Department of Defense and currently president of Diversity Restoration Solutions Inc., will present the program, "Dismal Roots: A Genealogical Success Story" at the Morgan Memorial Library, 443 W. Washington St.

The program will be part history and part genealogical showcase.

The evening will begin with an overview of the Morgan Library's genealogical tools and resources, then Sheppard will present his findings and experiences.

After years of research, Sheppard found he was a descendant of Moses Grandy, former slave, waterman, abolitionist and author who, along with thousands of other in-bondage workers, built the Dismal Swamp Canal.

After two attempts of being cheated by former masters, Grandy was finally able to buy his freedom and that of his wife and child. He went on to become a celebrated abolitionist and author, famous for his internationally acclaimed work, "Narrative of the Life of Moses Grandy, Late a Slave in the United States of America."

Sheppard will discuss his experiences researching his own family history and will also touch on the maroon colony that lived in the marshlands of the Great Dismal Swamp.

And who were these "maroons?" They were freed and/or escaped slaves who lived in the swamp to avoid detection by slave hunters and masters. Thousands lived in hardship between 1700 and the 1860s.

Find out about these intrepid individuals at North Suffolk Library's "Dismal History: Screening and Talk" from 10 a.m. to noon, Saturday, Feb. 18.

The morning will feature a screening of the documentary, "Dismal History," along with comments and insights from co-producer Imtiaz Habib, Ph.D., with Old Dominion University.

Afterward, naturalist Penny Lazauskas will discuss the swamp's history and unique environs and eco-systems and the hardships endured by the maroons.

Both events are free and open to the public. For more details, call 514-7323 or visit www.suffolkpubliclibrary.com.

Don't throw out Uncle Cosmo's old oil painting or that ornate antique clock left to you by Aunt Agatha. They, and other items stored in your garage, attic or basement may be worth something.

Find out how to recognize their worth by attending "What's It Worth? Researching Your Collection" at 7 p.m., Thursday, Feb. 16, at Lake Prince Woods, 100 Anna Goode Way.

This free event is open to all and sponsored by the Suffolk Art League.

Emilia Penney – Speaker On the Arts for the Virginia Museum of Fine Arts, professional appraiser and estate specialist – will focus on the measures, criteria and resources used to evaluate items and collections. She will present ways to identify genuine heirlooms and how to use online research tools to investigate possible family treasures.

Penney will also relate her own experiences and anecdotes visiting homes, assessing collections and objects.

So, don't wait for a chance to guest on "Antiques Roadshow." Have a session with an expert right here in Suffolk.


African-American History and the Dismal Swamp

Thomas Moran, Slave Hunt, Dismal Swamp, Virginia, 1862, oil on canvas.

The Dismal Swamp was a known route and destination for freedom seekers. This route was the most rugged and treacherous route where insects, snakes, and wild animals were abundant. It was to this inhospitable place many runaways came.

While some runaways were able to blend in with free blacks, many chose to seek refuge among a colony of runaways (called maroons) in the Great Dismal Swamp. The nature of the swamp made it possible for large colonies to establish permanent refuge. It was difficult to capture a freedom seeker once they reached the swamp, although occasional trips were made to recapture runaways with specially trained dogs. Colonies were established on high ground in the swamp, where crude huts were constructed. Abundant animal life provided food and clothing. Some earned money by working for free black shingle makers, who hired maroons to cut logs.

The Dismal Swamp Canal, hand dug by hired enslaved labor, opened to navigation in 1805 after twelve years of backbreaking work under highly unfavorable conditions. This 22 mile long canal allowed trade between the Chesapeake Bay in Virginia and the Albemarle Sound in North Carolina. African Americans made up thirty percent of the waterman in Camden County in the 1790s and were common sights on local waterways.

Learn more about the National Park Service Underground Railroad Network to Freedom through the following brochures and visiting:

Moses Grandy

Moses Grandy was born into slavery in Camden County in 1786 and as a youth became interested in maritime occupations. As a result of his skills as a river ferryman, canal boatman, schooner deck man, and lighter captain, he became known as Captain Grandy. William Grandy, a prominent slave owner in Camden County was Moses’s first slave master. Moses was hired out to Enoch Sawyer and George Furley to tend ferry along the Pasquotank River and haul lumber in the Dismal Swamp.

A successful waterman, Moses attempted to purchase his freedom three times, but twice was cheated out of his earnings and release. Finally in 1827, Captain Edward Minner, purchased Moses and allowed him to live as a free man. Grandy repaid Captain Minner and eventually settled in Boston, where he did a variety of jobs, but was soon at sea again.

Title Page Image- North Carolina Collection, Wilson Special Collections Library, UNC-Chapel Hill.

In 1842 Moses sailed to London and met with abolitionist George Thompson, who penned Grandy’s life story. Proceeds from, Narrative of the Life of Moses Grandy Late a Slave in the United States were used to help liberate Grandy’s enslaved relatives. Grandy’s story and other slave narratives were used by anti-slavery movements in the United States and Britain to demonstrate the cruelty of slavery. Grandy recounted his story throughout his travels and addressed the World’s Anti-Slavery Convention in London on June 17, 1843.


Narrative of the Life of Moses Grandy, Late a Slave in the United States of America

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Inhoud

In the late 1700s, [nb 1] Moses Grandy was born in Camden County, North Carolina, into slavery. [4] He was owned by Billy Grandy and raised with his children. [2] When he was about eight years old, Moes was inherited by James Grandy his playmate of the same age, who was his deceased master's son. [3]

His family was separated when his siblings and father were sold. His mother hid some of her children at times to prevent them from being sold. Among the people that Grandy witnessed being beaten where his mother, a pregnant women, and a 12-year-old boy, who was beaten until he died. He was subject to beatings, and not having enough to eat, he was also half-starved. [5]


1619 commemoration effort focuses on where slavery occurred, creating connections to Africa

Eric Sheppard will lead a group Saturday to the Great Dismal Swamp, where one of his enslaved ancestors piloted boats on the canal.

He’ll then take the group to James City County and an area near where the first Africans were sold into bondage.

His goal is to show people where slavery was carried out, highlighting the painful history that unfolded from the arrival of the first Africans in English North America 400 years ago and honoring, remembering and recognizing all those subjected to the practice.

The commemoration of 1619 has spurred discussions, education and commemorations big and small on the Peninsula this year, with many centered at Fort Monroe, an arrival site of the Africans brought to continent.

The 400th anniversary of the first Africans arriving in English North America is on the horizon and members of a Hampton group planning local commemorative events say they’re ready.

While there are differing perspectives on where Africans first disembarked in English North America, for members.

Sheppard’s trips to the swamp in Suffolk and then to James City are a smaller-scale effort, but one he believes will make an impact.

He is seeking to turn an eye to the past on sites that are not as widely known to have a legacy in slavery while also looking at the future and deepening local connections between enslaved people who were bound to the area and their descendants here today.

Local lore has long told of escaped slaves finding refuge in the swamp and settling there permanently, forming so-called “maroon colonies,” according to Daily Press archives — in recent decades, researchers have found more and more evidence confirming the legends.

The swamp also played a role in escaped slaves fleeing to safety, leading the Great Dismal Swamp National Wildlife Refuge to be designated an “important landmark” on the National Underground Railroad Network to Freedom, according to the refuge’s website.

Sheppard has a personal connection to the swamp as well. He traces his lineage to the family of Moses Grandy, a slave who helped build the Great Dismal Swamp Canal. A trail in Chesapeake bears his name.

As the settlement containing the wealthy landowners who would engage in slavery, Jamestown’s connection to the first Africans goes back nearly as far as Fort Monroe’s. Sheppard plans to bring the group to Smith Farm along the shore of the James River in the county.

This is the first time he’s organized the visits, and he hopes to make them an annual event. Eventually, he wants to expand the scope to include trips to African countries, bringing the descendants of slaves to the places from which their ancestors were taken.

For years, Sheppard and his company, Diversity Restoration Solutions, have created connections between the region and Africa — in culture and in business.

Visitors from Ghana took a civic tour of Newport News, meeting with various government officials and local businesses to learn about the city and opportunities in the agriculture, tourism and education sectors, according to the city’s newsletter.

The delegation, which visited in April, consisted.

Earlier this year, he welcomed a contingent from the Greater Accra region of Ghana to learn about civic processes and education in Newport News, including visits with city and school officials. He said the visitors were interested in career and technical education and how the city approaches economic development

Saturday, following the visits to the Great Dismal Swamp and the Smith Farm in James City, Ngosa Simbyakula, the Zambian ambassador to the United States, will speak at an expo organized by Sheppard.

The Africa Homecoming Community Expo at the Hampton Roads Convention Center will feature several vendors, storytelling, a fashion show and various family activities, according to the event website. Sheppard hopes to foster relationships through the expo that may lead to import and export opportunities between Virginia and African countries.

From his visits, Sheppard said he sees plenty of interest from small businesses in Ghana and Zambia in engaging in trade with Americans and the desire to make that happen.

He doesn’t feel the obstacle is not always resources — these are rapidly developing regions, after all — it’s often a lack of economic development relationships to make trade happen.

The expo will be 1-6 p.m. at the convention center, 1610 Coliseum Drive. Admission is $5 for attendees 13 and older. Children 12 and younger can attend for free.

Sediment core samples from Lake Matoaka on the campus of William & Mary are being studied for the types and concentrations of pollution that have affected the area for over 300 years. The lake was formed when a swampy creek area was dammed off for a grist-mill in 1700.

Sediment core samples from Lake Matoaka on the campus of William & Mary are being studied for the types and concentrations of pollution that have affected the area for over 300 years. The lake was formed when a swampy creek area was dammed off for a grist-mill in 1700.

Sediment core samples from Lake Matoaka on the campus of William & Mary are being studied for the types and concentrations of pollution that have affected the area for over 300 years. The lake was formed when a swampy creek area was dammed off for a grist-mill in 1700.

Sediment core samples from Lake Matoaka on the campus of William & Mary are being studied for the types and concentrations of pollution that have affected the area for over 300 years. The lake was formed when a swampy creek area was dammed off for a grist-mill in 1700.

The Victorious Community Day event was held in the Peninsula Town Center Saturday August 17, 2019 as a way to reach out to victims of violent crime over the past year.

The Victorious Community Day event was held in the Peninsula Town Center Saturday August 17, 2019 as a way to reach out to victims of violent crime over the past year.

Chugging water is the wrong way to hydrate. Dehydration can affect mood, concentration and overall health. But new research suggests that chugging huge amounts of water may not be the best way to hydrate. It's better to drink water while eating so that the water doesn't just pass through immediately.

Chugging water is the wrong way to hydrate. Dehydration can affect mood, concentration and overall health. But new research suggests that chugging huge amounts of water may not be the best way to hydrate. It's better to drink water while eating so that the water doesn't just pass through immediately.

CBS and Viacom agree to merge after years of discussion. After years of back-and-forth discussions, media giants CBS and Viacom will merge. The new company, ViacomCBS, will be headed by Viacom CEO Bob Bakish. Current CBS CEO Joe Ianiello will act as chairman for CBS as well as maintaining control of its assets.

CBS and Viacom agree to merge after years of discussion. After years of back-and-forth discussions, media giants CBS and Viacom will merge. The new company, ViacomCBS, will be headed by Viacom CEO Bob Bakish. Current CBS CEO Joe Ianiello will act as chairman for CBS as well as maintaining control of its assets.


Kyk die video: Freedom and Unfreedom in the Great Dismal Swamp