Vroue se stemreg

Vroue se stemreg


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Die stemreg van vroue kan gedefinieer word as die stemreg van vroue in politieke omstandighede.Agtergrond van 'n drama'In die nuwe wetgewing wat ek veronderstel dat dit vir u nodig sal wees, wil ek hê dat u die dames sal onthou en meer vrygewig en gunstiger sal wees as u voorouers.' Abigail Adams in 'n brief aan haar man, 31 Maart 1776. Vroue wat van ouds af as 'n losband in patriargale samelewings behandel is, het vroue nietemin gehelp om die kulture te laat floreer. Hulle het dikwels nie -amptelike invloed op hul mense uitgeoefen en was soms monarge. In ontluikende demokrasieë het vroue geen stemreg nie, maar baie in gemoedelike omstandighede het sosiale en gesinsverbande geniet wat hulle meer invloed verleen het as sommige mans wat die franchise gehad het. skouer aan skouer saam met mans gewerk om die land te bou. Baie was invloedryk, soos Lady Deborah Moody (1586-1659) 'n gerespekteerde gemeenskapsleier wat setlaars wat godsdiensvryheid soek na Gravesend in New Amsterdam (later New York) gebring het; Pocahontas (1595-1617), wat na bewering die lewe van kaptein John Smith gered het deur haar vader, hoofman Powhatan, het later met John Rolfe getrou en koninklikes in Engeland ontmoet; en Abigail Adams (1744-1818), wat helder oor haar lewe en tyd in briewe geskryf het en politieke invloed uitgeoefen het op haar presidentsman, John, en seun, John Quincy.Tydens koloniale tye het sommige vroue belasting betaal en kon hulle dus stem - behalwe in New York en Virginia. Die New Jersey -grondwet verleen stemme aan vroue, maar in 1807 word dit herroep. Die omstandighede in die 1830's het vroue uitgelok om tot stemreg te stem; hulle was toenemend in die fabriek se arbeidsmag, maar is nie gelyk behandel nie. Progressiewe mans wat gesukkel het vir redes soos matigheid, afskaffing en opvoedkundige hervorming, het besef dat hulle ondersteuning van vroue nodig het. In ruil daarvoor het hulle meer stem gekry in openbare aangeleenthede.'N PrairievuurIn 1840 was die World Anti-Slavery Convention in Londen moontlik die vonk van 'n brand, toe twee Amerikaanse afgevaardigdes, Elizabeth Cady Stanton en Lucretia Mott, toestemming geweier is om te praat. Stanton het later gesê: 'Ons het besluit om 'n byeenkoms te hou sodra ons huis toe kom en 'n vereniging stig om die regte van vroue te bepleit.' Agt jaar later het Stanton en Mott die eerste stemregbyeenkoms vir vroue in Seneca Falls, New York, gereël; die verrigtinge het baie openbare gesprekke ontlok. Die sentimentele verklaring van die vergadering, gemodelleer op die onafhanklikheidsverklaring, het baie eise vir gelykheid uiteengesit. In 1850 organiseer Lucy Stone die Women`s Rights Convention in Worcester, Massachusetts; die onderskeid daarvan was dat dit 'n nasionale vergadering van vroue was en Alhoewel die meeste mans ten sterkste daarteen gekant was om vroue te laat stem, ondersteun 'n paar hervormers, veral in Massachusetts, vroue oor hierdie kwessie. In 1853 ontvang die Massachusetts -wetgewer 'n petisie, opgestel deur 'n groep wat Wendell Phillips en William Lloyd Garrison insluit, wat begin het:

Ons beskou die uitbreiding van alle burgerregte tot die vrou as 'n maatstaf van uiterse belang vir die welsyn en vooruitgang van die staat. Op elke beginsel van natuurlike geregtigheid sowel as uit die aard van ons instellings, is sy net so vol as die mens om te stem en om in aanmerking te kom. In regerings wat op geweld gebaseer is, kan dit met 'n mate van aanname gemaak word dat 'n vrou wat fisies swakker as die man is, van die staat uitgesluit moet word. Maar ons s'n is 'n regering wat glo op die toestemming van die regerings rus. Die vrou is beslis net so bevoeg om die toestemming te gee as die man.

Susan B. Anthony en Stanton het die National Woman Suffrage Association in Mei 1869 gestig. Hierdie vroue het gereageer op die 15de wysiging, wat daardie jaar aangeneem is, wat aan geëmansipeerde swart mans stem gegee het - maar nie aan vroue nie. Die NWSA het gekies om op te tree vir nog 'n grondwetlike wysiging. 'N Soortgelyke, maar meer gematigde organisasie, die American Woman Suffrage Association, het die staatswetgewers genader, eerder as die federale regering, om vroue die stem te gee.*OorwinningWeerstand het begin afbrand toe die territoriale wetgewer van Wyoming vroue in 1869 die stem gee; dit was die eerste permanente stemreg in die Amerikaanse geskiedenis. Teen die 1890's het verskeie state stemreg verleen. Toe daar teen 1913 12 state was, het die National Woman's Party, onder leiding van Alice Paul, besluit om die stemkrag van vroue in die deelstate te benut om 'n stemregsresolusie deur die kongres te gee. Hulle was deel van 'n konfederasie van suffragiste, matigheidsgroepe, ander vroue-organisasies en hervormingsgevoelige wetgewers.Toe suffragette vir hul protesoptredes in die tronk sit, het hulle die feit aanvaar. Doris Stevens, wat in 1917 skryf, verduidelik die standpunt:

Ons het besluit om in die langdurige gevangenisstraf te eis om as politieke gevangenes behandel te word. Ons het gevoel dat dit in beginsel die waardige en selfrespekende ding was, aangesien ons polities beledig het, nie strafregtelik nie. Ons het verder geglo dat 'n vasberade, georganiseerde poging om die politieke aard van die oortreding aan 'n groter publiek duidelik te maak, die administrasie se verleentheid sal versterk en sodoende hul finale oorgawe sal versnel.

Die land se betrokkenheid by die Eerste Wêreldoorlog het die ondersteuning van vroue vereis; dit het aan die suffragiste hul beslissende vuurkrag gebied. Toe die VSA in 1917 tot die oorlog toetree, is 'n wysiging van 'n stemreg vir vroue in die Huis van Verteenwoordigers ingedien. Teen 1919 het dit albei kongreshuise verbygesteek en is dit gou deur die nodige 36 state bekragtig. Die 19de wysiging, ook die Susan B. Anthony -wysiging genoem, het in Augustus 1920 wet geword.


*Die twee sou in 1890 saamsmelt as die National American Woman Suffrage Association.
Sien Belangrike en beroemde vroue in Amerika.


19de wysiging

Vroue in Amerika het die eerste keer gesamentlik in 1848 georganiseer tydens die First Women's Rights Convention in Seneca Falls, NY, om te veg vir stemreg (of stemreg). Die byeenkoms, wat deur Elizabeth Cady Stanton en Lucretia Mott gereël is, het die stemregbeweging vir vroue veroorsaak. Nie almal het dieselfde pad gevolg in die stryd vir gelyke toegang tot vroue tot die stem nie, en die geskiedenis van die stemregbeweging is een van meningsverskille sowel as samewerking.

Terwyl vroue nie altyd verenig was in hul doelwitte nie, en die stryd om stemreg vir vroue ingewikkeld was en verweef was met kwessies van burgerlike en politieke regte vir alle Amerikaners, het die pogings van vroue soos Ida B. Wells en Alice Paul gelei tot die verloop van die 19de Wysiging. Die veronderstelling van die 19de wysiging, wat op 26 Augustus 1920 onderteken is, was die gevolg van dekades se werk deur tienduisende regoor die land wat vir verandering gewerk het.

Gebruik hierdie webwerf om 'n paar van die verhale te ontdek van vroue en mans wat geveg het vir die stemreg van vroue. U vind ook hulpbronne vir kinders en volwassenes, insluitend opstelle oor stemreg, storiekaarte en lesplanne.

Vroue se toegang tot die stem regoor die VSA

Hierdie reeks van 14 artikels gee 'n uitgebreide geskiedenis van stemreg vir vroue en die 19de wysiging in Amerika.

Verken stemregverhale en -verbindings

Gebruik hierdie hulpmiddel vir skare om verbindings tussen stemregsaktiviste te sien, verwante historiese terreine te verken en argiefdokumente te lees.

Stemreg binne 60 sekondes

Hierdie video's van 1 minuut beklemtoon stemregvakke en helde wat vrouestemreg in 1920 en daarna 'n werklikheid gemaak het.


Lucretia Mott en Elizabeth Cady Stanton word verbied om die Wêreldkonvensie teen slawerny in Londen by te woon. Dit laat hulle 'n vrouekonvensie in die VSA hou.

Seneca Falls, New York, is die plek vir die eerste vroueregtekonvensie. Elizabeth Cady Stanton skryf "The Declaration of Sentiments" wat die agenda van vroue -aktivisme vir die komende dekades skep.

Die eerste staatsgrondwet in Kalifornië brei eiendomsreg uit tot vroue.

Worcester, Massachusetts, is die tuiste van die eerste Nasionale Vroueregtekonvensie. Frederick Douglass, Paulina Wright Davis, Abby Kelley Foster, William Lloyd Garrison, Lucy Stone en Sojourner Truth is teenwoordig. 'N Sterk alliansie word gevorm met die Abolitionist Movement.

Worcester, Massachusetts, is die plek van die tweede Nasionale Konvensie vir Vroueregte. Deelnemers was Horace Mann, rubriekskrywer van die New York Tribune, Elizabeth Oaks Smith, en dominee Harry Ward Beecher, een van die gewildste predikers in die land.

By 'n vroueregtekonvensie in Akron, Ohio, lewer Sojourner Truth, 'n voormalige slaaf, haar onvergeetlike toespraak: "Is ek nie 'n vrou nie?"

Die kwessie van vroueregte word deur Clara Howard Nichols aan die Senaat van Vermont voorgelê. Dit is 'n belangrike kwessie vir die Suffragiste.

"Uncle Tom's Cabin" deur Harriet Beecher Stowe, word gepubliseer en word vinnig 'n topverkoper.

Vroue -afgevaardigdes, Antoinette Brown en Susan B. Anthony, mag nie praat tydens die The World's Temperance Convention in New York nie.

Tydens die Burgeroorlog het pogings vir die stemregbeweging tot stilstand gekom. Vroue spandeer hul kragte in die oorlogspoging.

Elizabeth Cady Stanton en Susan B. Anthony vorm die American Equal Rights Association, 'n organisasie wat toegewy is aan die doel van stemreg vir almal, ongeag geslag of ras.

Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Susan B. Anthony en Parker Pillsbury publiseer die eerste uitgawe van Die Revolusie. Hierdie tydskrif dra die leuse "Mans, hul regte en niks meer vroue nie, hul regte en niks minder nie!"

Caroline Seymour Severance stig die New England Woman's Club. Die "Mother of Clubs" het die klubbeweging veroorsaak wat teen die laat negentiende eeu gewild geword het.

In Vineland, New Jersey, het 172 vroue tydens die presidentsverkiesing in 'n aparte boks gestem.

Senator SC Pomeroy van Kansas stel die federale vrou se stemregwysiging in die kongres bekend.

Baie vroeë stemregsondersteuners, waaronder Susan B. Anthony, het ongetroud gebly, want getroude vroue kon in die middel van die 1800's nie eiendom uit eie reg besit nie en kon nie namens hulle self wettige kontrakte sluit nie.

Die veertiende wysiging word bekragtig. 'Burgers' en 'kiesers' word uitsluitlik gedefinieer as mans.

Die Amerikaanse gelyke regte -vereniging word verwoes deur meningsverskille oor die veertiende wysiging en die vraag of hulle die voorgestelde vyftiende wysiging moet ondersteun wat swart Amerikaanse mans sal bevoordeel en die kwessie van vrouestemreg heeltemal sal vermy.

Elizabeth Cady Stanton en Susan B. Anthony het die National Woman Suffrage Association (NWSA), 'n meer radikale instelling, gevind om die stemming deur middel van 'n grondwetlike wysiging te bewerkstellig, asook om ander vroueregte -kwessies aan te spreek. NWSA was in New York gevestig

Lucy Stone, Henry Blackwell, Julia Ward Howe en ander meer konserwatiewe aktiviste vorm die American Woman Suffrage Association (AWSA) om vir vrouestemreg te werk deur die wysiging van individuele staatsgrondwette. AWSA was in Boston gevestig.

Wyoming -gebied is georganiseer met 'n voorsiening vir vroulike stemreg.

Die vyftiende wysiging het swart mans stemreg gegee. NWSA het geweier om te werk vir die bekragtiging daarvan, en pleit eerder vir 'n sestiende wysiging wat die algemene stemreg sou bepaal. Frederick Douglass het met Stanton en Anthony gebreek oor die posisie van NWSA.

Die Vroueblad is gestig en geredigeer deur Mary Livermore, Lucy Stone en Henry Blackwell.

Victoria Woodhull spreek die regterlike komitee van die huis aan en voer aan dat vroueregte om te stem ingevolge die veertiende wysiging.

Die Anti-Suffrage Party word gestig.

Susan B. Anthony doen haar stem vir Ulysses S. Grant tydens die presidensiële verkiesing en word gearresteer en in Rochester, New York, tereggestel. Vyftien ander vroue word gearresteer omdat hulle onwettig gestem het. Sojourner Truth verskyn by 'n stemlokaal in Battle Creek, Michigan, en eis 'n stembrief om te stem dat sy van die hand gewys word.

Abigail Scott Duniway oortuig wetgewers in Oregon om wette te verleen wat die regte van 'n getroude vrou verleen, soos om haar eie onderneming te begin en te bestuur, die geld te beheer wat sy verdien en die reg om haar eiendom te beskerm as haar man weggaan.

The Woman's Christian Temperance Union (WCTU) word gestig deur Annie Wittenmyer. Met Frances Willard aan die hoof (1876), het die WCTU 'n belangrike voorstander geword in die stryd om stemreg vir vroue. As gevolg hiervan was die dranklobby een van die sterkste teenstanders teen die enfranchisasie van vroue, wat gevrees het dat vroue hul stem sou gebruik om die verkoop van drank te verbied.

Susan B. Anthony en Matilda Joslyn Gage ontwrig die amptelike Centennial -program in die Independence Hall in Philadelphia, en lewer 'n 'Verklaring van regte vir vroue' aan die vise -president.

'N Wysigingsregstelling vir vroue word in die Amerikaanse kongres voorgestel. Wanneer die 19de wysiging een-en-veertig jaar later verbygaan, word dit presies dieselfde verwoord as hierdie 1878-wysiging.

Die eerste stem oor stemreg vir vroue word in die senaat geneem en word verslaan.

Die National Council of Women in die Verenigde State is ingestel om die vooruitgang van vroue in die samelewing te bevorder.

NWSA en AWSA smelt saam en die National American Woman Suffrage Association word gevorm. Stanton is die eerste president. Die Beweging fokus pogings om stemreg op staatsvlak te verseker.

Wyoming word toegelaat tot die Unie met 'n staatsgrondwet wat vroue stemreg verleen.

Die Amerikaanse Federasie van Arbeid verklaar steun vir stemreg vir vroue.

Die veldtog in Suid -Dakota vir stemreg vir vroue verloor.

Die progressiewe era begin. Vroue uit alle klasse en agtergronde betree die openbare lewe. Vroue se rolle brei uit en lei tot 'n toenemende politisering van vroue. Gevolglik word die kwessie van vroulike stemreg deel van die algemene politiek.

Olympia Brown stig die Federal Suffrage Association om veldtogte vir vroulike stemreg te beywer.

Colorado aanvaar stemreg vir vroue.

600 000 handtekeninge word aan die konstitusionele konvensie van die staat New York voorgelê in 'n mislukte poging om 'n wysiging van 'n vrou by die kiesers aan te bring.

Elizabeth Cady Stanton publiseer Die Vrou se Bybel. Na die publikasie daarvan beweeg NAWSA afstand van Stanton, omdat baie konserwatiewe suffragiste haar as te radikaal beskou het en sodoende die verkiesingsveldtog moontlik benadeel.

Mary Church Terrell, Ida B. Wells-Barnett en Frances E.W. Harper het onder meer die National Association of Colored Women's Clubs gevind.

Utah sluit hom by die Unie aan met volle stemreg vir vroue.

Idaho aanvaar stemreg vir vroue.

Mary Dreier, Rheta Childe Dorr, Leonora O'Reilly, en ander vorm die Women's Trade Union League of New York, 'n organisasie van middel- en werkersklasvroue wat hulself toewy aan vakbond vir werkende vroue en stemreg vir vroue.

Die staat Washington neem vroulike stemreg aan.

Die Women's Political Union organiseer die eerste verkiesingsparade in New York.

Die National Association Opposed to Woman Suffrage (NAOWS) word georganiseer. Onder die leiding van mev. Arthur Dodge het sy lede ryk, invloedryke vroue, 'n paar Katolieke geestelikes, distilleerders en brouers, stedelike politieke masjiene, suidelike kongreslede en korporatiewe kapitaliste ingesluit.

Die uitgebreide verkiesingsveldtog in Kalifornië slaag met 'n klein marge.

Women Suffrage word vir die eerste keer op nasionale vlak ondersteun deur 'n groot politieke party - Theodore Roosevelt's Bull Moose Party.

Twintigduisend kiesersondersteuners neem deel aan 'n kiesregsparade in New York.

Oregon, Kansas en Arizona aanvaar stemreg vir vroue.

In 1913 het suffragiste 'n parade in Pennsylvania Avenue in Washington, DC, gereël. Die parade was die eerste groot stemregskouspel wat deur die National American Woman Suffrage Association (NAWSA) gereël is.

Die twee vroue organiseer toe die Congressional Union, later bekend by die National Women's Party (1916). Hulle het strategieë geleen by die radikale Women's Social and Political Union (WSPU) in Engeland.

Nevada en Montana neem vrouestemreg toe.

Die National Federation of Women's Clubs, wat meer as twee miljoen vrouelede in die VSA gehad het, onderskryf die verkiesingsveldtog formeel.

Mabel Vernon en Sara Bard Field is betrokke by 'n transkontinentale toer wat meer as 'n halfmiljoen handtekeninge oor petisies by die kongres insamel.

Veertigduisend marsjeer tydens 'n parlementsverkiesing in NYC. Baie vroue is in wit geklee en dra plakette met die name van die state wat hulle verteenwoordig.

Pennsylvania, New Jersey, New York en Massachusetts verwerp steeds stemreg vir vroue.

Jeannette Rankin van Montana is die eerste vrou wat in die Huis van Verteenwoordigers verkies is. Woodrow Wilson verklaar dat die Demokratiese Party -platform stemreg sal ondersteun.

New York -vroue kry stemreg.

Vroue uit Arkansas word toegelaat om in die primêre verkiesing te stem.

Kiesers van die National Woman's Party verskyn voor die Withuis met twee baniere, 'Mr. President, wat sal u doen vir vrouestemreg? ” en "Hoe lank moet vroue wag op vryheid?"

Jeannette Rankin van Montana, die eerste vrou wat tot die kongres verkies is, sit formeel in die Amerikaanse Huis van Verteenwoordigers.

Alice Paul, leier van die National Woman's Party, is in afsondering in die geestesafdeling van die gevangenis gesit as 'n manier om haar wil te "breek" en haar geloofwaardigheid by die publiek te ondermyn.

In Junie begin arrestasies van die National Woman se partytjie -kiesers op aanklagte van die belemmering van sypaadjieverkeer. Daaropvolgende kiesers word tot ses maande tronkstraf gevonnis. In November stel die regering die plukers onvoorwaardelik vry in reaksie op openbare geskreeu en 'n onvermoë om die hongerstaking van die National Woman's Party te stop.

Verteenwoordiger Rankin open debat oor 'n stemregwysiging in die Huis. Die wysiging slaag. Die wysiging kry nie die vereiste tweederdemeerderheid in die senaat nie.

Michigan, Suid -Dakota en Oklahoma neem stemreg vir vroue aan.

President Woodrow Wilson verklaar sy steun vir 'n federale stemregwysing vir vroue.

President Wilson spreek die senaat toe oor die aanvaarding van vroulike stemreg aan die einde van die Eerste Wêreldoorlog.

Die Senaat aanvaar uiteindelik die negentiende wysiging en die bekragtigingsproses begin.

26 Augustus 1920

Driekwart van die staatswetgewers bekragtig die negentiende wysiging.
Amerikaanse vroue wen volle stemreg.


Hierdie dag in die geskiedenis: die verkiesingsparade van 1913 vir vroue

Op hierdie dag 103 jaar gelede het duisende vroue in Washington, DC, vergader om 'n grondwetlike wysiging te vra wat die stemreg van vroue waarborg. Terwyl vroue al meer as 60 jaar hard baklei vir stemreg, was dit die eerste groot nasionale byeenkoms vir die beweging.

Die reuse parade, onder leiding van Alice Paul en die National American Woman Suffrage Association, is op 3 Maart 1913 gehou. Ry bo -op 'n wit perd, het advokaat en aktivis Inez Milholland meer as vyfduisend suffragette in Pennsylvania Avenue gelei, saam met meer as 20 parade -vlotte, nege bande en vier gemonteerde brigades.

Vroue -suffragiste wat op Pennsylvania Avenue marsjeer onder leiding van mev Richard Coke Burleson (middel te perd) Amerikaanse Capitol in die agtergrond. (Library of Congress)

Die organiseerders van die parade het ook die aandag op die geleentheid maksimaliseer deur dit strategies net een dag voor die inhuldiging van die president, Woodrow Wilson, te organiseer. Hierdie taktiek het gewerk. Terwyl die vroue uit die Amerikaanse hoofstad na die Tesourie -gebou marsjeer, word duisende toeskouers, baie in die stad, vir die inhuldiging ontmoet.

Nie alle toeskouers was gaaf nie. Sommige optoggangers is verward, gestruikel en gewelddadig aangeval, terwyl die polisie op die parade -roete min gehelp het. Teen die einde van die dag moes meer as 100 vroue in die hospitaal opgeneem word weens beserings. Die vroue het egter nie moed opgegee nie, hulle het die parade voltooi. Hulle ervarings het gelei tot groot nuusberigte en selfs kongresverhore. Geskiedkundiges erken later die parade van 1913 omdat hulle die stemregbeweging 'n nuwe golf van inspirasie en doel gegee het.

Alhoewel dit nog sewe jaar geneem het voordat die negentiende wysiging op 18 Augustus 1920 bekragtig is, het die vroue wat op hierdie dag in die geskiedenis opgeruk het, hul doel bereik om die stemregsbeweging te versterk. Soos die amptelike paradepamflet gelees het, het hulle 'uiting gegee aan die landwye eis om 'n wysiging van die Amerikaanse grondwet om vroue te bevoordeel'.

Alice Paul, Inez Milholland en die ander wat in 1913 opgeruk het, is slegs 'n paar van die vroue wat 'n meer regverdige en voorspoedige toekoms vir alle Amerikaners moontlik gemaak het. Terwyl hierdie vroue die weg gebaan het vir gelykheid by die stembus, veg die Obama -administrasie steeds elke dag om gelykheid vir vroue en meisies te verhoog. Van die oprigting van die Withuisraad oor vroue en meisies, tot die aanstelling van twee vroue in die hooggeregshof en 'n sterk span vroueleiers in sy kabinet- en Withuis -personeel, het president Obama konkrete stappe gedoen om te verseker dat vroue se stemme in die regering gehoor word en samelewing.

Deurgaans Vrouegeskiedenismaand, ons sal u opdateer oor die belangrike werk wat die Obama -administrasie neem om vroue in die werkplek te ondersteun, die toegang van vroue tot kwaliteit en bekostigbare gesondheidsorg uit te brei, geleenthede te verhoog vir meisies wat STEM -opleiding volg, vroue teen geweld beskerm, vroue in die weermag ondersteun en vroulike veterane, en nog baie meer.

Tydens #WomensHistoryMonth onthou ons die baanbrekers wat vandag deure vir vroue oopgemaak het → https://t.co/kgDEpU4IJn pic.twitter.com/rJcyuNtI6i

& mdash Wit Huis geargiveer (@ObamaWhiteHouse) 1 Maart 2016

Danielle Cohen is 'n intern by die Office of Digital Strategy


'N Geskiedenis van die vrouestemreg in die Verenigde State

Kruistog vir die stem is 'n omvattende bron vir studente en onderwysers wat die volledige geskiedenis van die vrou se stemregbeweging in die Verenigde State ondersoek.

Ruim geborg deur Toni Ko

Elizabeth Cady Stanton-een van die byeenkomsleiers in Seneca Falls-herinner: "Ons was maar 'n handjievol." En herinner aan die ondersteuners van stemreg vir vroue tydens die byeenkoms, waar die stemreg hul mees radikale eis was. Tussen hierdie eerste konvensie wat die regte van vroue voorstaan ​​en die bekragtiging van die negentiende wysiging wat die stemreg van vroue in 1920 waarborg, lê 'n lang en moeisame reis. Oorwinning was nooit verseker tot op die laaste oomblikke nie. In die tussenliggende jare het die strewe na stemreg vir vroue die lewens van verskeie geslagte vroue omvat. Kandidate vir stemreg het 'n reeks dramatiese transformasies in hul beweging oorleef, wat insluit: vyftig jaar se opvoeding van die publiek om die legitimiteit van vroulike stemreg te bepaal, ongeveer twintig jaar se direkte lobby en dramatiese militante optrede om hul aanspraak op stemming te plaas, die afdeling van elke generasie in gematigde en radikale kampe en die skepping van 'n duidelike vroulike politieke kultuur en beeldspraak om 'stemme vir vroue' te bevorder.


Inhoud

Susan B. Anthony en Elizabeth Cady Stanton, leiers van die National Woman Suffrage Association (NWSA), het die projek begin om 'n geskiedenis van die vrouestembeweging in 1876 te skryf. Die projek het die grootste deel van die volgende dekade hul lewens oorheers, hoewel veral Anthony het ook 'n besige skedule van lesings en ander stemregaktiwiteite gehou. Oorspronklik beskou as 'n beskeie publikasie wat slegs vier maande sou neem om te skryf, [1] het dit ontwikkel tot 'n werk van meer as 5700 bladsye wat oor 'n tydperk van 41 jaar geskryf is. Dit is in 1922 voltooi, lank na die dood van Stanton en Anthony in onderskeidelik 1902 en 1906.

In die inleiding skryf die skrywers: 'Ons hoop dat die bydrae wat ons gemaak het, in die toekoms 'n meer volledige geskiedenis van' die belangrikste hervorming wat nog op die wêreld geloods het, kan skryf - die eerste georganiseerde protes teen die onreg wat oor die karakter en die lot van die helfte van die mensdom gebroei het. ' 'N Bekragtiging van die regte van die vrou (1792), op die eerste plek prominent.

Die eerste drie volumes, wat die geskiedenis van die beweging dek van die begin tot 1885, is geskryf en geredigeer deur Stanton, Anthony en Matilda Joslyn Gage. Deel 1 (1848–1861) verskyn in 1881, deel 2 (1861–1876) in 1882 en deel 3 (1876–1885) in 1886. [3] Enkele vroeë hoofstukke verskyn die eerste keer in Gage se koerant, Die nasionale burger en stembus. [4]

Anthony het jare lank briewe, koerantuitknipsels en soortgelyke materiaal van historiese waarde vir die vrouestembeweging gestoor. In 1876 het sy verskeie koffers en bokse van hierdie materiaal na die Stanton -huis in New Jersey gestuur en self in die huishouding ingetrek om saam met Stanton aan die projek te begin werk. [5] Anthony het hierdie tipe werk gehaat. In haar briewe het sy gesê dat die projek "my die hele tyd laat groei. Ek het nog nooit meer 'n strydros vir die gejaag van die geveg gespan as ek van buite nie. Ek hou daarvan om geskiedenis te maak, maar haat dit om dit te skryf." [6] Die werk het noodwendig tot meningsverskille gelei. Stanton se dogter Margaret het gesê dat 'hierdie geskille soms so hoog loop dat die penne afloop, die een uit die een deur en die ander uit die ander loop, in teenoorgestelde rigtings om die landgoed loop, en net soos ek besluit het dat 'n pragtige vriendskap van veertig jaar eindelik beëindig, ek sien hoe hulle arm in arm teen die heuwel afstap. " [7]

Toe Stanton in 1881 etlike maande lank siek was, voltooi haar dogter Harriet haar redaksionele werk vir deel 2. Ontsteld om te verneem dat Anthony en Stanton geen plan gehad het om die geskiedenis van die American Woman Suffrage Association (AWSA), 'n mededinger van hul NWSA, te behandel nie. , Het Harriet Stanton ook die hoofstuk van 107 bladsye self geskryf met inligting wat hoofsaaklik verkry is uit die Vroueblad, 'n tydskrif gepubliseer deur die AWSA. [8] [9]

Volgens Ellen Carol DuBois, 'n historikus van die vrouebeweging, "is die aanvanklike volumes baie breedweg bedink, 'n kombinasie van Stanton se wye filosofiese omvang, Anthony se organisatoriese energie en Gage se historiese gevoelens." [10] Anthony was die besigheidsbestuurder. Stanton het 'n groot deel van die teks geskryf en haar duidelike historiese interpretasie verskaf. Gage het verskeie historiese opstelle geskryf, waaronder 'n lang artikel wat die gesindheid van die Christendom teenoor vroue deur die geskiedenis krities beoordeel. [10] Gage het ook 'n aansienlike aantal historiese dokumente aan die projek verskaf en was in staat om bykomende dokumentasie in biblioteke op te spoor. [11]

Benewens die beskrywing van die aktiwiteite van die beweging, bevat die aanvanklike volumes herinnerings aan bewegingsleiers en ontledings van die historiese oorsake van die toestand van vroue. Dit bevat ook 'n verskeidenheid primêre materiaal, insluitend briewe, koerantuitknipsels, toesprake, transkripsies en besluite van die hof en konferensieverslae. Deel drie bevat opstelle deur plaaslike vroueregte -aktiviste wat besonderhede oor die geskiedenis van die beweging op staatsvlak verskaf het. Op aandrang van Anthony is die volumes geïndekseer deur 'n professionele indekser en bevat baie duur staalgraverings van leiers oor vroueregte. [12]

'N Erflating van $ 24,000 van Eliza Jackson Eddy aan Anthony in 1885 het finansiële hulp verleen vir die voltooiing van hierdie volumes. [13] [14] Omdat hy besef dat daar min kans is dat die projek wins kan maak, betaal Anthony Stanton en Gage vir hul aandele van die regte op die boeke. Sy gee in 1886 Deel 3 uit en noem haar as uitgewer. Sy het ook die borde van Volumes 1 en 2, wat reeds gepubliseer is, by Fowler en Wells, die uitgewer, gekoop en dit in 1887 herdruk en weer as uitgewer vermeld. Anthony gave away over 1000 copies at her own expense, mailing them to political leaders and libraries in the U.S. and Europe. Publishing the first three volumes cost Anthony about $20,000. [15]

Volume 4, which covers the period from 1883 to 1900, was published by Anthony in 1902, when she was 82 years old. Its editors are listed as Anthony and her younger protégé Ida Husted Harper, but Harper did most of the work." [16] (Anthony also chose Harper to write her biography.) In an indication of the increased acceptance of the women's suffrage movement, Harvard University sent in an order for Volume 4. Less than twenty years earlier, when Anthony sent the school free copies of the first three volumes, Harvard had declined the gift and returned the books. [17]

Publishing the volumes herself presented a variety of problems for Anthony, including finding space for the inventory. She was forced to limit the large number of books she was storing in the attic of the house she shared with sister because the weight was threatening to collapse the structure. [18]

Volumes 5 and 6 were published in 1922 by the National American Woman Suffrage Association (NAWSA), long after Anthony's death in 1906. Written edited by Harper, they are a pair of volumes that cover different aspects of the period from 1900 to 1920, the year that the Nineteenth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution was ratified. That amendment, popularly known as the Susan B. Anthony Amendment, prevents the denial of voting rights on the basis of sex. [19]

The last three volumes include detailed information about the NAWSA, documenting its conventions, officers, committee reports and activities on both a national and state-by-state basis. The NAWSA was formed in 1890 by a merger of the National Woman Suffrage Association and the American Woman Suffrage Association. The former was led by Anthony and Stanton, while the latter was for twenty years its rival under the leadership of Lucy Stone. Anthony was the dominant figure in the merged organization. [20] The last three volumes avoid discussion of conflicts within the women's movement during the period they cover. On the contrary, the narrative has a tone of the inevitability of the movement's victory under the leadership of a few talented leaders. [21]

In her will, Anthony bequeathed the plates for the History of Woman Suffrage together with the existing inventory to the National American Woman Suffrage Association. [22]

In 1978 Mari Jo Buhle and Paul Buhle condensed the most important parts of the massive History of Woman Suffrage in The Concise History of Woman Suffrage and published it as a single volume of fewer than 500 pages.

Die History of Woman Suffrage provides only limited coverage to groups and individuals who competed with Susan B. Anthony and Elizabeth Cady Stanton for leadership of the women's suffrage movement. It only partially portrays the role of Lucy Stone, a pioneering women's rights advocate and a leader of the AWSA, a rival to the NWSA led by Stanton and Anthony. Stanton urged Stone to assist with the history project by writing an account of her own role in the movement, but Stone refused, saying the project should be left to a later generation because none of the leaders of the two rival groups would be able to write an impartial history. Stone accordingly provided Stanton with only minimal information about her activities and asked Stanton not to write a biographical sketch of her for inclusion in the history. [23] [24] A 107-page chapter on the history of the AWSA was included, however, compiled by Stanton's daughter Harriot Stanton Blatch in 1882. [25] The History of Woman Suffrage provides only minimal coverage of the activities of the militant National Woman's Party, founded in 1913 by Alice Paul and other activists who were formerly members of the NAWSA. [26]

According to historian Ellen Carol DuBois, the History of Woman Suffrage established for several decades the consensus view of the history of the women's movement, a "frozen account of the past, a history characterized by celebration, inevitability and canonization". [27] Historian and biographer Lori D. Ginzberg said, "In that story, Stanton alone articulated the demand for woman suffrage, and Anthony led the charge there was only one major organization (theirs) and the differences of principle that led to the division brooked no debate." [28] Historian Lisa Tetrault said that Stanton and Anthony mapped a single, accessible narrative onto what had in fact been "a sprawling, multifaceted campaign". [29] Tetrault said they placed themselves and their allies at the center of the story and minimized or ignored the roles of Stone and others who did not fit into their narrative. [30] Scholarly research into women's history began to break out of this framework with the publication of Eleanor Flexner's Century of Struggle in 1959. [31]

In Woman Suffrage and Women's Rights, historian Ellen Carol DuBois said "There is nothing in the annals of American reform quite like History of Woman Suffrage, a prolonged, deliberate effort on the part of activists to ensure their place in the historical record." [32] The Encyclopedia of Women's History in America described the History of Woman Suffrage as "the fundamental primary source for the women's suffrage campaign". [33] In Elizabeth Cady Stanton: an American Life, Lori D. Ginzberg similarly described it as "the major, if not the definitive, collection of primary source materials on the nineteenth-century movement." [28] Referring to the several volumes of the Geskiedenis, Tetrault said, "More than 125 years after their publication, they remain an indispensable source, having stood for much of that time as the richest repository of published, accessible documentary evidence of nineteenth century suffrage movements." [34]

Die History of Woman Suffrage contains more than 80 images of women activists, including these images of its four main contributors: [35]


THE MOVEMENT CONTINUES

The work of suffragists in the 1800s and 1900s lives on. In 1972, thanks to the ongoing strong voices from women, Congress passed Title IX, a law that makes it illegal for schools to discriminate based on gender. In 1981, Sandra Day O’Connor became the first female Supreme Court justice, and Nancy Pelosi became the first female speaker of the House. Today, women around the world continue to be inspired by role models of the past as they push for equal pay and equal political representation.


Besluit

The Alabama Legislature has passed a resolution recognizing the Alabama Centennial of Women’s Suffrage Committee. It states:

WHEREAS, a proposed women’s suffrage amendment was first introduced in the United States Senate in 1878 and was brought to a vote, unsuccessfully, in 1887, 1914, 1918, and 1919 and

WHEREAS, during 1919 and 1920, the Sixty-Sixth Congress debated, and the state legislatures considered, an amendment to the Constitution of the United States to provide suffrage for women and

WHEREAS, on May 21, 1919, the House of Representatives approved a proposed amendment, followed by the United States Senate on June 4 several state legislatures followed within a few days of the approval of the amendment and

WHEREAS, on August 18, 1920, Tennessee became the 36th State to ratify the amendment, providing the support of three-fouths of states necessary under Article V of the Constitution of the United States and

WHEREAS, Alabama’s celebration of the centennial of women’s suffrage offers an opportunity for Alabamians to learn more about, and commemorate, the efforts of the women’s suffrage movement and the role of women in our democracy now therefore,

BE IT RESOLVED BY THE LEGISLATURE OF ALABAMA, BOTH HOUSES THEREOF CONCURRING, That we endorse the efforts of the existing Alabama Centennial of Women’s Suffrage Committee for the purpose of leading the state in its centennial commemoration of women’s suffrage, and hereby resolve to support the Alabama Centennial of Women’s Suffrage Committee in promoting, planning, and executing the Committee’s historic, educational, celebratory, and cultural initiatives to observe and commemorate the centennial of women’s suffrage in the State of Alabama.

BE IT FURTHER RESOLVED, That we encourage the Secretary of State to provide support to the Centennial of Women’s Suffrage Committee, through his position as Alabama’s election official and his efforts to educate Alabamians about20the importance of the right to vote and voter participation.


History of Women’s Suffrage in Olympia

Excerpted in part from Women’s Votes, Women’s Voices: The Campaign for Equal Rights in Washington by Shanna Stevenson, published by the Washington State Historical Society 2009. Copyright Washington State Historical Society—Used by permission, all rights reserved.

As the territorial and state capital of Washington, Olympia was central to women’s suffrage history of Washington.

During the Territorial era, the legislature could define who could vote. In 1854, just six years after the Declaration of Sentiments was signed at the first women’s rights convention in Seneca Falls, New York in 1848, Seattle legislator Arthur A. Denny proposed women’s suffrage in the first meeting of the Washington Territorial Legislature in Olympia. Denny proposed to amend a pending bill relating to voting “to allow all white females over the age of 18 years to vote,” but it failed in the house of representatives by a vote of 8–9. [1]

The 1867 territorial voting law clearly stated that “all white American citizens twenty-one years of age” had the right to vote. [2] This territorial law empowering “all white American citizens” to vote became the rallying point for Washington suffragists who also cited the 1868 Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution as defining citizens as “all persons born or naturalized in the United States.” In 1869 suffragist Mary Olney Brown tested the 1867 law in White River, but was turned away from the polls.

Undaunted, Brown launched her own suffrage campaign the following year, writing several newspaper editorials urging women to vote. [3] By 1870 she had moved to Olympia, and her sister Charlotte Emily Olney French was living in Grand Mound, in southern Thurston County. With other women in the area, the sisters planned a picnic dinner near Grand Mound at the schoolhouse at Goodell’s Point, where the June 6, 1870, election was to be held. French, like her sister, was well-versed in the arguments for women’s suffrage and spoke at the gathering. After the picnic, the women—seven in all—handed in their ballots. The husband of one of the women was an election inspector for that precinct this may have had something to do with their ballots being accepted. Women of nearby Black River (present-day Littlerock) had stationed a man on a “fleet horse” at the Grand Mound precinct to report whether the women there had been allowed to vote. The man arrived at the polling place waving his hat and yelling, “They’re voting! They’re voting!” Eight Black River women immediately cast their ballots.

While the southern Thurston County women were successful in having their votes counted, a small Olympia delegation was not. When Brown and two women presented ballots at the Olympia courthouse, they were rejected despite Brown’s legal arguments and threats of prosecution against the election officials. [4] Although those fifteen votes did not constitute a permanent stride toward suffrage in Washington, they provided a significant stepping-stone in the overall history of the movement.

In autumn 1871 women’s rights leaders Susan B. Anthony and Abigail Scott Duniway toured the Northwest, accelerating the women’s suffrage movement in Washington Territory. The women endured a difficult stage trip from Monticello on the Cowlitz River (near present-day Longview) to Olympia, the territorial capital, where Anthony spoke on October 17 to an audience of about one hundred, including some legislators.

Two days later Anthony and Duniway addressed the legislature in session. The day before her legislative speech, Anthony dined at the home of fellow suffragists, Daniel and Ann Elizabeth Bigelow in Olympia, now the Bigelow House Museum at 918 Glass Avenue NE.

On October 19, Anthony spoke before the legislature. Die Olympia Transcript said of her speech: “Miss Anthony is a woman of more than ordinary ability, and the able manner in which she handled her subject before the Legislature, was ample warning to the members of that body who oppose woman suffrage to be silent.” [5] Duniway also spoke to the legislature. The house of representatives turned down a proposal to print Anthony’s legislative address, but the Washington Standard published a summary of it. [6]

After a swing around Puget Sound, Anthony returned to Olympia to participate in Washington’s first women’s suffrage convention, which began on November 8, 1871. A committee including Sarah Yesler, Daniel Bigelow, and Anthony drafted the constitution for the Washington Territory Woman Suffrage Association (WTWSA), the principle outcome of the convention. [7] The WTWSA spurred the creation of local suffrage organizations in Olympia and Thurston County.

Throughout the 1870s the WTWSA continued its work and the territorial legislature considered various suffrage measures. In 1873 Territorial Legislator Edward Eldridge introduced a women’s suffrage bill, which lost 12–18 in the house of representatives. In 1875 Olympia legislator Elwood Evans, then speaker of the house, introduced another suffrage bill, which was again defeated—this time 11–15. An effort to repeal a definitive law of 1871 that precluded women’s suffrage until Congress took action also failed. [8]

In 1881 the issue of women’s suffrage was again before the legislature, brought to the forefront with a petition signed by fifty women. [9] Although the bill carried the house 13–11, it lost in council 5–7. [10] (Once Washington achieved statehood in 1889, the council became the state senate.) Saloon owners, and other anti-prohibitionists thwarted the council effort for suffrage legislation.

Building on gains for women during the previous decade, the suffrage movement gathered momentum in Washington after 1881. In 1883, the Territorial Legislature passed women’s suffrage. [11] Only Wyoming and Utah territories had enacted woman’s suffrage after the Civil War before Washington. Washington’s victory was different from those two territories because women in Wyoming and Utah had not solicited the right to vote, while Washington’s women petitioned and campaigned for the ballot. [12]

After the success of the suffrage bill, celebrations erupted around the state, but Olympia was the site of special jubilance. Duniway described the festivities in her newspaper the New Northwest:

It is 4 o’clock p.m. on Monday, November 19, 1883. As we write, church bells are ringing and a grand salute of minute guns sends out its joyful reverberations through the air proclaiming that Governor William A. Newell has formally announced that he will sign the Woman Suffrage bill and thereby make the women of Washington Territory free beyond peradventure…. All the people of Olympia…are rallying around the standard-bearers of liberty and justice, lifting their hearts and voices in unison with theirs to swell the glad anthem of rejoicing that ascend to heaven through the mingling hallelujahs of the guns and bells. [13]

In her account of the victory, Duniway recognized the many women of Olympia who supported the cause of suffrage, including sisters Emily Olney French and Mary Olney Brown, and Clara Sylvester, Ella Stork, and Janet Moore. It is no coincidence that many of these same women had been charter members of the first women’s club on the West Coast, the Woman’s Club of Olympia, which began meeting in 1883 at Clara Sylvester’s home. By one account, the club’s purpose was to promote suffrage principles. [14]

Women’s right to vote aroused strong opponents. Made legal householders by the legislature in 1881 and voters under the 1883 suffrage law, women became qualified jurors. This spurred legal challenges which came before the Territorial Supreme Court.

In 1887, the Territorial Supreme Court focused on the legality of women’s suffrage. The court decided that the title of the 1883 law did not describe the content of the legislative act, making it invalid along with the provisions of a1886 amendment. The justices ruled that because the 1883 act was invalid, women were not qualified electors and thus not legal jurors.

After the judicial decision overturning women’s right to vote, suffragists descended on the legislature once again, and on January 18, 1888, legislators reenacted a women’s suffrage law with the appropriate title. However, this version of the law excluded women from jury service.

The suffrage victory was short-lived. Another case came before the court in 1888 and the court decided that when the Washington Territorial Organic Act passed Congress, “the word ‘citizen’ was used as a qualification for voting and holding office and, in our judgment, the word then meant and still signifies male citizenship and must be so construed.” [15]

Only male voters selected the members of Washington’s second Constitutional Convention, (the first was an unsuccessful try at statehood in 1878) which began in Olympia on July 4, 1889, and the suffrage cause was weakened correspondingly, although suffragists “flooded” the convention with petitions. [16]

Despite these efforts, the constitutional convention delegates decided that women’s suffrage would be a separate issue on the statewide ballot, along with adoption of the proposed constitution itself and separate tallies on the location of the capital and enactment of prohibition. While the state constitution was ratified on October 1, 1889, by a territory-wide vote, the separate suffrage proposal lost by 19,000 votes, 16,521–35,913. Prohibition also failed, 19,546–31,487.

Washington joined the union on November 11, 1889. The next year, the state legislature authorized women to vote for local school trustees and directors but not for county or state school superintendents.

While the (male) voters of the state did not believe that women should have the franchise except in school elections, women alone voted for the state flower. The issue arose when Washington was invited to participate in the 1893 Chicago Columbian Exposition and part of each state’s exposition display was to be a flower representing the state. Washington did not have an official flower, and the Washington State Fair Committee left the matter to its female members.

Polling places for women voting in the flower election included post offices and even a drugstore in downtown Olympia, which encouraged women to choose their preference of the state flower. Balloting closed August 1, 1892, and the rhododendron won over clover 7,704–5,720 out of 14,419 votes cast. The Washington State Senate confirmed the rhododendron on February 10, 1893. [17] In 1959 the legislature further defined the state flower as Rhododendron macrophyllum, native to western North America, which continues to represent Washington today.

The Fusion Party (Silver Republicans, Democrats, and Populists) gained legislative seats in 1896, providing a positive political climate for women’s suffrage in the legislature which passed a suffrage constitutional amendment in 1897. The amendment ratification lost on November 8, 1898, by a vote of 30,540–20,658, which was a gain of 9,510 pro-suffrage votes over the 1889 tally. From 1906 to 1908 suffrage leaders focused on organization, and from 1908 forward their emphasis was on campaigning.

At the Washington Equal Suffrage Association State Convention in 1908 the executive committee authorized DeVoe to take charge of the effort to introduce women’s suffrage legislation in the 1909 legislature that would amend the Washington constitution. [18]

By 1909, the political climate favored the suffragists’ efforts in the legislature. For its Olympia headquarters WESA rented a large house near the capitol. Suffragists, using persistent but low-key lobbying, are generally credited with the passage of the suffrage-enabling legislation in the house of representatives on January 29, 1909.

The legislative journey through the senate proved much more arduous. The senate eventually voted for the legislation on February 23, 1909, by a margin of 30–9, Acting Governor Marion Hay [19] signed the bill on February 25, 1909, authorizing a statewide vote for ratification of the amendment in November 1910. At that time, statewide elections were held only in even-numbered years.

In addition to general support, Olympia and Thurston County suffragists Lena Meyer, Clara Lord, and Libbie Lord spearheaded the effort to secure a straw ballot at the State Grange Convention in 1910. Members of the state Grange voted in favor of women’s right to vote in their September straw poll—foreshadowing victory in November 1910.

Leaders Emma Smith DeVoe, May Arkwright Hutton, and other Washington suffragists generally conducted a “womanly” campaign. Die Washington Women’s Cook Book was one of the campaign’s primary fundraising projects. They also published a newspaper, put up posters and used grass roots organizing.

The vote result on November 8, 1910 was 52,299–29,676 in favor of ratification of the women’s suffrage amendment—a margin of nearly two to one. [20] Washington joined the four western states where women had already won the vote—Wyoming (1890), Colorado (1893), Utah (1896), and Idaho (1896). Governor Hay officially signed the proclamation of adoption on November 28, 1910. Twenty-two years had passed since the Territorial Supreme Court had last taken away Washington women’s right to vote. [21]

The stunningly decisive victory in 1910 is widely credited with reinvigorating the national movement. When Washington joined her western sisters in 1910, it had been fourteen years since a state had enacted irrevocable women’s suffrage.

Women started voting in the same proportion as men. The period between 1911 and 1920 was a period of significant legislative changes regarding women’s issues abetted by coalitions forged during the suffrage movement among women’s clubs and working-class women. Mothers’ pensions, the eight-hour workday for women, and Prohibition were part of the Progressive agenda adopted after women attained the ballot.

In June 1919, after intense pressure from both the National Women’s Party and the National American Woman Suffrage Association, Congress passed the Nineteenth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution and sent it to the states for ratification. Washington was the penultimate of thirty-six states needed to ratify the amendment and the last enfranchised state to take action. Leaders Emma Smith DeVoe and Carrie Chapman Catt pressured a reluctant Governor Louis Hart to call a special legislative session. Hart eventually agreed to call the legislators together in March 1920. PPierce County representative Frances Haskell, the fourth woman elected to the Washington legislature, introduced the resolution, stating:

This is a very important hour in the history of our state and nation, for we have met here in special session the 22nd day of March, in the year of our Lord 1920, to ratify the federal suffrage amendment and to prove to the world the greatness of our Evergreen state, which is not determined by the number of acres that it contains nor by the number of its population, but by the character of its men and women who today are extending to all the women of America the privilege of the ballot. [22]

Governor Hart, Speaker Fred Adams, and Emma Smith DeVoe shared the dais in the house of representatives, and by special resolution, DeVoe expressed her thanks to the legislature. In the senate, veteran suffragist Carrie Hill shared the podium with President of the Senate Philip H. Carlyon of Olympia. Both houses cast a unanimous vote to ratify the Nineteenth Amendment—the twelfth state in which no one voted against the amendment. [23] Tennessee was the final state needed to ratify the amendment which codified that “the right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on account of sex.” The amendment became official on August 26, 1920. [24]

Not all women in the United States could vote after passage of Washington’s suffrage act or the Nineteenth Amendment, since many groups were restricted from becoming U.S. citizens, a qualification for voting. Native American women, who were excluded from voting in even after passage of the suffrage amendments in 1910 and 1920, finally achieved the right to vote in 1924 when Congress passed the Indian Citizenship Act, which extended U.S. citizenship to Native Americans. Asian women faced other citizenship restrictions. By national law, native-born Asian residents were considered citizens by 1898. Immigrant Asians, however, were denied citizenship well into the mid-twentieth century. By 1943 Chinese immigrants could be naturalized and vote immigrants from India received the same rights starting in 1946 and Japanese and other Asians in 1952. [25]

Some voters faced racist barriers. Although black women achieved the right to vote in 1910 in Washington and in 1920 nationally, barriers remained. Most significant was passage in 1965 of the Voting Rights Act, which ended practices that disenfranchised black voters and broadened and guaranteed voting rights specifically to minorities. The Twenty-sixth Amendment lowered the voting age to eighteen in 1971. In later years, the Legislature has enacted other measures to ensure voter equality including the Washington Voting Rights Act in 2018.

After the state enacted women’s suffrage in 1910, Washington women began to run for office in ever-increasing numbers. Elected in 1912 and serving in the 1913 state house of representatives, Frances C. Axtell from Bellingham and Nena J. Croake from Tacoma were the first two women to serve in the Washington State Legislature. Reba Hurn from Spokane was in 1923 the first woman elected to the state senate. Josephine Corliss Preston, elected in 1912 as superintendent of public instruction, was the first woman to serve in a statewide office. Washington has consistently been a leader in electing women to the state legislature. From 1993 to 2004 Washington led the nation in the percentage of female state legislators. In 1999 and 2000 Washington boasted the highest percentage of female legislators in the nation’s history, with women making up 41 percent of its legislators. In 2019, women comprised approximately 41 percent of the state’s legislators, the second highest in the country. [26]

Washington women have served on the Washington Supreme Court and as superintendent of public instruction, secretary of state, attorney general, commissioner of public lands, and insurance commissioner. Washington women have also held elected positions on local school boards, local courts, special purpose districts, city councils, county commissions and councils, and as county executives throughout the state’s history.

Olympia has had three women mayors—Amanda Benek Smith, Holly Gadbaw and Cheryl Selby and 19 women city council members.[27]

[1] Washington Territory, House Journal, 1854, 98.

[2] Laws of Washington Territory, Olympia, Public Printer T. F McElroy, 1867, 5.

[4] “Mrs. Brown’s Argument,” Elizabeth Cady Santon, Susan B. Anthony, Matilda Josleyn Gage, and Ida Husted Harper, ed. History of Woman Suffrage, 6 vols. (Rochester: J. J. Little & Co., 1881-1922) Hereafter cited HWS, 3:784-85.

[5] “Miss Anthony’s Speech,” Olympia Transcript, October 21, 1871.

[6] “Woman Suffrage,” Washington Standard, October 21, 1871.

[7] “Woman Suffrage Convention,” Washington Standaard, November 11, 1871, 2 and Simmons, “History of Woman Suffrage in the State of Washington,” 22. Anti-suffragists were James H. Lasater of Walla Walla and Mrs. J. B. Frost, and pro-suffragists were Father (likely A. A.) Denny, Alfred Elder, John Denny, and Abigail Scott Duniway.

[9] Clyde B. Simmons, “History of Woman Suffrage in the State of Washington,” (master’s thesis, University of Washington, 1903) 24.

[10] William H. White (aka “Warhorse Bill”) was a prominent Washington jurist. He served in several capacities, including prosecuting attorney, legislator from King County, U.S. attorney, and Washington State Supreme Court justice. In 1912 he helped his wife, Emma McRedmond White, in her bid for King County clerk. She also organized the Woman’s Democratic Club in King County. “Justice William Henry White,” http://www.redmondwashington.org/biography/white/white-william-henry.htm.

[11] The bill was introduced in the Washington House by Representative Copley, and was supported in speeches by Messrs. Copley, Besserer, Miles, Clark, and Stitzel, while Messrs. Landrum and Kincaid spoke against it. The vote was: Ayes—Besserer, Brooks, Clark, Copley, Foster, Goodell, Hungate, Kuhn, Lloyd, Martin Miles, Shaw, Stitzel and Speaker Ferguson-14. Noes—Barlow, Brining, Landrum, Pin, Kincaid, Shoudy and Young—7. Absent—Blackwell, Turpin, and Warner—3. The bill was favorably reported in the Council, November 15, by Chairman Burk of the Judiciary Committee. No one offered to speak on it. The vote stood: Ayes—Burk, Edmiston, Hale, Harper, Kerr, Power and Smith—7. Noes—Caton, Collins, Houghton, Whitehouse and President Ruax—5. Governor W. A. Newell Approved the bill November 23, 1883.

[12] T. Alfred Larson, “The Woman Suffrage Movement in Washington,” Stille Oseaan Noordwes Quarterly 67, no. 2 (April1976) 53.

[13] Abigail Scott Duniway, “The Ratification,” New Northwest, November 22, 1883.

[14] Rebecca Mead, How the Vote Was Won, (New York: New York University Press, 2004) 99.

[15] Bloomer v. Todd, 3 Wash. Terr. 599 (1888).

[16] Beverly Paulik Rosenow, ed., The Journal of the Washington State Constitutional Convention (1889 reprint, Seattle: Book Publishing Company, 1962), 642-43. Petitioners: P.G. Hendricks, 394 other men and 414 women William West and others Francis Miner of St. Louis A. M. Sweeney, Jennie Aukney and others of Walla Walla H. J. Beeks and others Mr. Giliam and others Marty T. Jones and others G. C. Barron and others W. V. Anders and others Lucinda King and others L. W. Studgall and others W. P. Stewart and others P. J. Flint and others Zerelda. McCoy and 26 teachers Dr. A. K. Bush and 94 others S.M. Ballard and 151 others George E. Cline and 163 others L. M. Lord and 82 others C. F. Woodcock and 120 others ninety-three voters of Buckley and Zerelda McCoy, a taxpaying woman.

[17] Lucile McDonald, “The Battle over the State Flower,” Seattle Times Magazine, January 31, 1965, 2 Ruth Fry Epperson, “Rhododendron, Our State Flower: Talk Given by Mrs. Ruth Fry Epperson at the May Breakfast, 1944 of the Women’s Century Club, Seattle, Wash,” unpublished manuscript, Museum of History & Industry, Seattle, Washington (MOHAI) Accession No. 1964.3359.

[18] C. H. Baily, “How Washington Women Regained the Ballot,” Pacific Monthly 26 (July 1911): 1-11, 8. See also ”Women Play Game of Politics,” Seattle na-intelligensie, October 4, 1908.

[19] Governor Samuel Cosgrove was ill and Lieutenant Governor Hay was Acting Governor at this time. Governor Cosgrove died on March 28, 1909.

[20] Only 59.3 percent of those casting ballots in the general election voted on the suffrage issue. The reason for this anomaly is unknown, but the ballot wording may have confused some voters.

[21] “Women Are to Give Special Thanks.” November 13, 1910, DeVoe Scrapbooks, DeVoe Papers.

[22] “Suffrage Amendment Ratified Unanimously,” Washington Standaard, March 23, 1920, 1.

[23] Dr. Cora Smith Eaton King et al., “Washington,” HWS, 6:685-86.

[25] Jill Severn, The State We’re In: Washington, Your guide to state, tribal and local government, (Seattle: The League of Women Voters Education Fund, 2004), 36.


Women's Suffrage in the Progressive Era

Immediately after the Civil War, Susan B. Anthony, a strong and outspoken advocate of women's rights, demanded that the Fourteenth Amendment include a guarantee of the vote for women as well as for African-American males. In 1869, Anthony and Elizabeth Cady Stanton founded the National Woman Suffrage Association. Later that year, Lucy Stone, Julia Ward Howe, and others formed the American Woman Suffrage Association. However, not until the passage of the Nineteenth Amendment in 1919 did women throughout the nation gain the right to vote.

During the late 1800s and early 1900s, women and women's organizations not only worked to gain the right to vote, they also worked for broad-based economic and political equality and for social reforms. Between 1880 and 1910, the number of women employed in the United States increased from 2.6 million to 7.8 million. Although women began to be employed in business and industry, the majority of better paying positions continued to go to men. At the turn of the century, 60 percent of all working women were employed as domestic servants. In the area of politics, women gained the right to control their earnings, own property, and, in the case of divorce, take custody of their children. By 1896, women had gained the right to vote in four states (Wyoming, Colorado, Idaho, and Utah). Women and women's organizations also worked on behalf of many social and reform issues. By the beginning of the new century, women's clubs in towns and cities across the nation were working to promote suffrage, better schools, the regulation of child labor, women in unions, and liquor prohibition.

Not all women believed in equality for the sexes. Women who upheld traditional gender roles argued that politics were improper for women. Some even insisted that voting might cause some women to "grow beards." The challenge to traditional roles represented by the struggle for political, economic, and social equality was as threatening to some women as it was to most men.


History of Woman Suffrage

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History of Woman Suffrage, publication that appeared, over the course of some 40 years, in six volumes and nearly 6,000 pages chronicling the American woman suffrage movement in great, but incomplete, detail. It consists of speeches and other primary documents, letters, and reminiscences, as well as impassioned feminist commentary. The project was conceived in 1876 by American suffragists Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Susan B. Anthony, and Matilda Joslyn Gage as a brief pamphlet that could be assembled in about two months.

Gage, Stanton, and Anthony, members of the National Woman Suffrage Association (NWSA), wrote and edited the first three volumes. Although they solicited contributions from Lucy Stone, a founder of the more conservative American Woman Suffrage Association (AWSA), little information about the latter organization was provided. As a result, the first three volumes are somewhat weighted and thus an incomplete history of the beginnings of the suffrage movement. The final three volumes, edited by Anthony’s close associate, Ida Husted Harper, reflect the conservative turn taken by the woman suffrage movement during the years after the publication of Volume III. Harper was a highly selective reporter, excluding references to important people and ideas that did not conform to her assessment of the movement’s objectives. Tog het die History of Woman Suffrage remains the major primary source for information on the suffrage movement.

The first volume, which appeared in 1881, recounts women’s earliest attempts to achieve equality with men. Volume II (1882) charts the suffragist movement from 1861 to 1876, focusing on the social role of women during the Civil War. Volume III (1887) summarizes laws, including the enfranchisement of women in Wyoming territory, that were indicative of the movement’s victories. Volume IV (1902) and Volumes V and VI (both 1922) lack the fervour of the first three volumes, presenting rather methodical accounts of national and international conventions and the passage and ratification of the Nineteenth Amendment.


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