Parlementêre hervorming

Parlementêre hervorming


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Peterloo: die bloedige bloedbad wat tot parlementêre hervorming gelei het

Die skare het van heinde en ver gekom om Henry Hunt, die groot redenaar, oor parlementêre hervorming te hoor hoor. Dit was veronderstel om 'n vreugdevolle geleentheid te wees. Daar was nie net mans en vroue van alle ouderdomme nie, maar ook kinders. Die aaklige gebeure wat gevolg het, sou die verloop van die Britse geskiedenis help verander. Sommige beweer selfs dat die Peterloo -slagting 'n noodsaaklike euwel was vir die bydrae wat dit tot die land gelewer het om uiteindelik sy korrupte politieke stelsel te hervorm. Maar kan enigiets wat die dood van onskuldige mense behels werklik ooit as noodsaaklik geag word?

Mnr. Hunt het omstreeks een die middag aangekom en aan boord geklim van 'n hustings gemaak van twee waens wat saamgesmelt is. Reeds op die St. Peter's Field in die middel van Manchester was honderde spesiale konstabels gewapen met houtknoppe. Die landdroste wat die stad bestuur het, was bekommerd oor hierdie byeenkoms. Baie bekommerd. Hulle en hul vriende in die fabriek was baie tevrede met die status quo in Manchester. Om geen parlementslede na Westminster te stuur nie, het beteken dat die stad hulle wil doen. Hierdie hervormers sou die appelwa wat hulle ryk en aan bewind hou, ontstel as hulle hul sin kry. Die hervormers wou verteenwoordiging in die parlement hê en 'n einde aan die sogenaamde 'rotten boroughs'-parlementêre kiesafdelings, soos die verlate Middeleeuse nedersetting Old Sarum in Wiltshire wat twee parlementslede na Westminster gestuur het, ondanks die bevolking van slegs een persoon. Manchester, daarenteen, het 'n groot en steeds groeiende bevolking gehad, maar het niemand na Londen gestuur nie.

Dit was 'n oproerige vergadering, en dit moes gestop word.

Wat die landdroste betref, was die vergadering wat op 16 Augustus 1819 geskeduleer was, niks anders nie as 'n oproerige daad wat geveg is deur onderdanige werkers wat vasbeslote was om die status quo omver te werp. Die owerhede was dit met hulle eens, en daarom is troepe van die 15de Huzaren -regiment, die Royal Horse Artillery, die Cheshire -jeomanry, die boelie -seuns uit Manchester en Salford Yeomanry en 400 spesiale konstabels opgestel om te vermorsel wat die landdroste vermoed het. 'n oproer. Meer as een en 'n half duisend mans het tougestaan ​​teen die gewone mense wat die heer Hunt hoor hoor spreek het. Die feit dat daar honderde kinders by die byeenkoms was, beteken niks vir die owerhede nie. Dit was 'n oproerige vergadering, en dit moes gestop word.

Hunt het skaars begin praat voordat die joomanry die veld beveel is om sy arrestasie te vergemaklik. Pragtig in blou -en -wit tuniek, het die jeugdigheid te voet in die straat gestap, te perd na die skare, terwyl 'n jong vrou omgestamp word terwyl hulle na die St. Die kleuter wat sy in haar arms gedra het, het op die grond geval en onder die perde se hoewe vasgekeer. Klein William Fildes was die eerste slagoffer van die dag.

Nadat hulle die wagtende landdroste gegroet het, het die jeugdigheid die skare binnegedring. Toe hulle by die huis kom, het die leier van die jongmanne, Hugh Birley, probeer om Hunt in hegtenis te neem. Hy het geweier en gesê dat hy slegs deur 'n burger gearresteer sou word. Die arrestasie van Hunt is in plaas daarvan uitgevoer deur Joseph Nadin, 'n korrupte brute van 'n man wat baie gevrees is rondom Manchester in sy hoedanigheid as adjunk-konstabel en die stad se hoof 'diefvanger'. Hunt word van die hustings af begelei en deur die skare gehanteer en 'n hou op die kop gekry toe hy na die landdros se gebou gestoot word.

Van die ander op die hustings spring die suffragette Mary Fildes uit die wa en word deur die konstabels om die kop geslaan. Die Times -korrespondent John Tyas is gearresteer, net soos die radikale kampvegter, Samuel Bamford.

Terwyl die arrestasies uitgevoer is, het die jeugdigheid vasgeval deur die groot aantal mense wat daarop ingedruk het. Hulle het paniekerig begin raak met die sabel na die skare, wat afskuwelike beserings opgedoen het vir diegene wat nie kon wegkom nie. Terwyl hulle vanuit hul venster kyk, het die landdroste vinnig daarvan oortuig dat die skare die soldate aanval. Landdros William Hulton het na kolonel Guy L'Estrange van die 15de Huzaren geroep dat sy troepe moet inspring en die jeomanry moet help. L'Estrange stuur sy manne galop in die menigte skreeuende, verskrikte mense wat almal wanhopig probeer om uit die pad te kom van die laaiende perde en die flitsende sabel van die soldate.

Dit was bloedbad. Menigtes mans, vroue en kinders was 'n maklike keuse vir perde wat deur stryd gehard is. Terwyl die skare probeer ontsnap het aan die Sint -Pietersveld, is hulle afgekap, deur perde vertrap of onder die voete van die vlugtelinge verpletter. Sommige het probeer om na nabygeleë erwe te ontsnap, maar is agtervolg en afgekap asof dit vyandelike troepe was wat aan 'n geveg vlug. Ander is teen die mure van die geboue wat aan die Sint -Pietersveld aangrens, verpletter. Skreeu en gil kon baie strate ver gehoor word terwyl die mense probeer wegkom.

Dit het twintig minute geneem om die skare van die Sint -Pietersveld te verwyder. Na verloop van rook en stof is ongeveer 400-700 mense beseer, baie ernstig. Die getalle is vaag omdat baie mense hul beserings weggesteek het ná die slagting uit vrees vir weerwraak deur die owerhede. Uiteindelik sal 15 mense dood sterf, óf op die dag óf in die daaropvolgende weke. Onder die oorledenes was Mary Heys, 'n ma van ses uit Manchester wat swanger was met haar sewende kind toe sy deur kavallerie in Peterloo vertrap is. Haar beserings was verskriklik, wat veroorsaak het dat sy voortdurend inpas in die pynlike dae na die slagting. Die voortydige geboorte van haar kind het haar uiteindelik na 'n vroeë graf gestuur.

'N Ander van die dooies was John Lees van Oldham in Lancashire. Lees het tydens die Slag van Waterloo geveg en soos baie soldate teruggekeer huis toe om geen held se welkom te vind nie, net lelike lewensomstandighede en armoede -lone. Hy het twee diep snye in die kop by Peterloo gekry en is mediese behandeling geweier toe hy aan 'n dokter gesê het dat Peterloo hom nie uitgestel het om politieke vergaderings by te woon nie. Hy is drie weke later oorlede.

Peterloo was die eerste groot politieke vergadering wat joernaliste buite die omgewing bygewoon het, wat beteken het dat joernaliste soos Edward Baines van die Leeds Mercury, Charles Wright van die London Courier en John Smith van die Liverpool Mercury daar was om die bloedbad te aanskou. Die nuus oor die slagting het dus vinnig oor die hele land versprei.

Dit was die redakteur van die Manchester Observer wat sy naam aan die slagting gegee het, wat die naam van St. Peter's Field kombineer met die van die Slag van Waterloo, wat net vier jaar tevore geveg en gewen is. Hiervoor sou Wroe 'n jaar gevangenisstraf opgelê word en 'n groot bedrag van £ 100 beboet word vir die bestuur van 'n oproerige koerant. Hofsake teen die Observer is deurgejaag, wat groot finansiële probleme veroorsaak het, en 'n aantal polisie -aanvalle op die koerant het daartoe gelei dat die Observer in 1820 permanent gesluit is. Uit die as van die Observer sou die Manchester Guardian opstaan, wat vandag eenvoudig The Guardian - Brittanje se vooraanstaande liberale koerant.

Die owerhede se reaksie op die slagting was om die skuld nie op die landdroste, die jeug en die soldate te lê nie, maar op die mense wat deur hulle doodgemaak en vermorsel is. Die joernaliste en koerante wat die verhaal behandel het, is ook geteiken. Die skare wat die eerste keer getref is, was die amptelike lyn, en het die jeugbestuur aangeval met klippe en knuffels wat oor hul persone verberg was. Die owerhede het aangevoer dat die Riot Act gelees moes word, daarom moes Hunt en die ander sprekers gearresteer word, en dit was die rede waarom die skare vinnig versprei moes word. Baie mense, verskrik oor die slagting, het nie die amptelike lyn ingesluk nie.


Waarom die behoefte aan hervorming?

  • 3 Die Kommissie om die Parlement te versterk, Versterking van die parlement, Londen: Die Konserwatiewe Party, (.)

9 Volgens die menings van baie kommentators is die Laerhuis 'n relatief swak beleidsinvloedende wetgewer en een wat swakker word. Hoekom? In Julie 2000 het die Kommissie om die Parlement te versterk sy verslag gepubliseer, Versterking van die parlement. 3 Die kommissie is in Julie 1999 gestig deur die opposisieleier, William Hague, "Om die oorsake van die afname in die doeltreffendheid van die parlement in die verantwoording van die uitvoerende gesag te ondersoek en voorstelle te maak vir die versterking van die demokratiese beheer oor die regering". Ek was die voorsitter van die kommissie en dit het getuienis geneem van ingeligte getuies van verskeie politieke partye en van geen. Ek fokus hier op die analise van 'agteruitgang'.

10 Afname dui op 'n val van 'n hoër punt. Die kommissie verwerp die idee dat daar 'n 'goue era' van die parlement was. Dit het nietemin aanvaar dat daar verskeie ontwikkelings was, wat dikwels onafhanklik van mekaar was en op verskillende tye plaasgevind het, wat die parlement verswak het om die uitvoerende gesag uit te daag. Dit het drie langtermynontwikkelings en 'n aantal meer onlangse ontwikkelings geïdentifiseer. Die langtermynontwikkelings was:

ste e groei van die party om 'n samesmelting van menings te verseker, die lojaliteit en samehorigheid van partye (buite en binne die parlement), en om die regering gewoonlik 'n meerderheid te gee om sy maatreëls te tref

ste e groei van staatsbesighede , beide in hoeveelheid (die omvang van wetgewing) en kwaliteit (die kompleksiteit van wetgewing), wat 'n groot besigheidslas veroorsaak wat deur die Parlement verrig moet word en

die groei van georganiseerde belange, met inligting en sanksies (onttrekking van samewerking) tot hul beskikking, wat beide 'n party-gedomineerde Lagerhuis ontbreek het of nie wou gebruik nie.

11 Dit word vererger deur meer onlangse ontwikkelings:

partydigheid, wat 'n skerp botsing tussen partye veroorsaak en 'n groter negativisme in debat

die opkoms van die loopbaan -politikus, 'n toename in die verbruik van parlementêre hulpbronne veroorsaak en mense met ervaring uit ander sektore as die politiek uit die instelling verwyder

konsentrasie van mag in Downingstraat, met die premier wat meer 'presidentieel' word en dus losgemaak is van sy eie party en regering sowel as van die parlement

grondwetlike verandering, met wetgewende bevoegdhede wat oorgedra word aan ander instellings, soos die instellings van die Europese Unie en verkose vergaderings in verskillende dele van die Verenigde Koninkryk

die media -rewolusie, met 24-uur nuus en 'n regeringsvermoë om die ontwikkelings wat nie deur die Parlement geëwenaar kan word nie, te benut

ontpolisisering sommige elemente in die samelewing kies eerder vir direkte optrede as om te debatteer, en sommige kwessies word aan nie-verkose liggame oorgedra.

12 Daar is twee belangrike punte wat uit die ontleding van die kommissie voortspruit. Eerstens is daar geen enkele ontwikkeling wat verantwoordelik is vir die beperkte viskositeit van die Laerhuis nie. Tweedens is hierdie ontwikkelings in baie gevalle onomkeerbaar. As die parlement versterk moet word deur die uitvoerende gesag tot verantwoording te roep, moet u dus verder as die ontwikkelinge kyk.


Beelde

Wetenskap verskaf 'n paar van die romanskrywer se beste metafore vir die ondersoek van menslike gedrag, asof 'n tydperk van wetenskaplike vooruitgang met 'n nuwe soort fiksie ooreenstem. Deur die ontleding van mev Cadwallader en rsquos se pogings om 'n wedstryd tussen Celia Brooke en sir James Chettam te maak, vra die verteller ons om ons voor te stel hoe ons deur 'n mikroskoop na 'n waterdruppel kyk. Dit lyk asof 'n swak lens klein wesens wys wat in die mond van 'n groter wesens swem, en 'n sterker lens sal sekere klein haarstyle onthul wat vir die slagoffers 'n draaikolk maak, terwyl die insluk passief wag op die ontvangs van die pasgemaakte (r. 6). Op 'n afstand lyk mevrou Cadwallader & rsquos se gedrag onverklaarbaar, ondersoek haar noukeuriger en u sal sien dat sy leef om haar belangstelling op haar bure uit te oefen. Dit is tipies van Eliot dat, alhoewel ons agterkom wat die wetenskaplike metafoor beteken, ons ook oplet dat die idee van mevrou Cadwallader soos 'n gulsige damlewe komies is.

Vordering bevraagteken

So in Middlemarch Dit lyk asof George Eliot vertroue in die wetenskap toon en toon hoe dit onderhewig is aan menslike grille en illusies. Terwyl sy 'n intellektuele was au fait met al die modernste idees, gebruik sy fiksie om op 'n ironiese afstand van hoop op vooruitgang te staan. As vrou het Eliot 'n lewe van dapper onafhanklikheid en onkonvensionaliteit geleef: sy het haar eie bestaan ​​gemaak deur saam met mans te skryf en te argumenteer. getroud. Tog Middlemarch is wreed in sy uitbeelding van vroulike aspirasie. Rosamond is beswaard van vroulike aptyt wat haar bestem het vir 'n ongelukkige huwelik. Hoogmoedige Dorothea, wat iets gemeen het met haar skrywer, is gedoem tot teleurstelling deur haar ideale. Dit is haar heeltemal onboekige, maar skerpsinnige suster, Celia, wat waarskynlik meer tevredenheid kan wen. Sommige hedendaagse beoordelaars was nogal verbaas oor watter lesse hulle oor die lot van die vrou uit die roman kon put, terwyl ander dit as 'n duidelike beskuldiging van die beperkings wat vroue in die gesig staar, beskou het. Dorothea moet bittere selfkorreksie verduur voordat sy iets kan bydra tot die groei van die wêreld. Dit is Eliot & rsquos se genie as romanskrywer om fiksie te gebruik om die meeste van wat sy self geglo het, te bevraagteken.

John Mullan is Lord Northcliffe professor in moderne Engelse letterkunde aan die University College London. John is 'n spesialis in 18de-eeuse letterkunde en skryf tans die bundel van die Oxford English Literary History wat die periode van 1709 tot 1784 sal dek. Hy het ook navorsingsbelangstellings in die 19de eeu en het in 2012 sy boek gepubliseer Wat maak saak in Jane Austen?

Die teks in hierdie artikel is beskikbaar onder die Creative Commons -lisensie.


Parlementêre hervorming onder Pitt

[Red. Hierdie kort gedeelte dek William Pitt die Jongere se pogings om die politieke stelsel te hervorm en die gevolge van die geestesongesteldheid van koning George III te hanteer]

Terwyl Pitt nog steeds 'n onafhanklike lid van die Britse parlement was, het hy buite die regering hom as die voorstander van parlementêre hervorming beskou, waarvan sy vader 'n sterk voorstander was. Die stelsel het opgehou om verteenwoordigend te wees, maar hoewel die eis vir heropbou van tyd tot tyd dringend buite die parlement aandring, sodat Chatham uitgespreek het dat as die parlement homself nie gou hervorm nie, dit hervorm sou word "met 'n wraak" van buite, was die lede self nie hervormers nie .

Verkiesingshervorming
Te veel van hulle het vir sakborge gesit om bereid te wees vir die afskaffing van sakborge, en die beheerders van sakborge was ewe nadelig vir 'n verandering. Pitt se plan was nou om ses en dertig van hierdie kiesafdelings te blus en die verteenwoordiging van die provinsies dienooreenkomstig te vergroot. Londen en Westminster sou ook 'n verhoging kry, 'n aandeel in die twee-en-sewentig setels wat voorsien is deur die afskaffing van ses-en-dertig kiesafdelings.

Tot dusver was Fox en sy volgelinge gereed om Pitt te ondersteun teen die gevestigde belange wat teen hervorming gekant was, maar Pitt het voorgestel om hierdie belange te erken deur dit uit te koop, en Fox stem nie hiermee in nie. Die gevolg was dat Pitt nie die maatreël kon uitvoer nie, en parlementêre hervorming is veertig jaar lank van die praktiese politiek afgedryf deur die anti-demokratiese reaksie wat uit die Franse Revolusie ontstaan ​​het.

Ten spyte van hierdie nederlaag op verskeie maatreëls van uiters belangrike belang, waarby bygevoeg kan word dat hy nie die parlement saamgedra het in sy begeerte om die slawehandel af te skaf nie, het Pitt eerste minister gebly, en die teorie en praktyk van die grondwet het nie vereis nie vir sy bedanking. Maar aan die einde van 1788 was dit uiters waarskynlik dat sy predikantsloopbaan skielik tot 'n einde gekom het. Die koning is weer aangeval deur die breinsiekte waarmee hy twee en twintig jaar tevore gedreig is.

Die regentheidsvraag
Die vraag oor die regentskap word onmiddellik skerp. In ooreenstemming met die familietradisie was die prins van Wallis en sy broers sleg met hul pa, en die prins self was intiem met die opposisieleiers, Fox en Sheridan. Dit was duidelik dat hy die natuurlike persoon was wat die regentskap aanvaar het.

Die opposisie beweer dat dit hom volgens konstitusionele reg behoort, dat as die koning ongeskik was, die erfgenaam die monargiese funksies moes verrig, tensy die koning anders in die parlement besluit het. Pitt, aan die ander kant, beweer dat dit by die Estates berus om die regent aan te stel en sy bevoegdhede te definieer, hoewel dit toegegee is dat die prins van Wallis die persoon was wat natuurlik aangestel sou word.

Die Regency Bill
Die mag van die kroon was egter steeds so groot dat dit in alle hande aanvaar is dat Pitt, as die prins regent sou word, ontslaan sou word en die regering na 'n Fox -bediening sou oorgaan. Die merkwaardige skouspel is gesien deur die Whigs, onder leiding van Fox, wat die oorerflike prerogatief in 'n uiters kompromislose vorm beweer, terwyl Pitt en die Tories die kampioene van die regte van die parlement was, terwyl die paradoks deels verantwoord word deur die vermoede dat as die Whig leerstellings gedra en die prins in werklikheid koning geword het, sou die koning self nie die krag herstel nie, selfs al sou hy sy gesondheid herstel.

Die Engelse publieke opinie was by Pitt en het geëis dat die bevoegdhede wat aan die prins as regent moes toegeken word, beperk is, en dat die beginsel erken word dat hy nie die regentskap as 'n konstitusionele reg kan opeis nie. Daar was geen presedent vir die situasie nie, maar in elk geval was die gevoel dat die prins se regentskap Pitt se uittrede sou behels. Die posisie is egter gered deur die herstel van die koning voordat die Regency -wetsontwerp deur die Here gegaan het. Pitt, in plaas van om in die privaat lewe gedryf te word, was sterker gevestig in mag en in koninklike guns as voorheen.

'N Geskiedenis van Brittanje

Hierdie artikel is 'n uittreksel uit die boek, 'A History of the British Nation', deur AD Innes, gepubliseer in 1912 deur TC & amp EC Jack, Londen. Ek het 'n paar jaar gelede hierdie heerlike boek by 'n tweedehandse boekwinkel in Calgary, Kanada, gaan haal. Aangesien dit nou meer as 70 jaar is sedert mnr Innes se dood in 1938, kan ons die volledige teks van hierdie boek met Britain Express -lesers deel. Sommige van die skrywer se sienings kan volgens moderne standaarde kontroversieel wees, veral sy houding teenoor ander kulture en rasse, maar dit is die moeite werd om dit as 'n tydperk van Britse houdings te lees ten tyde van die skryf hiervan.


Die politiek van parlementêre hervorming

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Parlementêre hervorming onder William III, deel 2

. vervolg uit die vorige artikel.
Die duidelike feit was dat William aan die einde van 1693, hoewel hy die idee om homself in die hande van die hoofde van een party te plaas, nog steeds baie min gehou het, die noodsaaklikheid was om 'n groep manne in die Raad te hê wat sou werk harmonie saam, en die steun van een groot party in die lig van die groot oorlog op die vasteland. Later, toe die oorlog verby was, wou hy terugkeer na die beginsel om ministers van beide kante af te neem. Maar nou moes hy die een of ander party kies, en die balans was beslis ten gunste van die Whigs.

Beide Whigs en Tories, soos hy geken het, was intrigerend by die Court of St. Germain, maar hoewel baie van die Tories Jakobiete van harte was, het die Whigs hoofsaaklik as 'n versekering teen ongelukke gefassineer, maar wou James nie terugkry nie, maar hulle wou verseker 'n locus standi as hy kans kry om terug te kom. Die Whigs was meer beslis ten gunste van die oorlog, en dit was wat William veral op die hart gedra het.

Die admiraal in wie die land die meeste vertroue gehad het, was 'n Whig. As Marlborough, wat as 'n Tory gereken word, deur die koning vertrou is, sou hy Russell moontlik 'n teenwicht gehad het, maar William het te goed geweet dat die briljante soldaat nie te vertrou was nie. Die gevolg was dat in die bediening van 1693 Danby en Godolphin die enigste Tories wat in die amp behoue ​​gebly het. Die veranderinge het 'n gunstige uitwerking op die humeur van die Laerhuis, wat voldoende voorraad verleen het, en die finansiële hervormings van die regering is bekroon deur die totstandkoming van die Bank of England.

Die veldtog in Nederland in hierdie jaar was sonder probleme. Aangesien die vegters so ewe goed soos hulle was, het dit al hoe duideliker geword dat die oorwinning op die lange duur sou val na die kant wie se skatkis die langste gehou het en die spanning al te ernstig geword het vir Louis. 'N Gesamentlike vloot- en militêre ekspedisie teen Brest het 'n ramp beleef, wat amper met sekerheid toegeskryf word aan die verraad van Marlborough, hoewel inligting van die ontwerp ook die Franse uit ander bronne bereik het.

Die militêre bevel is gegee aan Talmash, die enigste Engelse soldaat met 'n reputasie wat destyds teen Marlborough se wedywering was en dat jaloesie op Talmash gewoonlik die motief van Marlborough se verraad was. Talmash is voor Brest vermoor, maar Russell is met 'n vloot na die Middellandse See gestuur waar die Franse vloot by Toulon skuil.

Ten spyte van sy eie protesoptredes, is die Engelse admiraal beveel om in die Middellandse See te oorwinter, met die gevolg dat vlootoptrede van die Franse heeltemal verlam is en dat die beheer van die binneland 'n permanente kenmerk van die Engelse vlootbeleid geword het.

Toe William aan die einde van die jaar met die parlement vergader het, was die vordering van die oorlog meer bevredigend as in enige van die vorige stadiums, behalwe onmiddellik na La Hogue. Die koning en die parlement was harmonies gesind, en William is uiteindelik oorgehaal om aan die gunsteling eis van die Whigs, 'n driejaarwet, te voldoen, wat nie net vereis dat die parlement minstens een keer in drie jaar moet vergader nie, maar dat die lewe van 'n parlement moet nie langer as drie jaar strek nie.

Die Whigs het ook gewen met die uittrede van Danby, nou hertog van Leeds, as gevolg van aanklagte van korrupsie in verband met die Oos -Indiese Kompanjie. Die aanklagte kon nie eintlik bewys word nie, maar aan die ander kant kon Danby hom nie te veel agterdog verwis om hom toe te laat om aktief aan die politiek deel te neem nie.

Koningin Mary se dood
Voor Danby se val het William polities sowel as persoonlik 'n baie ernstige knou gekry deur die dood van Mary. Tories wat hulle kon versoen met die gesamentlike bewind van die oudste dogter van King James en haar man, het dit minder maklik gevind om hul gewete te versoen met die eensame heerskappy van William. Sy was boonop persoonlik gewild.

William kan bewondering en respek aanwakker, maar hy het geen invloed op die liefde van die Engelse mense nie. Boonop kon hy altyd die beheer van sake aan die koningin vertrou tydens sy afwesigheid op die vasteland, en daar was nou niemand in wie hy dieselfde vertroue kon rus nie.

Maar weereens was dit gelukkig dat die veldtogte van die volgende somer baie in die guns van William gesê het. Die waarde van die Engelse beheer oor die Middellandse See is geopenbaar, aangesien feitlik die hele Franse vloot by Toulon gesluit was en William self, sowel as die Engelse troepe saam met hom, 'n nuwe aansien gewen het deur die herowering van die belangrike stad Namur, wat die Franse in die eerste jaar van die oorlog ingeneem het.

'N Geskiedenis van Brittanje

Hierdie artikel is 'n uittreksel uit die boek, 'A History of the British Nation', deur AD Innes, gepubliseer in 1912 deur TC & amp EC Jack, Londen. Ek het 'n paar jaar gelede hierdie heerlike boek by 'n tweedehandse boekwinkel in Calgary, Kanada, gaan haal. Aangesien dit nou meer as 70 jaar is sedert mnr Innes se dood in 1938, kan ons die volledige teks van hierdie boek met Britain Express -lesers deel. Sommige van die skrywers se sienings kan volgens moderne standaarde kontroversieel wees, veral sy houding teenoor ander kulture en rasse, maar dit is die moeite werd om dit as 'n tydperk van die Britse houding op die oomblik te lees.


Parlementêre en kommersiële hervorming (1783-1785)

834. Die Ierse parlement, wat nou gratis was, was ongelukkig omdat dit 'n soort parlement was wat so goed kon dink: en die regering het alle hervormings weerstaan. Die huis van algemene mense het uit 300 lede bestaan, waarvan slegs 72 werklik deur die mense teruggegee is: die res is genomineer, of hulle verkiesing is op een of ander manier beïnvloed deur here of ander magtige mense.

Een edele heer het bevel gegee oor sestien setels, 'n geld wat in besit was, want hy het hulle almal verkoop in die verkiesingstye, 'n ander het veertien, nog nege, ensovoorts. Vyf en twintig individue besit ongeveer 116 sitplekke. By een verkiesing het die eienaar van Belturbet 11 000 pond vir die stoel ontvang. Die valse gemeentes wat in die tyd van die Stuarts (528) vervaardig is, bestaan ​​nog, en almal is genomineerdes van die regering na die parlement gestuur. Die aantal kiesers in baie hiervan was nie meer as 'n dosyn nie, wat in die meeste gevalle maklik gekoop kon word. Op sommige plekke, soos by Swords naby Dublin, het elke volwasse protestant 'n stem gehad: 'n reëling wat deur sommige kiesafdelings in Engeland nageboots is. Onder hierdie omstandighede was dit altyd maklik vir die regering om 'n meerderheid te verkry deur bloot geld te bestee. Die huis was deeglik korrup, met natuurlik baie edele individuele uitsonderings.

835. Laastens is die Rooms -Katolieke, wat vier vyfdes van die bevolking uitgemaak het, heeltemal uit die weg geruim: 'n Katoliek kan nie lid wees of vir 'n lid stem nie. Dit verteenwoordig nie die nasie nie: en dit verteenwoordig nie eens die protestantse volk nie. Dit bevat die elemente van verval en ontbinding. Daar was nooit 'n parlement wat meer hervorming nodig gehad het nie en hervorming sou dit gered het.

836. Twee groot vrae lê nou voor die land: parlementêre hervorming en die verwydering van beperkings op Ierse handel. 'N Derde vraag was Katolieke emansipasie, wat egter op die oomblik baie op die agtergrond gehou is. Vloed was vir onmiddellike optrede oor hervorming Grattan was ook vir hervorming, maar het gedink dat die tyd nie aangebreek het om dit te druk nie, en het die saak in die hande van Flood gelaat. Grattan was vir emansipasie. Vloed was daarteen.

837. Flood felt keenly the loss of his influence and Grattan's brilliant career and unbounded popularity had thrown him into the shade Between these two great men there was gradually growing up a feeling of rivalry and estrangement.

838. The volunteers took up the question of reform. A meeting of delegates was held in Dungannon in September, and there were other meetings in other parts of Ireland. In all these the subject was discussed, and a general convention in Dublin of delegates from all the volunteer corps of Ireland was arranged for the 10th of November 1783. These proceedings were very alarming to the government, who wanted no reform.

839. The earl of Northington was appointed lord lieutenant in June 1783, in place of lord Temple. The new parliament met in October, and the government, though fearing the volunteers, had a vote of thanks passed to them, probably to conciliate the country.

Flood brought in a motion in favour of retrenchment as a beginning of reform, in which the opposition were voted down by the government. In the debates that followed occurred a bitter and very lamentable altercation between Grattan and Flood, which terminated their friendship for ever. Yet subsequently, each bore generous testimony to the greatness of the other.

840. The 10th of November came, and 160 volunteer delegates assembled, first in the royal exchange in Dublin, and this being not large enough, afterwards in the Rotunda. Their commander was James Caulfield, earl of Charlemont, a man universally respected, of refined tastes and scholarly attainments, and moderate in his views. He was elected chairman.

841. Within the volunteers were men of more extreme views, who were for Catholic emancipation, and some even for total separation from England: these found a leader in an eccentric character, Frederick Augustus Hervey, earl of Bristol and Protestant bishop of Derry. He assumed great state: dressed out in gorgeous robes, he drove through the streets of Dublin, escorted by a company of dragoons, and followed by great mobs who idolised him.

842. The delegates held their sittings during the sitting of parliament. They discussed plans of reform, and after much labour certain propositions were agreed to, which however did not include any proposals for the relief of Catholics. This omission was the result of a discreditable manoeuvre on the part of the government, by which the convention was divided, and the ultra Protestants had the consideration of Catholic relief put aside.

843. In parliament Flood introduced a bill embodying the demands of the convention, which brought on a stormy debate. Barry Yelverton, now attorney general, afterwards lord Avonmore, led the opposition to the bill, at the same time denouncing vehemently the attempt to coerce the parliament by an armed body of men and John Fitzgibbon and others followed in the same strain.

Flood, in a powerful speech, advocated the bill and defended the action of the volunteers. The scene in parliament is described as "almost terrific." Grattan supported the bill, but not very earnestly and John Philpot Curran who had been elected for Kilbeggan this same year&mdash1783&mdashmade his first parliamentary speech in favour of it. But the government party were too strong, and it was rejected by 159 against 77.

844. There were now serious fears of a collision between the volunteers and the government: but the counsels of lord Charlemont prevailed and on the 2nd of December the convention was adjourned without any day being fixed for next meeting. This was the death blow to the influence of the volunteers, and they never afterwards played any important part in the political affairs of the country. Thus the efforts of the popular party to reform a corrupt parliament ended for the present in failure, through government opposition.

845. After this defeat of his party Flood resolved to play a part elsewhere, and entered the English parliament in December 1783, still retaining his Irish seat. He was now a member of both parliaments and spoke and voted in each.

846. In the following year he made another effort in Ireland at reform, but the Irish government successfully resisted all attempts to improve the representation. Napper Tandy a prominent member of the volunteers, Flood, and some others, made an attempt to have a series of meetings convened through the country but the movement was put down by the government.

847. The duke of Rutland succeeded lord Northington as lord lieutenant in February 1784. The volunteers, deserted by their leaders, formed democratic associations and held secret meetings. In Dublin, Belfast, and elsewhere, they began to drill men in the use of arms, Catholics as well as Protestants whereupon the government increased the army to 15,000 men, and took measures to revive the militia, a force in the service of the crown.

But the people hated the militia, and the country became greatly disturbed. Scenes of violence occurred everywhere. Even in Dublin the mobs paraded the streets, attacked and maimed soldiers, broke into shops and ill used the shopkeepers for selling English goods It was a time of trouble and alarm.

848. The next movement was an attempt to regulate the commercial relations with England, which were all against Ireland: and here the Irish government were on the side of reform, though their ideas fell short of those of the opposition. There were enormous prohibitory duties on Irish goods exported to England, but little or none on English goods brought to Ireland: this repressed Irish commerce and manufactures, and helped to keep the country in a state of distress and poverty.

849. To remedy this state ol things&mdashto equalise English and Irish duties&mdashMr. Thomas Orde chief secretary brought down from the castle, on the part of the government, eleven propositions. One of the provisions was that all Irish revenue beyond £650,000 should be applied to the support of the British navy, which drew forth considerable opposition. The whole of the propositions were however passed through parliament in the shape of resolutions, 12th February 1785.

850. The eleven propositions were transmitted to England for adoption there for as the restrictions had been the work of the English parliament, it was only in England they could be removed. But when they were proposed in England by William Pitt, then chancellor of the exchequer, there arose violent opposition petitions against them poured in from companies, manufacturers, and merchants, in all parts of England, who insisted on maintaining the monopoly that enriched themselves and impoverished Ireland. Whereupon Pitt, fearing to face the storm, brought down to the English parliament twenty propositions of his own. much less favourable to Ireland&mdashcontaining several injurious restrictions&mdashand had them passed.

851. These on being transmitted to the Irish government and introduced by them to the Irish house in August 1785, were received by the opposition with an outburst of indignation. Flood led the opposition with all his old fire and energy. Grattan denounced the propositions in one of his finest speeches and after an all-night stormy debate, the government had so small a majority&mdashonly 19&mdashthat they thought it more prudent to withdraw the bill. Thus the whole scheme of commercial reform fell through, and matters remained much as they were till the time of the Union.


As we prepare to commemorate the bicentenary of Peterloo Massacre this Friday – 16 August – we hear from editor of our 1832-68 project for the second time in our Peterloo blog series. Dr Philip Salmon discusses the aftermath of the Massacre, and the public protest and parliamentary reform that followed in the nineteenth century…

Public opinion was shocked by the murder of so many pro-reform protesters, including three women, at the rally held on St Peter’s Field 200 years ago. Lurid accounts of sabre-wielding cavalrymen slashing their way through the crowd filled the newspapers. The press, mocking the patriotic memory of Waterloo, dubbed it the ‘Peterloo Massacre’. Vigils and protest meetings were organised across northern England and the Midlands, some of them leading to yet more clashes with local authorities. A new cottage industry in commemorative prints, songs, medals and trinkets expressing sympathy and solidarity for the victims of Peterloo was soon flourishing.

The Tory government, however, doggedly backed the use of force, to the fury of their Whig opponents in Parliament. The Prince Regent even thanked the cavalry for preserving the ‘public peace’ and refused to receive radical petitions, prompting a delightful satire showing him breaking wind in the face of Hunt and other radicals. Many of those involved in the Peterloo demonstration were rounded up and put on trial. Henry Hunt was sentenced to 2½ years in prison for sedition.

‘Loyal Addresses and Radical Petitions’, published by T. Tegg (1819)

Under pressure to stop more incidents, the Tory government recalled Parliament and imposed one of the biggest clamp-downs in British political history. The Six Acts of 1819 banned all ‘unofficial’ large public meetings. Magistrates were given extra powers to arrest people and search for guns. It became illegal to criticise the state in print and punitive taxes were imposed on all newspaper sales.

The foiling of a plot to assassinate the Prime Minister and Cabinet in 1820 seemed to justify these actions, even though it turned out that a government spy or agent provokateur had encouraged the plans. Five members of the so-called ‘Cato Street Conspiracy’ were found guilty of treason, including Arthur Thistlewood and William Davidson, a black Jamaican activist. On May Day 1820 they were publicly hanged and beheaded outside Newgate prison in front of vast crowds, many of whom had paid three guineas for a good view.

Government repression combined with improved harvests limited the number of mass outdoor political demonstrations over the next few years. But the movement for political change did not go away. In 1820 the Tory government reluctantly agreed to help the newly enthroned monarch, George IV, divorce his estranged German wife Queen Caroline. Whig and radical politicians rallied to her side, whipping up a wave of anti-government protest and public support for her ‘constitutional rights’, which was difficult to suppress. Her trial in the House of Lords for adultery with an Italian manservant captivated the nation, prompting a petitioning campaign that mustered over a million signatures. Realising they would be unlikely to get a divorce bill through the newly elected House of Commons, the government abandoned the attempt, much to the fury of the King.

Awful Execution of the Conspirators (1820)

Using revitalised constitutional methods such as petitioning and election campaigning, reform groups were able to bring a new sort of pressure to bear on the Tory government during the 1820s. In Manchester, for example, the ‘Little Circle’ avoided provocative outdoor rallies and began infiltrating the structures of local government and county administration, acquiring influence in electoral politics. Legal challenges to the way ancient municipal corporations were being run, organised by radical reformers like Joseph Parkes in Warwick, resulted in many boroughs having to admit swathes of new freeman voters and abandon their traditional control over parliamentary elections. Many previously ‘closed’ constituencies became increasingly open to public opinion, enabling new types of MP to be elected.

This focus on electoral tactics was taken to the extreme in Ireland. Here Daniel O’Connell and his pioneering Catholic Association eventually acquired so much electoral power, as shown in the results of the 1826 general election, that the Tory government, led by the Duke of Wellington, was forced to concede Catholic emancipation in 1829. Coming only a year after the government’s repeal of laws discriminating against Nonconformists, this act marked a key turning point in British politics. It seriously undermined the ancient Protestant constitution, it recognised the legitimacy and necessity of responding to popular pressure, and above all it helped to split the long-dominant Tory party into warring factions.

Shortly after the 1830 election, which saw more gains for reformers, Wellington’s ministry lost a crucial vote and resigned. Lord Grey became prime minister, heading the first Whig government for 25 years. After 18 months of political turmoil, which brought the nation to the brink of revolution with reform riots in Bristol and Nottingham, the Whigs eventually passed the ‘Great’ Reform Act of 1832, overhauling the ancient electoral system. The new voting qualifications increased the electorate to almost a fifth (18%) of the adult male population.

Like many other northern industrial towns Manchester benefited from the Reform Act’s redistribution of seats confiscated from ‘rotten boroughs’. It now had its own MPs. Nearly 7,000 of its wealthier male householders and shopkeepers qualified for the new £10 household franchise. Respectable working men, though, had to wait until 1867 to get the vote – a right that was only extended to all men (and women aged 30 and over) in 1918. Within a few years of the Reform Act the Chartists launched a new campaign demanding far more democratic reforms on behalf of the people, which again involved mass public protests and outbursts of disorder. Forty years later the campaign for women’s votes began its lengthy and often tortuous course, which was commemorated in last year’s Vote 100 celebrations.

Click here for other posts in our Peterloo blog series. Special thanks to our partners, the Citizens Project at Royal Holloway, UoL and the Parliamentary Archives.

The Citizens Project have launched their free Massive Open Online Course, From Peterloo to the Pankhursts. Click the link for further information on how to get involved and what the course entails.


In today’s blog we resume our Local and Community History Month focus on the historic constituency of Exeter. This week Dr Martin Spychal, research fellow for the Commons 1832-68, uses polling and voter registration data to explore the 1832 Reform Act’s impact on elections in Exeter…

A handbill for the unsuccessful pro-reform candidate at the 1831 general election, Edward Divett. Exeter’s Whigs, Reformers and Liberals looked to parliamentary reform as the only way to eradicate ‘church and chamber’ influence. © Devon Heritage Centre

Exeter Cathedral and the city’s long history of loyalty to the crown loomed large over its politics during the 1820s. To be returned for one of Exeter’s two seats in the Commons, whether as a Whig or as a Tory, candidates had to secure the confidence of the Anglican-controlled council chamber, the cathedral and the parish clergy. The political influence of ‘church and chamber’, as it was known locally, was apparent even to the most casual of onlookers. At the 1820 election, for instance, the mayor of Exeter ran the Tory candidate’s campaign and in 1830 the incumbent liberal-Tory was forced to retire after his vote for Catholic emancipation incensed the dean and chapter of Exeter Cathedral.

This state of affairs was not to everyone’s liking, particularly Exeter’s smaller tradesmen and shopkeepers who predominated in the city’s Baptist, Quaker, Methodist, Unitarian and Catholic chapels, as well as its synagogue. Their collective efforts during the 1820s to return a MP for the city proved fruitless, meaning that as the decade wore on parliamentary reform was seen as the only means of shifting power in the city. As the Liberal Western Times, and its outspoken editor, Thomas Latimer, protested in 1831, church and chamber used their joint influence in Exeter ‘as much as is exercised in a rotten borough’.

It therefore came as little surprise that the anti-Church and council faction of Whigs, Liberals and Reformers celebrated the 1832 Reform Act as the dawning of a new era. This optimism appeared to be confirmed when two Whig-Liberal candidates were returned at the 1832 election, prompting the Western Times to declare that ‘the power of returning our members will henceforth be in our own hands’.

This Liberal confidence proved short-lived. In 1835 Exeter’s Conservatives regained one of the borough’s two seats. From then on it was the Conservatives, rather than the Liberals that came closest to assuming complete control of the borough. Exeter’s Liberal MP narrowly avoided losing his seat at the 1841 and 1852 elections, and a second Liberal candidate was roundly trounced at two by-elections in the 1840s. And for a brief period, following the 1864 by-election, the Conservatives returned both of Exeter’s members. The retirement of an incumbent Conservative ahead of the 1865 election led to the unopposed return of a Liberal and Conservative in 1865.

Polling results detailing plumps, straights and splits at the 1835 Exeter general election. The Conservative candidate topped the poll, and the incumbent Whig-Liberal, Edward Divett, was returned in second place. Western Times, 17 Jan. 1835

Due to the complex changes to voting rights and extensive boundary reforms that took place in Exeter in 1832, the constituency provides an excellent case study of the unintended consequences of the 1832 Reform Act. As well as revealing the continuation of ‘ancient’ freeman and freeholder voting rights in the reformed electoral system, the constituency offers some stark examples of how, in the long run, the finer details of the 1832 Reform Act actually proved favourable to Conservative candidates.

The rules surrounding who could vote in Exeter after 1832 were some of the most complex in the country. The borough’s ancient freeman qualification continued to enfranchise freemen of the borough who lived within seven miles of Exeter Guildhall, and had been entitled to vote on 1 March 1831 or had become freemen ‘by birth or servitude’ since then. As Exeter had the administrative status of a county, all men who owned a 40s. freehold within its newly extended parliamentary limits also qualified to vote, so long as the freeholder’s primary residence was within seven miles of Exeter’s new boundaries. In addition, all men who occupied a house with an annual rental value of £10, and who were not in arrears on their parish rates for the previous twelve months, were enfranchised by the 1832 Reform Act.

To make matters more complicated Exeter’s list of registered voters was pored over each year by party lawyers who sought to disfranchise their opponents’ supporters for all manner of technical reasons in the annual registration court. As with many other constituencies across England, in Exeter it was the Conservative lawyers and election agents who proved most adept and ruthless at removing their opponents from the rolls.

Exeter’s ancient rights freeman and freeholder franchises comprised a significant portion of Exeter’s voters after 1832, while the freeholder voters continued to grow in number after the 1867 Reform Act © Martin Spychal

One of the technicalities raised consistently in Exeter’s registration court related to the annual 1s. voter registration fee introduced by the 1832 Reform Act. While it was clear that all £10 householders had to pay this fee, ancient rights freemen and freeholders successfully challenged parish officials and revising barristers throughout the 1830s to secure an exemption from the annual charge.

The lack of a 1s. registration fee for this group meant that the freeholder franchise, in particular, continued to grow in popularity after the 1832 Reform Act, and even continued to do so following the 1867 Reform Act. In 1835 833 voters were registered under Exeter’s freeholder qualification, by 1865 that figure had increased to 1013, and by 1881 it had risen to 1181.

By contrast, Exeter’s ancient freemen declined in number from 586 in 1832 to 224 in 1865. At every election during this period, polling data revealed that at least 70% of freemen supported Conservative candidates. This led to constant complaints from Liberals that Exeter’s freemen were propping up ‘church and council’ influence in the borough, as they had done before 1832.

Conservative candidates were able to secure support from over 50% of Exeter’s 40s. freeholders and £10 householders at each contested general election in Exeter between 1835 and 1852. The Conservative candidate at the 1864 by-election required the support of freeman voters to secure his election © Martin Spychal

In reality, however, the votes of freemen on their own only swayed one election to the Conservatives between 1832 and 1868 – the 1864 by-election. Exeter’s polling data actually reveals that Conservative candidates enjoyed consistently high levels of support among the more popular freeholder and £10 householder franchises, a majority of whom voted for Conservative candidates at the three-way contests of 1835, 1841 and 1852, whether by splitting with the Liberal candidate or casting a partisan plump or straight votes.

The expansion of Exeter’s boundaries in 1832 proved beneficial to Conservative candidates at every election from 1835. PP 1831-2 (141), xxxviii. 1

As well as franchise changes, in 1832 Exeter’s boundaries were extended to include the parishes of St Leonard, St Thomas and Heavitree. At the time, these changes were welcomed by Whigs, Reformers and Liberals, and opposed by the forces of Exeter Conservatism, who unsuccessfully petitioned the House of Lords against the ‘great injustice’ of the boundary commissioners’ proposals.

However, polling data for each of the contested elections between 1832 and 1868 reveals that these initial Conservative fears were misplaced. While around 60% of voters in St Thomas supported Liberal candidates throughout the period, voters in Heavitree and St Leonards proved consistently pro-Conservative from 1835. This meant that if Exeter’s boundaries had remained unchanged in 1832 as the Conservatives had wanted, Liberal candidates would have performed better – topping the poll at the 1852 election and winning the 1864 by-election.

The next major change to Exeter’s electoral conditions came with the 1867 Reform Act, when the franchise was extended to include all male householders. As in 1832, Exeter’s Liberals again looked to reform as the best means of finally toppling the influence of ‘church and chamber’. As in 1832, Liberal candidates secured both seats at the 1868 election. However, the Liberal’s triumph again proved short-lived. At the 1874 election the enduring popularity of Conservatism among Exeter’s electors ensured the return of two Conservative candidates at the first general election after the introduction of the secret ballot.

Verdere leeswerk

T. Jenkins, ‘Exeter’, Commons 1820-32 (2009)

Robert Newton, Eighteenth-Century Exeter (1984)

Philip Salmon, Electoral Reform at Work Local Politics and National Parties 1832-1841 (2002)

Philip Salmon, ‘The mathematics of Victorian representation’ Deel 1 & Part 2, Victorian Commons (2014)


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