Wat was die rol van Alexander Hamilton in die presidensiële nederlaag van Aaron Burr?

Wat was die rol van Alexander Hamilton in die presidensiële nederlaag van Aaron Burr?


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Toe die presidentsverkiesing van 1800 nader kom, was Amerikaners meer verdeeld as ooit tevore. Die huidige president John Adams het te kampe gehad met vise -president Thomas Jefferson, die voormalige staatsekretaris en outeur van die Onafhanklikheidsverklaring.

Vir Jefferson en sy ondersteuners in die toenemende Demokraties-Republikeinse (of Republikeinse) opposisie, het die bou van die sterk nasionale regering wat deur Adams Federalistiese party bevoordeel is, beteken dat die regte van state en individue vertrap word, en die revolusionêre vryheid waarop die volk gegrond is, vernietig word.

Destyds was daar geen algemene stemme nie, en was daar geen afsonderlike stembriewe vir presidensiële en vise -presidentskandidate nie. Kiesers uit elk van die 16 state in die Unie het elk twee stemme uitgebring; die kandidaat wat die meeste stemme gekry het, het president geword, terwyl die naaswenner vise-president geword het. Hierdie onteenseglik gebrekkige stelsel het daartoe gelei dat Jefferson in 1796 Adams se vise -president geword het, nadat hy die land se eerste omstrede presidensiële wedloop met slegs drie verkiesingsstemme verloor het.

In die 1800-verkiesing-'n uitgerekte stryd tussen twee heeltemal uiteenlopende visioene oor die toekoms van Amerika-sou dit 'n reguit grondwetlike krisis veroorsaak.

'N Historiese band tussen Jefferson en Burr

Daar is in 1800 oor 'n tydperk van maande gestem, en die veldtog, wat grootliks in die partydige pers van die land gevoer is, het regtig nare geword. Die Republikeinse koerantredakteur James Callender het Adams berug daarvan beskuldig dat hy 'n 'afskuwelike hermafroditiese karakter' het, terwyl 'n federalistiese skrywer met die naam 'Burleigh' beweer dat as Jefferson wen, 'moord, roof, verkragting, egbreuk en bloedskande, openlik geleer en geoefen sal word. ”

Teen middel Desember 1800 was dit duidelik dat Jefferson en sy hardloopmaat, Aaron Burr, die Federalist-kaartjie van Adams en Charles Cotesworth Pinckney geslaan het. Maar daar was 'n probleem: daar is verwag dat ten minste een van die Republikeinse kiesers sy stem van Burr sou weerhou om Jefferson in staat te stel om voor te kom. Nie een van hulle het dit gedoen nie, en elke man het presies 73 verkiesingsstemme gekry.

'N Federalistiese plan om Jefferson te stuit

Die das het die verkiesing na die kreupele eendhuis gestuur, waar die federaliste oorheers het. Alhoewel die openbare mening Jefferson bevoordeel het, het baie federaliste besluit om hul steun aan Burr te werp, in die hoop om Jefferson uit die hoogste amp van die land te hou. Burr het geweier om te bevestig dat hy die president sou weier as die Huis in sy guns stem, en sommige mense het tot die gevolgtrekking gekom dat hy in die geheim die pos soek.

Alexander Hamilton was een van hierdie mense. Alhoewel hy byna elke politieke aangeleentheid met Jefferson verskil het, het hy gedink Burr het min beginsels buite sy eie ambisie. In 'n hewige briefskrywingsveldtog wat van middel Desember tot einde Januarie 1801 sou voortduur, het Hamilton hard gewerk om sy mede-federaliste daarvan te oortuig.

'Daar is geen twyfel nie, maar dat Jefferson by elke deugdelike en omsigtige berekening die voorkeur geniet,' skryf hy aan Oliver Wolcott Jr. op 16 Desember. ' . ”

Maar Hamilton het 'n groot deel van sy invloed onder mede -federaliste verloor as gevolg van sy wrede aanvalle op Adams (sowel as skandale in sy persoonlike lewe). Teen die tyd dat die Huis op 11 Februarie 1801 begin stem het, het Hamilton se kommer oor Burr nie baie lede van sy party laat stoot nie.

KYK: "The Founding Fathers" op HISTORY Vault

Die beslissende stem

Die Grondwet het bepaal dat elke staat se afvaardiging in die Huis as 'n enkele blok moet stem om die verkiesing te besluit. Dit het 'n groot mag in die hande van een man: die Federalist van Delaware, James A. Bayard, wat in 1800 die enigste verteenwoordiger van sy staat was. As Bayard sy stem verander, het sy staat sy stem verander.

In die eerste stemming - en die 34 wat die volgende vyf dae gevolg het - het Bayard Delaware se stem vir Burr uitgebring, wat hom ses state op Jefferson se agt gegee het. Die afvaardigings van Vermont en Maryland is eweredig verdeel, sodat hulle nie gestem het nie.

Met geen duidelike wenner nie, het die nasie op die rand van chaos gesweef. Republikeinse koerante het die vlamme aan die brand gesteek deur moontlike militêre ingryping voor te stel, en groepe nie -amptelike Republikeinse en Federalistiese milisie het begin oefen ter voorbereiding op 'n moontlike burgeroorlog.

Intussen het Bayard (moontlik as gevolg van die invloed van Hamilton, wat op 16 Januarie aan hom geskryf het aangevoer dat Burr 'n "man van ekstreem & onreëlmatige ambisie ”) het sy posisie heroorweeg. Volgens historikus Ron Chernow het Bayard tydens 'n koukus voorgestel dat hy vir Jefferson kan stem om 'n grondwetlike krisis te voorkom. Nadat ander federaliste hom neergeskree het met 'n uitroep van 'Deserter!'

Bayard ontmoet twee van Jefferson se vriende, John Nicholas van Virginia en Samuel Smith van Maryland. Hy wou bevestig dat Jefferson as president sekere federalistiese beleide, waaronder Hamilton se finansiële stelsel, en kantoorhouers sou laat bly.

Nadat hy stilswyende sekerheid gekry het dat Jefferson met hierdie voorwaardes saamstem, het Bayard 'n blanko stembrief ingedien tydens die 36ste stemronde, op 17 Februarie 1801. Federaliste stap ook opsy in Vermont en Maryland, sodat die staatsafvaardigings vir Jefferson kan stem en verseël. sy oorwinning, net twee weke voor die inhuldigingsdag.

Die blywende impak van die verkiesing van 1800

Jefferson het later geskryf dat sy oorwinning in 1800 'net so 'n ware revolusie in die beginsels van ons regering was as wat 76 in sy vorm was'. Federaliste sou nooit weer 'n presidensiële wedloop wen nie, en teen 1815 het hulle nie meer as 'n party bestaan ​​nie. Met die Republikeine wat stewig in beheer van die regering was, is die 12de wysiging aan die einde van Jefferson se eerste termyn aangeneem, waarin die verkiesingsproses gewysig is en die verkiesing van president en vise -president geskei is.

Die verkiesing van 1800 is prominent in Lin-Manuel Miranda se treffermusiek Hamilton, wat dien as die katalisator vir die noodlottige botsing tussen Hamilton en Burr in 1804. In die werklike lewe was die opeenvolging van gebeure ingewikkelder, maar die uitval van 1800 speel beslis 'n belangrike rol in die lewens van die twee mans.

Hamilton se statuur in sy party het verder afgeneem na Jefferson se verkiesing, selfs al het die federalisme self die invloed verloor. Intussen, nadat Jefferson geweier het om sy nuwe VP enige invloed in sy administrasie te gee en hom in die volgende verkiesing van die kaartjie laat val het, het Burr tevergeefs vir die goewerneur van New York gehardloop.

Toe gerugte by Burr uitkom dat Hamilton tydens die veldtog teen hom gepraat het, het die langdurige spanning tussen hulle toegeneem, wat gelei het tot die tweestryd wat Hamilton in Julie 1804 vermoor het.


Nalatenskap

Hamilton se interpretasies van die Grondwet wat in die Federalistiese referate bly baie invloedryk, soos gesien in wetenskaplike studies en hofbeslissings. [163]

Alhoewel die Grondwet onduidelik was oor die presiese magsbalans tussen nasionale en staatsregerings, het Hamilton hom konsekwent die kant van groter federale mag geneem ten koste van die state. [164] As sekretaris van die tesourie stig hy - teen die intense opposisie van die minister van buitelandse sake Jefferson - die land se eerste nasionale bank. Hamilton regverdig die stigting van hierdie bank en ander verhoogde federale magte, onder die konstitusionele bevoegdhede van die kongres om geldeenhede uit te reik, om handel tussen die state te reguleer en om enigiets anders te doen wat "nodig en behoorlik" sou wees om die bepalings van die Grondwet in te stel. Jefferson, aan die ander kant, het 'n strenger beskouing van die Grondwet gehad: deur die teks noukeurig te ontleed, het hy geen spesifieke magtiging vir 'n nasionale bank gevind nie. Hierdie twis is uiteindelik deur die Hooggeregshof van die Verenigde State besleg McCulloch v. Maryland, wat in wese Hamilton se siening aanvaar het, wat die federale regering wye vryheid verleen om die beste middele te kies om sy grondwetlik opgesomde bevoegdhede uit te voer, spesifiek die leerstelling van geïmpliseerde magte. [165] Tog toon die Amerikaanse burgeroorlog en die progressiewe era die krisisse en politiek wat Hamilton se administratiewe republiek wou vermy. [166]

Hamilton se beleid as sekretaris van die tesourie het 'n groot invloed op die Amerikaanse regering gehad en bly steeds beïnvloed. Sy grondwetlike interpretasie, spesifiek van die nodige en behoorlike klousule, het presedente geskep vir federale gesag wat steeds deur die howe gebruik word en as 'n gesag oor grondwetlike interpretasie beskou word. Die prominente Franse diplomaat Charles Maurice de Talleyrand, wat 1794 in die Verenigde State was, het geskryf: 'Ek beskou Napoleon, Fox en Hamilton as die drie grootste manne van ons tydperk, en as ek gedwing word om tussen die drie te besluit, sou ek gee sonder om te aarsel die eerste plek vir Hamilton ", en het bygevoeg dat Hamilton die probleme van Europese konserwatiewes aangevoer het. [167]

Die menings van Hamilton het die spektrum bereik: beide John Adams en Thomas Jefferson beskou hom as beginselvry en gevaarlik aristokraties. Hamilton se reputasie was meestal negatief in die tydperke van Jeffersoniaanse demokrasie en Jacksoniaanse demokrasie. Teen die progressiewe era prys Herbert Croly, Henry Cabot Lodge en Theodore Roosevelt egter sy leierskap van 'n sterk regering. Verskeie negentiende- en twintigste-eeuse Republikeine betree die politiek deur lofwaardige biografieë van Hamilton te skryf. [168]

Volgens Sean Wilentz het gunstige standpunte oor Hamilton en sy reputasie in onlangse jare beslis die inisiatief gekry onder geleerdes, wat hom uitbeeld as die visioenêre argitek van die moderne liberale kapitalistiese ekonomie en van 'n dinamiese federale regering onder leiding van 'n energieke uitvoerende gesag. [169] Moderne geleerdes wat Hamilton bevoordeel, het Jefferson en sy bondgenote daarenteen as naïewe, dromerige idealiste uitgebeeld. [169] Die ouer Jefferson -opvatting val Hamilton as 'n sentraliseerder aan, soms tot die beskuldigings dat hy monargie voorstaan. [1]: 397–98

Monumente en gedenktekens

Portrette oor geldeenheid en posseëls

Sedert die begin van die Amerikaanse burgeroorlog is Hamilton uitgebeeld op meer denominasies van die Amerikaanse geldeenheid as enigiemand anders. Hy verskyn op die $ 2, $ 5, $ 10, $ 20, $ 50 en $ 1,000 note. Hamilton verskyn ook op die $ 500 EE Savings Bond.

Hamilton se portret verskyn sedert 1928 op die voorkant van die Amerikaanse dollar van 10 dollar. Die bron van die gravure is John Trumbull se portret van Hamilton uit 1805 in die portretversameling van die stadsaal van New York. [170] In Junie 2015 kondig die Amerikaanse tesourie 'n besluit aan om die gravure van Hamilton met die van 'n vrou te vervang, maar voordat die wetsontwerp werklik herontwerp is, is die besluit verander weens die onverwagte gewilde sukses van die 2015 Broadway -musiekblyspel Hamilton. [171]

Die eerste posseël ter ere van Hamilton is uitgereik deur die Amerikaanse poskantoor in 1870. Die uitbeeldings oor die uitgawes van 1870 en 1888 is afkomstig van dieselfde gegraveerde dobbelsteen, wat volgens die borsbeeld van Hamilton deur die Italiaanse beeldhouer Giuseppe Ceracchi was. [172] Die Hamilton -uitgawe van 1870 was die eerste Amerikaanse posseël wat 'n sekretaris van die tesourie vereer het. Die rooi gedenkuitgawe van drie sent, wat op die 200ste herdenking van Hamilton se geboorte in 1957 vrygestel is, bevat 'n weergawe van die Federal Hall-gebou in New York. [173] Op 19 Maart 1956 het die Amerikaanse posdiens die posseël van $ 5 uitgereik ter ere van Hamilton. [174]

Die Grange

The Grange is die enigste huis wat Alexander Hamilton ooit besit het. Dit is 'n herehuis in federale styl wat ontwerp is deur John McComb Jr. Alexander in Ayrshire, Skotland. Die huis het tot 1833 in die gesin gebly, toe sy weduwee Eliza dit vir $ 25,000 aan Thomas E. Davis, 'n Britse gebore eiendomsontwikkelaar, verkoop het. [175] 'n Deel van die opbrengs is deur Eliza gebruik om 'n nuwe meenthuis te koop van Davis in Greenwich Village (nou bekend as die Hamilton-Holly House, waar Eliza tot 1843 gewoon het saam met haar volwasse kinders Alexander en Eliza, en hul eggenote). [175]

Die Grange is in 1889 vir die eerste keer van sy oorspronklike plek verplaas, en is in 2008 weer verskuif na 'n plek in St. Nicholas Park in Hamilton Heights, op grond wat eens deel was van die Hamilton -landgoed. Die historiese struktuur, wat nou aangewys is as die Hamilton Grange National Memorial, is in 2011 in sy oorspronklike voorkoms van 1802 herstel [176] en word onderhou deur die National Park Service. [177] [178] [179]

Kolleges en universiteite

Die Columbia -universiteit, Hamilton se alma mater, het amptelike gedenktekens vir Hamilton op sy kampus in New York. Die kollege se hoofklaskamergebou vir geesteswetenskappe is Hamilton Hall, en 'n groot standbeeld van Hamilton staan ​​voor dit. [180] [181] Die universiteitspers het sy volledige werke in 'n multivolume boekdrukuitgawe gepubliseer. [182] Columbia -universiteit se studentegroep vir ROTC -kadette en kandidate vir mariene offisiere word die Alexander Hamilton Society genoem. [183]

Hamilton dien as een van die eerste trustees van die Hamilton-Oneida Academy in Clinton, New York, wat in 1812 na Hamilton College hernoem is, nadat hy 'n universiteitshandves ontvang het. [184]

Die hoofadministrasiegebou van die Coast Guard Academy in New London, Connecticut, word Hamilton Hall genoem ter herdenking van Hamilton se oprigting van die United States Revenue Cutter Service, een van die voorgangersdienste van die Amerikaanse kuswag. [185]

Geboue en openbare kuns

By die geboorteplek van Hamilton in Charlestown, Nevis, is die Alexander Hamilton-museum in Hamilton House, 'n gebou in Georgiese styl wat herbou is op die fondamente van die huis waar Hamilton vermoedelik gebore is en tydens sy kinderjare gewoon het. [186] Die tweede verdieping van Hamilton House huisves die kantore en ontmoetingsplek van die wetgewer van die eiland, die Nevis Island Assembly.

In 1880 het Hamilton se seun, John Church Hamilton, Carl Conrads die opdrag gegee om 'n granietbeeld, wat nou in Central Park, New York geleë is, te beeldhou. [187] [188]

'N Bronsbeeld van Hamilton deur Franklin Simmons, gedateer 1905–06, kyk uit oor die Great Falls of the Passaic River in Paterson Great Falls National Historical Park in New Jersey.

In 1990 is die U.S. Custom House in New York City herdoop na Hamilton. [189]

Die Amerikaanse weermag se Fort Hamilton in Brooklyn is vernoem na Hamilton.

In Washington, DC, het die suidterras van die Treasury Building 'n standbeeld van Hamilton deur James Earle Fraser, wat op 17 Mei 1923 gewy is. [190]

In Chicago is 'n dertien voet hoë standbeeld van Hamilton deur die beeldhouer John Angel in 1939 gegiet. [191] Dit is eers in 1952 in Lincoln Park geïnstalleer, as gevolg van probleme met 'n omstrede skuiling van 78 voet lank, wat daarvoor ontwerp is en later gesloop in 1993. [191] [192] Die standbeeld bly in die openbaar vertoon en is in 2016 herstel en herbou. [191]

'N Bronsbeeld van Hamilton met die titel Die Amerikaanse Kaap, deur Kristen Visbal, is onthul op Journal Square in die sentrum van Hamilton, Ohio, in Oktober 2004. [193]

Geografiese webwerwe

Talle Amerikaanse dorpe en stede, waaronder Hamilton, Kansas, Hamilton, Missouri, Hamilton, Massachusetts en Hamilton, Ohio, is ter ere van Alexander Hamilton genoem. In agt state is die provinsies vernoem na Hamilton: [194]

Oor slawerny

Dit is nie bekend dat Hamilton ooit slawe besit het nie, alhoewel lede van sy familie slawe -eienaars was. Ten tyde van haar dood het Hamilton se ma twee slawe met die naam Christian en Ajax besit, en sy het 'n testament opgestel om dit aan haar seuns oor te laat, maar weens hul onwettigheid was Hamilton en sy broer onbevoeg om haar eiendom te erf, en het dit nooit geneem nie eienaarskap van die slawe. [195]: 17 Later, as 'n jeugdige in St. Croix, werk Hamilton by 'n onderneming wat handel dryf met goedere wat slawe insluit. [195]: 17 Gedurende sy loopbaan het Hamilton af en toe slawe vir ander gekoop of verkoop as hul regsverteenwoordiger, en een van Hamilton se kleinseuns het sommige van hierdie joernaalinskrywings geïnterpreteer as aankope vir homself. [196] [197]

Teen die tyd dat Hamilton vroeër aan die Amerikaanse rewolusie deelgeneem het, het sy afskaffingsgevoelens duidelik geword. Hamilton was tydens die Revolusie aktief in die poging om swart troepe vir die weermag in te samel, met die belofte van vryheid. In die 1780's en 1790's was hy in die algemeen gekant teen die suidelike belange van slawerny, wat hy as skynheilig beskou het teenoor die waardes van die Amerikaanse Revolusie. In 1785 het hy by sy naaste medewerker John Jay aangesluit by die stigting van die New-York Society for Promoting the Manumission of Slaves, en die beskerming van hulle wat die belangrikste anti-slawerny-organisasie in New York was, of mag bevry word. Die samelewing het die afskaffing van die internasionale slawehandel in New York suksesvol bevorder en (kort na sy dood) 'n staatswet goedgekeur om slawerny in New York te beëindig deur 'n dekades lange emansipasieproses, met 'n finale einde aan slawerny in die staat op 4 Julie 1827. [195]

In 'n tyd toe die meeste blanke leiers twyfel oor die vermoë van swartes, het Hamilton geglo dat slawerny moreel verkeerd is en skryf dat "hul natuurlike vermoëns net so goed soos ons s'n is." [198] Anders as tydgenote soos Jefferson, wat die verwydering van vrygemaakte slawe (na 'n westelike gebied, die Wes -Indiese Eilande of Afrika) as noodsaaklik beskou het vir enige plan vir emansipasie, het Hamilton aangedring op emansipasie sonder sulke bepalings. [195]: 22 Hamilton en ander federaliste ondersteun Toussaint Louverture se revolusie teen Frankryk in Haïti, wat as 'n slawe -opstand ontstaan ​​het. [195]: 23 voorstelle van Hamilton het gehelp om die Haïtiaanse grondwet te vorm, en toe Haïti in 1804 die eerste onafhanklike swart nasie van die Westelike Halfrond word, dring Hamilton aan op nouer ekonomiese en diplomatieke bande. [195]: 23

Oor ekonomie

Hamilton is uitgebeeld as die "beskermheilige" van die American School of Economic filosofie wat volgens een historikus die ekonomiese beleid oorheers het na 1861. [199]   Hy ondersteun die regering se ingryping ten gunste van sake, ten aansien van Jean-Baptiste Colbert, al in die herfs van 1781. [1]: 170 [200] [201]   Hamilton was gekant teen die Britse idees van vryhandel, wat volgens hom skewe voordele vir koloniale en keiserlike magte ten gunste van proteksionisme, wat volgens hom die ontluikende ekonomie van die jong land sou help ontwikkel. Henry C. Carey is geïnspireer deur sy geskrifte. Hamilton beïnvloed die idees en werk van die Duitse Friedrich List. [202]   Volgens Hamilton se mening kan 'n sterk uitvoerende gesag, gekoppel aan die ondersteuning van die mense, 'n rol speel in 'n administratiewe republiek. [203]   Die oorheersing van uitvoerende leierskap in die formulering en uitvoering van beleid was noodsaaklik om die agteruitgang van die republikeinse regering te weerstaan. [204]   Ian Patrick Austin het die ooreenkomste tussen Hamiltoniese aanbevelings en die ontwikkeling van Meiji Japan na 1860 ondersoek. [205]

In die populêre kultuur

Afgesien van die $ 10 -rekening, 'n toneelstuk uit 1917 en 'n film uit 1931, het Hamilton nie veel aandag in die Amerikaanse populêre kultuur getrek nie [206] tot die koms van die 2015 -treffer Broadway -musiekblyspel Hamilton.  Die musiekblyspel, met musiek, lirieke en 'n boek van Lin-Manuel Miranda, is gebaseer op 'n biografie van Ron Chernow. Die New Yorker het die vertoning '' 'n prestasie van historiese en kulturele herverbeelding '' genoem.#160 In Miranda se vertelling word die opkoms van 'n selfgemaakte immigrant die verhaal van Amerika. ' [207]   Die off-Broadway produksie van Hamilton het die 2015 Drama Desk -toekenning vir Outstanding Musical gewen, asook sewe ander Drama Desk Awards.   In 2016 het Hamilton ontvang die Pulitzer -prys vir drama en 'n rekord van 16 Tony -benoemings, [208] wat 11 daarvan wen, waaronder die beste musiekspel. [209]

Hamilton het ook verskyn as 'n belangrike figuur in gewilde werke wat fokus op ander Amerikaanse politieke figure van sy tyd. Hy is 'n belangrike karakter in Gore Vidal se historiese roman uit 1973 Burr [210] [211] en in episodes van die 1976 -PBS -miniserie Die Adams Chronicles. [212] Hamilton word deur Rufus Sewell gespeel in twee episodes van 'n verdere TV -weergawe van John Adams se lewe, die sewe -delige HBO -miniserie van 2008 John Adams met Paul Giamatti in die titelrol. [213] Hamilton is 'n groot skurk in L. Neil Smith se libertariese alternatiewe geskiedenisreeks "North American Confederacy".


Alexander Hamilton se lewe

The Life of Alexander Hamilton 'n Navorsingsartikel Alexander Hamilton was een van die stigtervaders van Amerika en het gehelp om die eerste finansiële stelsel in Amerika te ontwikkel, in die rewolusionêre oorlog te veg en tot en met sy dood het baie van die stigtervaders 'n invloed gehad op die vorming van die land.

Hy het in die revolusionêre oorlog geveg en aan die politiek van die nuutgestigte land deelgeneem Ondanks alles wat hy in sy lewe bereik het en wat hy agtergelaat het, weet baie mense baie min oor sy lewe en invloede. Toe Alexander Hamilton in 1772 na die dertien kolonies immigreer, bevind hy hom te midde van die burgerlike onrus wat die kolonis teenoor Engeland gehad het. Sy betrokkenheid in die beginjare van die revolusie het daartoe gelei dat hy in 1776 kaptein van die Provinsiale Artillerie geword het.

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Namate die oorlog aanloop, het Hamilton Aide de 'Camp geword met 'n rang van luitenant -kolonel en omdat hy beide Frans en Engels kon praat, was skakelbeampte vir George Washington en die Franse generaals wat die kolonis gehelp het, ondanks die stygende rang en gretig om sien die voorste linies, Alexander is buite die fisieke geveg gelaat en meer lessenaarwerk gedoen. Pas na 1781 gee Washington hom bevel oor 'n bataljon en laat hy die suksesvolle aanval in Yorktown lei. Nadat die oorlog gewen is, het George Washington Hamilton gevra om die eerste tesourier van sy kabinet te word. Toe hy tesourier word, wou hy onmiddellik 'n stabiele finansiële program vir die Verenigde State opstel. Op 14 Januarie en 13 Desember 1790 het Hamilton die "Verslae oor Openbare krediet ”.

Binne die verslae het hy gesê dat die sentrale regering die staat se skuld wat tydens die rewolusionêre oorlog verkry is, moet betaal. sou wys hoe sterk die sentrale regering in die nuwe land was. Op 14 Desember 1790 het Hamilton ook die 'Report on a National Bank' ingedien, waarin hy 'n nasionale bankplan opgestel het met die naam 'Bank of the United States'.

Gedurende sy tyd in die kabinet van Washington het Alexander Hamilton verbintenisse met verskillende politieke partye en sy lede gehad.In die begin het hy met Washington ooreengekom dat politieke partye nie in die regering nodig is nie. Alhoewel hy aanvanklik hierdie standpunt beklee het, was Hamilton die opperhoof van die federalistiese party, en toe hy die hoof van die federalistiese party geword het, begin daar baie vete ontstaan ​​tussen verskillende politieke figure, waaronder Thomas Jefferson. na vore kom toe Hamilton begin inmeng het met Jefferson se beleid as minister van buitelandse sake.

Die belangrikste kwessie wat tussen die twee ontstaan ​​het, was of Amerika betrokke sou raak by die Franse Revolusie. Jefferson, wat die Franse baie bevoordeel het, het gedink dat die regering hulp aan die Franse moes gee. Hamilton het egter gedink dat Amerika glad nie betrokke moet raak nie en was in staat om Washington te oortuig om 'n verklaring van neutraliteit te verklaar. Op 31 Januarie 1795 verlaat Hamilton die kabinet van Washington. Net voor sy vertrek het hy Washington gehelp om sy afskeidsrede op te stel.

In die daaropvolgende jare sou hy aanhou om die nuwe president John Adams en sy kabinetslede te help en advies te gee, alhoewel hy nie eintlik in die kabinet was nie. Dit het daartoe gelei dat John Adams begin hekel het aan Hamilton uit vrees vir sy invloed op politieke aangeleenthede. As gevolg hiervan is hy van Hamilton -ondersteuners en "spioene" uit sy kabinet ontslaan. herkies wat gewerk het. Met Adams uit die prentjie, het dit ruimte gelaat vir Aaron Burr en Thomas Jefferson om dieselfde aantal stemme te kry tydens die verkiesing van 1800.

Hamilton het gestem vir Jefferson se presidentskap oor Burr, 'n stap wat die ander lede van die Federalistiese party wat Burr bevoordeel het, ontstel het. Daarna was sy loopbaan by die Federalist in wese verby. 'N Paar jaar voor die verkiesing kry Hamilton egter ook nog 'n einde aan sy loopbaan. In 1797 publiseer Alexander Hamilton The Reynolds Pamphlet waarin hy sy verhouding met Maria Reynolds beskryf, wat bekend sou staan ​​as die eerste seksskandaal van Amerika. vir die uitgewery het hy 'n verhouding met mev.

Reynolds, wat toe beweer dat sy man haar verlaat het. Haar man, James Reynolds, het van die beurs kennis gemaak en Hamilton afgepers om hom te betaal om stil te bly oor die aangeleentheid. besig om korrup te raak en federale fondse af te pers.Hamilton het die pamflet gepubliseer om te bewys dat hy glad nie beskadig is nie.

Toe die verkiesing verby was, het Aaron Burr 'n diepe haat vir Alexander Hamilton begin hê. Op hierdie stadium was Hamilton soaktief daarteen gekant dat Burr 'n politieke mag gehad het dat hy daaroor openbaar begin word.

'N Ruk nadat hy nog 'n verkiesing verloor het, het Aaron gehoor dat Alexander nog negatiewe opmerkings oor hom maak, wat daartoe gelei het dat Burr Hamilton op 11 Julie 1804 tot 'n tweegeveg uitdaag. Weehawken, New Jersey.Terwyl daar baie uiteenlopende berigte is oor wat werklik op die tweestrydsterrein gebeur het, is Alexander Hamilton dood as gevolg van die konflik aan 'n skoot in die maag.

Hy het 'n vrou en sewe kinders agtergelaat. Alexander Hamilton het soveel dinge in sy lewe bereik: hy het sy lewe as 'n arm immigrant gestyg en bo sy stasie uitgestyg na een van die invloedrykste mense in Amerika. soos ons weet, sou dit heeltemal anders wees as 'n jong Alexander Hamilton gekies het om nie betrokke te raak by die oorlog en sy mense nie. Hy is werklik een van Amerika se grootste stigters. Werke aangehaal .

Bonanos, Christopher. "Lees die werklike Reynolds -pamflet van Hamilton, bladsy op oorspronklike bladsy." Aasvoël. N.p.

, 13 Jan. 2016. Web. 25 Mei 2016. Serratore, Angela. “Alexander Hamilton.

”Smithsonian. N.p., Junie-Julie 2013. Web.

12 Mei 2016. “Maria Reynolds.” PBS. PBS, n.d. Web.

12 Mei 2016. Cavendish, Richard. "Geboorte van Alexander Hamilton." Geskiedenis Vandag. N.p.

, n.d. Web. 16 Mei 2016. "Generaal -majoor Alexander Hamilton." Ushistorie.

org. Independence Hall Association, n.d. Web. 16 Mei 2016. “Alexander Hamilton.

”Ushistory.org. Independence Hall Association, n.d. Web.

16 Mei 2016. "Amerikaanse ervaring Alexander Hamilton." PBS. PBS, n.d. Web.

16 Mei 2016. Biography.com Redakteurs. "Alexander Hamilton." Bio.com. A Networks Television, n.d. Web. 16 Mei 2016.

Personeel van History.com. "Alexander Hamilton." History.com. A Television Networks, 01 Jan.

2009. Web. 19 Mei 2016. "Alexander Hamilton." Alexander Hamilton.

19 Mei 2016. "Hamilton se finansiële plan." Ushistory.org. Independence Hall Association, n.d.

Web. 19 Mei 2016. DeConde, Alexander. "Alexander Hamilton." Encyclopedia Britannica Online.


Eliza het stamboom, geld en status gehad, terwyl Hamilton niks gehad het nie

Die vooruitsigte van Hamilton was baie minder belowend. Hy is gebore c. 1755 op die eiland Nevis, in die Britse Wes -Indiese Eilande. Sy ma, Rachel Faucette, is daar gebore aan Britse en Franse Hugenote -ouers. Hy is buite die huwelik gebore, 'n status wat sy politieke teenstanders later sou aangryp. Omdat sy ma nog nooit van haar eerste man geskei het nie, het die pa van Hamilton, James, die gesin verlaat, waarskynlik om te verhoed dat Rachel van bigamie aangekla word. Rachel, 'n alleenstaande moeder, het gesukkel om vir Alexander en sy broer te sorg voordat sy in 1768 gesterf het, en hom 'n wees gelaat.

Terwyl Hamilton uit 'n verarmde agtergrond kom, het hy twee sleutelkenmerke wat hom sou help om die beste intelligensie en ambisie te bereik. Hy het werk gekry by 'n plaaslike invoer-uitvoer firma, waar hy vinnig sy base beïndruk het. Hy was 'n lewenslange leser wat grootliks selfopgevoed was, en hy het gou sy visier ver bo sy klein eilandhuisie uitgesoek. In 1772, nadat 'n kragtige opstel geskryf is oor die verwoesting wat 'n onlangse orkaan op Nevis toegedien het, het 'n groep plaaslike sakelui 'n versameling opgeneem om die jong Hamilton na Amerika te stuur om sy opleiding voort te sit.


Familie lewe

Alexander trou met Elizabeth Schuyler, die dogter van die vooraanstaande New Yorkse generaal en politikus Phillip Schuyler. Ten spyte van die berugte buite -egtelike verhouding van Alexander, was Elizabeth 'n vaste ondersteuner van haar man. Sy oorleef hom meer as 50 jaar en pleit onvermoeid vir sy opname in die annale van die Amerikaanse geskiedenis.

Geskiedkundiges het ook opgemerk dat Alexander baie naby was aan Elizabeth se broers en susters, veral Angelica (met wie hy gerugte het dat hy 'n verhouding gehad het) en Margaret “ Peggy. ” Angelica speel 'n groot rol in die Hamilton musiekblyspel, wat kreatiewe vryhede inneem met haar tydlyn. (Anders as in die musiekblyspel, was Angelica reeds met John Barker Church getroud toe sy Alexander ontmoet het.)


Alexander Hamilton, Amerikaner en tweegeveg

Op die Mount Rushmore van ons gesamentlike geheue, hang die gesigte van baie van die stigters van die land as groot verweerde argetipes-onveranderlike granietmanne wat die Amerikaanse rewolusie en die nuwe republiek gevorm het. In werklikheid was hierdie individue natuurlik ingewikkeld en soms minder as bewonderenswaardig. Gore Vidal, in sy roman Burr, het beroemde kapitaliseer uit die skokwaarde om hulle as vlees-en-bloed-politici uit te beeld. Hy het hulle lewendig gemaak as figure wat bekend is aan enige moderne verslaggewer van die staat, byvoorbeeld Harrisburg, Pennsylvania of Little Rock, Arkansas.

As Vidal ons gewaardeerde stigters 'n bietjie geparodieer het, wel, dan was hy waarskynlik nader aan die waarheid as die meer bekende weergawes van hulle as Olimpiërs wat ons tydelik met hul teenwoordigheid bekroon het en waarvan elke uitspraak as 'n permanente gids vir die toekoms beskou moes word.

Politieke leiers was die afgelope 200 jaar nie skaam om aspekte van die stigters se denke toe te pas, te herinterpreteer en selfs uit te vind nie. Hulle idees is, net soos die Grondwet self, aangepas om aan die behoeftes van elke opvolgende generasie en byna elke ideologie in die Amerikaanse politiek te voldoen. We hold our founders up to the light of contemporary conditions and, all too often, see what we want to see. To be fair, I should note that some of the central figures of this period lend themselves to differing interpretations. Madison, for example, wavered from founding Federalist to rabid anti-Federalist before settling on the latter. Modern politicians have needed only a knack for selectivity to be able to make the claim that their arguments are firmly grounded in the principles of a founder.

For most of our history, when the authority of a founder was sought, Alexander Hamilton was a second stringer, brought in only when members of the first team, such as George Washington, Thomas Jefferson, James Madison, John Adams, and John Marshall, were worn out from over-use. In Alexander Hamilton, American, Richard Brookhiser makes a persuasive case that Hamilton, in fact, deserves a place on the all-star team of national memory. Thomas Fleming's treatment, Duel: Alexander Hamilton, Aaron Burr, and the Future of America, while telling a considerably broader story, also confirms the significance of Hamilton.

Brookhiser gives us a sense of the extent to which Hamilton's imprints on the early republic are everywhere. His remarkable rise from West Indies apprentice and son of a single mother to wartime aide to George Washington and secretary of the treasury is itself a peculiarly American story. His central role with Madison in drafting the Federalist Papers and fighting for ratification of the Constitution is probably the best-known part of his career. Still, as treasury secretary, he showed even greater foresight and originality.

Although Hamilton had great suppleness of mind--he was perhaps the best lawyer in America at the time of his death--his views were remarkably consistent and coherent. He had a clear vision of the new nation and believed that it could learn much from British economic policy and governmental practice. That attraction to things British was abhorrent to many of his contemporaries, notably Jefferson and Madison.

Ironically, what set Hamilton on an ultimately fatal collision course with Aaron Burr was his effort on behalf of his great enemy Jefferson in 1800. With the electoral college tied between Democratic-Republican presidential candidate Jefferson and vice presidential candidate Burr, the question of who would assume the presidency was very much in the air. Party politics was in its infancy when Burr was widely believed to be attempting to convince Federalist electors that throwing their support to him would be infinitely preferable to four years of the thoroughly anti-Federalist sage of Monticello. Hamilton, then a giant among Federalists, mounted a spirited and successful inside game to deny Burr the presidency.

Jefferson, of course, never forgave Burr and, rather ungenerously, never stopped hating Hamilton. Later, in 1804, after four years of machinations as vice president, Burr was grasping at straws to save his political career and went to Jefferson for help. Knowing that he would not be selected for vice president by Jefferson a second time, he sought in vain to obtain a presidential promise of office--his eye was particularly on either the ambassadorship to France or the one to England. But Jefferson would have none of it, and the frustrated Burr turned to his fallback: a race for governor of New York, a move that led a few years later to the crucial meeting on the "field of honor" with Hamilton.

While the Burr-Hamilton feud resulted in the latter's death, the same bullet also ended, in a sense, the former vice president's career. True, Burr lived on until 1836, but his falling out with Jefferson, the duel, and his subsequent flirtation with an independent "empire" in the West meant that he never again played in the upper echelons of American power. And although Hamilton was lionized at death, the long Virginia dynasty of his enemies--Jefferson, Madison, and Monroe--ensured that he too, at least for a time, would be remembered as an opponent of democracy rather than as a martyr to principle.

But in the long run, it was Hamiltonism that turned out to be the wave of the future. Free trade, a national banking system, a constructively deployed national debt, a strong military, publicly sponsored economic development programs, and other elements of his program are, in fact, the pillars on which the modern nation stands. Even his fondness for the British turned out to anticipate the "special relationship" between the two nations that has been a centerpiece of American foreign policy for generations.

Brookhiser's account is lively, with plenty of detail about Hamilton's wartime exploits, the sex scandal that threatened to engulf him, and the machinations of Jefferson, former friend Madison, and Monroe that helped to finish off his chances for public office. Although Brookhiser is a Nasionale hersiening conservative, he doesn't wear his ideological heart on his sleeve in this book. Fleming's Tweestryd is likewise free of heavy-handed messages, at least beyond the moral that American politics has never been for the faint of heart.

While their stories are anything but new, both Brookhiser and Fleming manage to bring their historical figures to life as humans in the round without sacrificing authenticity or accuracy. The story of the early years of the United States needs this kind of fleshing out with real people. Some of the important decisions of the era reflect the deep personal animosities as well as loyalties among those in the political class. In other words, government policies then, as now, did not exist in isolation from the personalities battling for power and reputation. One can easily go too far in this direction--certainly that is the case with contemporary political reporting. In the end, it's the policies that matter. They endure in a way that is more significant than all the fanciful anecdotes about cherry trees and real accounts of duels to the death. While it may be true that Burr and Hamilton were doing no more than what many politicians would do to their enemies, the law and culture permitting, that does not change the fact that they also were establishing a foundation of laws and tradition that has had a lasting impact on our nation. Clearly, Hamilton is a giant in that respect while Burr is merely a minor player in the policy drama.

Brookhiser and Fleming provide accounts of this key period that are accessible to nonspecialists. Readers who find their appetites whetted by these books can find more in-depth coverage in the recent work of first-rate historians like Stanley Elkins and Eric McKitrick (The Age of Federalism) and Lance Banning (The Sacred Fire of Liberty).

Ekn the end, these books remind us that the founders were a special crowd, for all their foibles. Like the best and brightest of any age, these men tell us a lot about their time. And because they cast such long shadows, they reveal a good deal about our own era. These days, Jefferson, Madison, and Hamilton are particularly in play in policy debates. And even Washington, thanks to several new biographies, may be poised to make a comeback to relevance. Those who make political arguments today based on precedents that are two centuries old almost invariably overlook the bitter differences among the founders. They quote them selectively, applying their wisdom inappropriately to contemporary issues that these sages of the eighteenth century could not have imagined.

One of the legends about another Alexander, Alexander the Great, is that his lieutenants, all vying to succeed him, struggled over who would get possession of his body. Something similar happens with the body of work left behind by our founding leaders. Since the struggle for patrimony is sure to continue, it's worth remembering that Alexander Hamilton, the remarkable immigrant son of an unmarried mother, has every right to be considered one of the true fathers of modern America.


When Hamilton's mother died, she left two slave boys to him in his inheritance.

Hamilton was only 12 years old when his mother died and left him orphaned. She gave him the remainder of her property, including two young slaves named Christian and Ajax, according to an article by James Oliver Horton, professor of American Studies and History at George Washington University, in The New York Journal of American History. But, because Hamilton and his brother James Jr. were both illegitimate children, they did not receive their inheritance. The court determined they had no right of inheritance, and awarded her estate to her legitimate son and a cousin, according to Chernow's account Die voog gerapporteer.

Hamilton grew up amidst slavery on the Caribbean island of St. Croix and described the brutality of what he saw, per research from Columbia University. However, Hamilton later took over operations of the entire St. Croix branch of Beekman & Cruger, an import-export business that engaged in the African slave trade and sugar. At a young age, Hamilton participated indirectly in buying and selling human beings, per the The New York Journal of American History.


Hamilton, Alexander

Alexander Hamilton, as a lawyer, politician, and statesman, left an enduring impression on U.S. government. His birth was humble, his death tragic. His professional life was spent forming basic political and economic institutions for a stronger nation. As a New York delegate at the Constitutional Convention, Hamilton advocated certain powers for the central government. His principles led to his rise as chief spokesperson for the Federalist Party. The party had a short life span, but Hamilton's beliefs carried on through his famous federalist papers. In these documents he advocated broad constitutional powers for the federal government, including national defense and finance. According to Hamilton, a lesser degree of individual human liberties and Civil Rights would follow federal powers. His deemphasis of freedom put him at odds with other Founders, especially Thomas Jefferson's Democrats. However, he backed his beliefs with a strong record of public service from the Revolution onward. Through his contributions in the U.S. Army, in the Treasury Department, and as a lawyer, many still recognize him as a commanding architect of the United States government.

Hamilton was born January 11, 1757, on Nevis Island, in the West Indies. His parents never married. His father, the son of a minor Scottish noble, drifted to the West Indies early in his life and worked odd jobs throughout the Caribbean. His mother died in the Indies when he was eleven. Hamilton spent his early years in poverty, traveling to different islands with his father. At the age of fourteen, while visiting the island of St. Croix, he met a New York trader who recognized his natural intelligence and feisty spirit. The trader made it possible for Hamilton to go to New York in pursuit of an education.

Hamilton attended a preparatory school in New Jersey and developed contacts with men who had created a movement seeking colonial independence. When he later entered King's College (now Columbia University), he became active in the local patriot movement. The American Revolution had been brewing in the background, and Hamilton took a keen interest in the battles that flared between the colonists and the British around Boston in 1775. Instead of graduating from college, he opted to join a volunteer militia company.

He reported for orders to General George Washington's chief of artillery, Colonel Henry Knox. In his duties, Hamilton assisted in the famous crossing of the ice-jammed Delaware River on Christmas Night, 1776. Knox called Hamilton to Washington's attention. In March 1777, Hamilton was appointed aide to the commander in chief. With Washington, Hamilton learned his first lessons on the need for central administration in dealing with crises.

He also took advantage of his contacts with General Philip Schuyler, a wealthy and influential man within the military. In March 1780, Schuyler's young daughter, Elizabeth Schuyler, agreed to marry Hamilton. The relationship provided Hamilton with both additional contacts inside U.S. politics and generous financial gifts from his father-in-law.

"R eal liberty is neither found in despotism or the extremes of democracy, but in moderate governments ."
𠅊 lexander H amilton

Hamilton came to resent the limits of his position as aide to Washington and aspired to greater challenges. A minor reprimand afforded him the opportunity to resign from his services in April 1781. Hamilton had already received an education beyond anything that King's or any other college could have offered. However, he went to New York with his wife and took up the study of law in early 1782. In July of that year, he was admitted to the bar.

As a lawyer and as an intellectual who commanded growing respect, Hamilton represented New York in the Continental Congress of 1782, in Philadelphia. Here, he spoke with an ally, a young Virginian, James Madison.The two expounded on the merits of strong central administration. Most of the other delegates represented the common fears of citizens in the United States𠅊pprehensions about the abusive tendencies of strong central powers and, more important, the possibility of oppression in the future. Hamilton and Madison failed to sway a majority of the delegates to vote for their ideas. In the end, the Congress adopted the Articles of Confederation, a body of principles intended to knit the new states into a union that was only loosely defined.

Hamilton left Philadelphia frustrated. He returned to New York, built a thriving law practice, and gained fame as a legal theorist. In 1787, he spent a term in the New York Legislature and joined the movement designed to create a new Constitution. During this time, Madison and John Jay𠅊 future chief justice on the U.S. Supreme Court—helped Hamilton draft a series of essays called The Federalist Papers. The essays stand as fundamental statements of U.S. political philosophy.

The Articles of Confederation had already begun to show inadequacies, as the federal government had no real power to collect the money necessary for its own defense. The authors of Die federalistiese referate argued that a strong federal government would constitute not a tyranny but an improvement over the current system of relatively weak rule. Their arguments helped allay the commonly held fears about central power.

At the 1787 Constitutional Convention in Philadelphia, Hamilton again served as a delegate from New York. This time, his ideas were received with more favor. In the drafting of the new Constitution, and the creation of a more effective government, many of Hamilton's Federalist beliefs came into play. In the area of defense, for example, Article I, Section 8, of the Constitution read, "The Congress shall have Power … To raise and support Armies … To provide and maintain a Navy … To provide for organizing, arming, and disciplining, the Militia." The role of the government in raising finances to do these things would put Hamilton's ideas to the test.

Hamilton took on the test personally. In 1789, when President Washington began to assemble the new federal government, he asked Hamilton to become the nation's first secretary of the treasury. For the following six years, Hamilton developed a fiscal and economic system based on a national coinage, a national banking system, a revenue program to provide for the repayment of the national debt, and measures to encourage industrial and commercial development. He sought a vigorous, diversified economy that would also provide the nation with the means to defend itself. He stirred a considerable amount of controversy with certain proposals, such as the need for tariffs on imports, several kinds of excise taxes, the development of natural resources, a friendship with England, and opposition to France during the French Revolution. However, without such a concrete agenda, many historians have argued, the United States could not have survived its years of initial development.

Because of Hamilton's decisive stance on some issues, a split occurred between, and even within, political parties. Hamilton and John Adams spoke the ideas of the Federalists. Madison joined Jefferson in the Democratic-Republican Party. Even though Hamilton had previously worked alongside Secretary of State Jefferson, the two were now, as Washington noted, "daily pitted in the cabinet like two cocks." Hamilton stressed the need for a strong central government, while Jefferson emphasized individuals' rights. Their rivalry, among the most famous political clashes in U.S. history, led to a significant and ongoing level of frustration for both sides. Because of the deadlock, Hamilton retired from his secretarial position in 1795 and returned to the practice of law.

Through his service in government and his connections with the Schuyler family, Hamilton became a prominent and prosperous lawyer. His practice extended to wealthy clients in New York and in other states, both individuals and partnerships. It resembled the practices of modern corporate lawyers, since he also represented banks and companies.

The bulk of his civil practice took place in maritime litigation, which boomed with European interests in the U.S. market. His most important admiralty case involved the sale and export to Europe of large quantities of cotton and indigo. Defendants Gouveneur and Kemble had incurred damages to the head merchant in their trade, Le Guen. Hamilton took on the case as attorney for Le Guen. He was assisted by Aaron Burr, with whom he had worked in New York.

In Le Guen v. Gouveneur, Hamilton helped the merchant successfully sue his agents for $120,000𠅊t the time, one of the largest awards in a personal damage suit. James Kent, chancellor of the New York bar, remembered Hamilton's performance in the trial as displaying "his reasoning powers … his piercing criticism, his masterly analysis, and … his appeals to the judgment and conscience of the tribunal." A grateful Le Guen wanted to pay Hamilton a fee commensurate with the size of the judgment. Hamilton refused anything more than $1,500. Burr took a much larger fee at his own discretion. This was the beginning of strained developments between Hamilton and Burr that would result in a future, climactic confrontation.

As a private citizen, Hamilton had amassed considerable power. In letters to politicians and newspapers, he continued to make a number of government-related proposals. At least four of them figured into future developments in the U.S. political structure. First, he suggested dividing each state into judicial districts as subdivisions of the federal government's judicial branch. Second, he proposed consolidating the federal government's revenues, ships, troops, officers, and supplies as assets under its control. Third, he pushed for the enlargement of the legal powers of the government by making certain already existing laws permanent, particularly the law authorizing the government to summon militias to counteract subversive activities and insurrections. Finally, he proposed the addition of laws that would give the courts power to punish Sedition. Through letters to leaders and citizens, as through his Federalistiese referate, Hamilton's ideas were received, although not always easily, into the political mainstream.

In 1798 the United States prepared for war with France. Hamilton decided to rejoin the Army as a major general. He was assigned the additional duties of inspector general until 1800. In 1800, Jefferson campaigned for president with Hamilton's former partner in the Le Guen settlement, Burr, as his running mate. The two received identical numbers of electoral votes for the 1800 presidential election. At that time all candidates ran for the presidency. The winner became president and the individual in second place became vice president. Hamilton, an elector for New York, refused to go along with the Federalists' plans to deny Jefferson the presidency. Hamilton voted for Jefferson instead of Burr, partly because he could stand Burr even less than his ideological rival. Jefferson won the election.

In 1804, Burr ran for governor of New York and became embittered by more of Hamilton's insults during the campaign. When Burr lost again, he challenged Hamilton to a duel. On July 11, 1804, the two men met at Weehawken Heights, New Jersey. Hamilton received a mortal wound from Burr's pistol shot, and died in New York City the next day.

As the United States evolved in political, legal, and economic dimensions, Hamilton's contributions remained part of its basic structure. His legacy went on to affect the way the rest of the world interpreted the proper role of government. Numerous political experiments took place in the following centuries, but still, Hamilton's notions of a strong central government made other systems appear weak in comparison. In a letter to the Washington Post on January 28, 1991, biographer Robert A. Hendrickson asserted that Hamilton's doctrine lives up to its model status as "a beacon of freedom and financial success in the modern world. It has peacefully discredited agrarianism, Communism,and totalitarianism."

Verdere lesings

Brookhiser, Richard. 1999. Alexander Hamilton, American. New York: Free Press.

Chernow, Ron. 2004. Alexander Hamilton. New York: Penguin Press.

Cooke, Jacob Ernest. 1982. Alexander Hamilton. New York: Scribner.

Emery, Noemie. 1982. Alexander Hamilton: An Intimate Portrait. New York: Putnam.

Epstein, David F. 1984. The Political Theory of the Federalist. Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press.

Flaumenhaft, Harvey. 1992. The Effective Republic, Administration and Constitution in the Thought of Alexander Hamilton. Durham, NC: Duke Univ. Druk.

Randall, Willard Sterne. 2003. Alexander Hamilton: A Life. New York: HarperCollins.


Hamilton watches 'Hamilton'

When the beginning instrumentals played, Kaitlen sang along to it.

Ah, Mister sekretaris

Mister Burr, sir

Didja hear about good old General Mercer?

You know Clermont Street?

They renamed it after him

"That happened to a lot of streets, you would not believe how many Lafayette Streets there are in the states. There's even towns in the US named Lafayette." Max says. The Frenchman smiles happily.

"Don't forget about the town in Washington called Hamilton." Anna adds in. Max nods.

The Mercer legacy is secure

"Again with legacy, come on." Aaron complained a bit.

"Shhhhhhh." Kaitlen, Gracen, Alexander, Hercules, Lafayette, and King George tells him.

And all he had to do was die

That's a lot less work

We oughta give it a try

"Too soon." Kaitlen says while shaking her head.

Now how're you gonna get your debt plan through?

I guess I'm gonna fin'ly have to listen to you

"Talk less. Smile more."

"So far, you are sucking at being Aaron, Alex." John says while chuckling. Alexander chuckles a bit.

Do whatever it takes to get my plan on the Congress floor

"Would you give than just the capital to those in Congress who are opposed to your debt plan?" Max asks. Alexander looks at him confused.

Now, Madison and Jefferson are merciless

"We are not!" the two Southerners say at the same time.

Well, hate the sin, not the sinner

"Are you implying something?" John asks Alexander. Everyone looks at him.

"That line is probably a reference to the previous song." Alexander says quietly.

I'm sorry Burr, I've gotta go

Decisions are happening over dinner

Kaitlen raises an eyebrow at Alexander, Thomas, and James.

"Oh nothing." Kaitlen tells them.

Two Virginians and an immigrant walk into a room

"That sounds like the start of a really bad joke." Anna points out. Everyone nods in agreement.

"Lin must have been told a bad joke while writing this song." Kaitlen says.

Diametric'ly opposed, foes

"Only politically." Alexander says. Thomas and James nods.

They emerge with a compromise, having open door that were

Previously closed

"Awwww, they're bros." Gracen gushes. Kaitlen chuckles.

The immigrant emerges with unprecedented financial power, a financial system he can shape however he wants. The Virginians emerge with the nation's capital

"One of these things hold greater power than the other." Anna says. Alexander, Aaron, Thomas, James, and George W. nodded their heads.

"How did you get them to agree to give you your debt plan? It's too OP." Gracen asks Alexander.

"OP?" Alexander then asks confused.

"Oh, um, well to answer your question Gracen, I'm excellent at persuasion." Alexander said.

"Be begged on his knees for an hour, he was desperate." Thomas tells them.

"Thomas, I thought we agreed to never speak of it?" Alexander asked a little hurt.

"Sorry." he told Alexander, Alexander just pouts.

And here's the pièce de résistance:

No one else was in the room where it happened, the room where it happened, the room where it happened. No one else was in the room where it happened (the room where it happened), the room where it happened, the room where it happened (the room where it happened).

"This is mostly Aaron condensed song." John asked.

"Yes, since well no one really knows what went down behind the closed doors of the Compromise of 1790, except Alex, Thomas, and James, so Lin wrote the song in perspective of someone who wasn't a participant, Aaron." Kaitlen answers.

No one really know how the game is played (game is played), the art of trade, how the sausage gets made (how the sausage gets made)

Gracen start giggling like the immature child that he is at that line.

We just assume that it happens (assume that it happens). But no one else was in the room where it happens (the room where it happens)

Thomas claims:

Alexander was on Washington's doorstep one day in distress and disarray

"I'm not claiming anything, that's true, I was visiting Washingdad when an over worked and exhausted Alex showed up." Thomas says.

"You really do need to take care of yourself son" George W. tells Alexander.

"But I had get me debt plan through to Congress or else I would have lost my job." Alexander countered.

"Alexander, mon ami, don't argue with your father." Lafayette tell him.

Thomas claims:

Alexander said

I have nowhere else to turn!

And basic'ly bag me to join the fray

"And there's the incorrect self entitled portal of me again." Thomas says with a sigh. John pats Thomas's shoulder.

"There, there." he says. Thomas smiles a bit.

"Besides, I made him and Alex settle their political differences for a moment so that they come up with a compromise." George W. says.

"So like, you put them in time out?" Kaitlen asks.

"If that's what you want to call it." George W. answers. Kaitlen starts laughing at the thought of Alexander and Thomas in time out.

Thomas claims:

I approached Madison and said, "I know you hate 'im,

"I don't hate Alexander, a little mad at him, but all is forgiven and he is my friend." James says.

"Aww, you're my friend too." Alexander tells him.

But let's hear what he has to say."

Thomas claims:

I arranged the meeting, I arranged the menu, the venue, the seating

"How do you arrange seating for three people?" Gracen asked?

"Surprisingly enough, it's actually really hard." Thomas says.

"Thomas just served us his favorite French meal" James says.

"I thought I was going to die from eating so much cheesy pasta." Alexander said.

But! No one else was in

The room where it happened, the room where it happened, the room where it happened

No one else was in

The room where it happened, the room where it happened, the room where it happened

"Okay, the repetition in this song in particular is really annoying." King George III complained.

"Shhhhhh." Kaitlen, Alexander, Aaron, John, Thomas, James, Lafayette, Herc, Gracen, and Anna tells him.

No one really knows how the parties get to yes (parties get to yes) the pieces that are sacrificed in ev'ry game of chess (ev'ry game of chess) we just assume that it happens (assume that it happens) but no one else was in the room were it happens (the room where it happens)

Madison is grappling with the fact that not every issue can be settled by committee

"Though life would be a bit easier if it was." James said.

Congress is fighting over where to put the capital

Everyone jumped a bit at ensembles yelling on stage.

"That is very accurate." Thomas says. Alexander, George W., Aaron, and James nods.

It isn't pretty, then Jefferson approaches with a dinner and invite and Madison responds with some Virginian insight:

Maybe we can solve one problem with another and win a victory for the Southerners, in other words

"This makes me sound like plotting mastermind." James says softly. Thomas reaches over and holds James's hand.

A quid pro quo

Wouldn't you like to work a little closer to home?

Actually, I would

Well, I propose the Potomac

And you'll provide him his votes?

Well, we'll see how it goes

. one else was in the room where it happened

"That was clever transition." Alexander and Aaron said at the same time.

"Yeah, I know." Kaitlen said excitedly.

The room where it happened, the room where it happened. No one else was in the room where it happened, the room where it happened, the room where it happened

In God we trust, but we'll never really know what got discussed, click-boom then it happened

"That gave me shivers a bit." Lafayette said.

And no one else was in the room where is happened

Alexander Hamilton!

What did they say to you to get you to sell New York City down the river?

"Nothing, I begged them to give me the votes, I may have cried a bit, they agreed on the term that the capital is close to Virginia." Alexander tells Aaron.

Alexander Hamilton!

Did Washington know about the dinner? Was there Presidential pressure to deliver?

Alexander Hamilton!

Or did you know, even then, it doesn't matter where you put the U.S. capital?

'Cause we'll have the banks, we're in the same spot

You got more than you gave

"That's an understatement." Thomas and James said.

All I wanted what I got, when you got skin in the game you stay in the game, but you don't get win unless you're playing the game, oh, you get love for it, you get hate for it, you get nothing if you.

Wait for it, wait for it, wait for it

"A punch to gut via lyrics from Aaron's own song." John says.

God help and forgive me I wanna build something that's gonna outlive me

"And the financial system that we have is still going strong, so you did build something that outlived you." Max tells Alexander. He smiles happily.

What do you want, Burr? (What do you want, Burr?) What do you want, Burr? (What do you want, Burr?) If you stand for nothing (what do want, Burr?) Burr, then what do you stand for? (What do you want Burr?)

I, I want to be in the room where it happens, the room where it happens

"Welp, there's the answer to that question." John says.

"Though, I could've done without being ganged up on by Alex, Thomas, Madison, Washington, and the entire ensemble." Aaron says.

I, I want to be in the room where it happens

I (I wanna be in the room where it happens) wanna be (the room where is happens) in the room where it happens (the room where it happens)

"That sounds cool." John said. Samuel nods his head.

I (I wanna be in the room where it happens) I wanna be in to room. (The room where it happens) oh (the room where it happens) oh (I wanna be in the room where it happens) I wanna be (where it happens) I wanna be (where it happens) I got to be, I got to be (I wanna be in the room where it happens) in the room (the room where it happens) the bid ol' room (the room where it happens)

The art of compromise

Hold your nose and close your eyes

Kaitlen plugged her nose and closed her eyes. Everyone around her chuckled.

We want our leaders to save the day

But we don't get a say in what they trade away

We dream of a brand new start

"Now I'm on the table." Aaron says with a sigh.

"Alexander, Aaron, and Lafayette, the table trio." Kaitlen and Gracen both say at the same time.

But we dream in the dark for the most part

Dark as a tomb where is happens

"Whoa! That was cool, how did they time that so well?" Samuel asks amazed by Aaron's actor jumping at the right moment for an ensemble member to remove the table cloth.

I've got to be in the room. (The room where it happens) I've got to be. (The room where it happens) I've got to be. (The room where in happens) oh, I've got to be in the room where it happens. (The room where it happens) I've got to be, I've gotta be (the room where it happens) I've gotta be in the room (I wanna be in the room where it happens) click-boom! (Click-boom!)


Hamilton watches 'Hamilton'

"Okay Thomas, James Madison, and Aaron weren't the ones who confronted me, That was James Monroe, Fredrick Muhlenberg, and Abraham Venable." Alexander says.

"I found out through Monroe while we were having a few drinks." Thomas says.

We have the check stubs from separate accounts

Almost a thousand dollars paid in different amounts

To a Mr. James Reynolds

"Fucking James Reynolds, two things, one I found out the man is a con artist and two, he blackmailed me into paying him." Alexander stated.

"Hey, you're the idiot who slept with his wife while being married." Samantha tells him. Alexander sighs.

"Don't forget he also slept with a married man." Max says before looking straight at John.

"You're never going to let us forget that are you?" John and Alexander asked.

Way back in seventeen ninety-one

Is that it? Are you done?

"Never!" Kaitlen tells Alexander before proceeding to do an evil laugh.

You are uniquely situated by virtue of your position

Though virtue is not a word I'd apply to this situation

"The switch of were virtue and situate are place to change the meaning, well done." Thomas says.

To seek financial gain, to stray from your sacred mission

And the evidence suggests you've engaged in speculation

An immigrant embezzling our government funds

"I didn't do that, I paid of Reynolds with my own money, which left me in a whole lot of debt." Alexander states.

"To which you left your family with when you died at after your duel with Aaron." Max tells him.

I can almost see the headlines, your career is done

"I love you guys too." Alexander says sarcastically.

"Awww, you love us?" Thomas asked while batting his eyelashes.

"Hey, back off he's mine." John tells him. Kaitlen chuckled a bit that John would defend his place as Alexander's boyfriend.

I hope you saved some money for your daughter and sons

"Wow, you just had to hit where it hurt Aaron, huh?" Alexander asked while shaking his head in playful tune.

"That wasn't me, that's the actor playing me." Aaron said trying to defend himself.

"For shame." Samuel tells him.

"How many kids did you have at that point?" John asked.

"Five, Phillip, Angelica, Alexander Jr, James, and John." Alexander answered.

"Yes and then your son John and child to which he named Laurens." Max states.

"Wait, didn't John Hamilton even have a that he after both his mother and chick Alex slept with?" Gracen asked.

"Wow." John and Alexander both said.

You best g'wan run back where you come from

"Deportation!" Kaitlen says. The men from past looks at her confused.

Ha, you don't even what you're asking me to confess

"Bullshit!" Kaitlen and Gracen both say.

"Confess, man. Confess!" Gracen tells Alexander in his best fake British accent.

"I confess." Anna says while getting out of her seat and starts praying.

"Not you!" Gracen tells her. This interaction made the men from the past even more confused.

You have nothing, I don't to tell you anything at all

"Plead the 5th, smart." Max says.

"Hey." Alexander says while pouting.

"This is a reference to a podcast called My Brother, My Brother and me." Kaitlen tells the men from the past.

If I can prove that I never broke that law? Do you promise not to tell another soul what you saw?

"Not like it's gonna matter because you're going to write about it and publish it two songs later." Kaitlen says.

No one else was in the room where it happened

"Hey that's from a few songs ago." Thomas pointed out.

"Yup, this is a motif that Aaron will use a bit later in the show." Kaitlen tells him.

Is that a yes?

Everyone watched as Alexander's actor takes a folded piece of paper of from the draw of a set piece and handed it to Aaron's actor.

"Did you have the letter Reynolds wrote you in your office?" James asked him.

"Yeah." Alexander answered. George W. pinched the bridge of his nose and shook his head.

Dear Sir, I hope this letter finds you in good health and in a prosperous position to put wealth in the pocket of people like me, down on their luck, you see, that was my wife who you decided to

There were chuckles in the audience, even from the men from the past, but Kaitlen knew meaning of why Aaron was the one reading it. Why must there be so many foreshadowing and lead up to the tragic end.

"Yes, she's just currently preparing herself for the end of the show." Samantha answered.

She courted, escorted me to bed, and when she had me in a corner

"You are partly to blame for that." Samantha tells him. Alexander nods.

"Everything with Maria Reynolds was a huge mistake." Alexander states.

"I'm glad you've learned that, son." George W. tells him. Alexander smiles at the closest thing to a real dad he'll ever have.

That's when Reynolds extorted me for sordid fee, I paid me quarterly, I may have mortally wounded my prospects,

"Meaning, he paid Reynolds with his own money, not the government's money, and he now has debt." Max says.

But my papers are orderly, as you can see I've kept a record of every check in my checkered history, check it again against your list and see consistency

"Yeah." Kaitlen said while smiling.

I haven't spent a cent that wasn't mine, you sent the dogs after my scent, that's fine

"No it's not, you go a little bit legacy crazy after this." Gracen says.

"You mean more than he already is?" Aaron asked. To which made Gracen laugh.

Yes, I have reasons for shame

"Alex, sweetie, the list for those reasons is too long." Kaitlen tells him.

"I didn't do that much." Alexander said defensively. Everyone looked at him in disbelief.

But I have not committed treason and sullied my good name

"You had an affair, wrote about it in great detail, and published it, you sullied your name and made yourself look like a jackass." Samantha tell Alexander.

As you can see I have done nothing to provoke legal action, are my answers to you satisfaction?

"That is the only appropriate response." Samantha states.

Gentlemen, let's go

The people won't know what we know

"Trust worthy, and you doubted them." Gracen teased Alexander. Alexander rolled his eyes.

Burr, how did I know you won't use this against me the next time we go toe to toe?

Alexander, rumors only grow and we both know what we know


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