Waarom het die Streltsy in Rusland geen somerdrag gehad nie?

Waarom het die Streltsy in Rusland geen somerdrag gehad nie?


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Soos in hierdie antwoord opgemerk, was die kenmerkende rooi jasse en hoede-uniform van die Russiese Streltsy-wag, 'n winter- en somerdrag.

Is daar enige rede waarom 'n (natuurlik warm, om Russiese winter te oorleef) klere ook as somerdrag gebruik is? Dit moes die militêre doeltreffendheid van die troepe, wat in die somer in die somer van Moskou sou toesak, sterk verminder het met dieselfde doeke wat nodig was om die winter van Moskou te oorleef.

Was dit kos? Selderheid van uniforme klere voor tekstielbedryf? Logistieke kwessies? Of die feit dat die uniform eintlik nie al die warmte was nie, en die winterwarmte is in plaas daarvan bereik deur lae doeke onder die rooi jasse?


Eintlik het streltsy twee soorte kaftans gedra - basiese kaftan en kaftan vir koue weer. Kaftan met koue weer is met skaapvel of bont gewatteer en het bontkraag en moue met bont -soom.

Basiese kaftan:

Winterkaftan (let op moue en kraag):

Volgens Yuri Veremeev, "Anatomy of Army"


Wie was in werklikheid die Sowjet -verraaier in die nuwe Cumberbatch -spioenasieriller?

Op 19 Maart 2021, na 'n COVID-veroorsaakde vertraging, die nuwe historiese riller Die koerier, met Benedict Cumberbatch in die hoofrol, het sy wêreldpremière gehad. Die film vertel die verhaal van Oleg Penkovsky, een van die bekendste verraaiers van die Koue Oorlog, en sy kontakpersoon, Greville Wynne (gespeel deur die Britse akteur).

Waarom beskou baie kolonel Penkovsky, 'n lid van die Hoof Intelligensie Direktoraat (GRU) van die Algemene Staf van die Sowjet -weermag, as die belangrikste mol in die Sowjetunie in die hele geskiedenis van die Koue Oorlog?

'N Verhaal van drie intelligensiedienste

Sentrale Intelligensie Agentskap

U kan seker wees van my toewyding, toewyding en vasberadenheid om te veg vir u (en nou my) saak. U sal my vriendelik onthou, ek sal u erkenning wen, en Rdquo skryf Oleg Penkovsky in 'n geheime boodskap aan koningin Elizabeth II, die Amerikaanse president Dwight Eisenhower en tien vooraanstaande Westerse politici.

Dit was een van die verskeie briewe wat die GRU -kolonel in die somer van 1960 opgestel het vir die oë van die CIA en MI6, saam met Sowjet -militêre geheime. Op hierdie manier het die hooggeplaaste Sowjetoffisier die Westerse spesiale dienste oortree.

Die afgestudeerde klas van die Dzerzhinzkiy Artillery Engineering Academy in die USSR in 1960 is Oleg Penkovskiy die derde van regs in die voorste ry.

Sentrale Intelligensie Agentskap

In sy eie woorde, het dit Penkovsky drie jaar geneem om alles te begryp en 'n soldaat te word in die stryd om die waarheid, vir die ideale van 'n ware vrye wêreld en demokrasie vir die mensdom. & Rdquo

Hy het verskeie kere na die Weste gekom: deur Amerikaanse toeriste in Moskou en die Britse sakeman Greville Wynne, wat bande gehad het met Britse intelligensie.

Aangesien Oleg Penkovsky sy dienste aan beide die Amerikaners en die Britte aangebied het, het die CIA en MI6 hom gesamentlik ontwikkel. Tydens 'n reis na Londen in April 1961 het die Sowjet -kolonel 'n reeks vergaderings met sy nuwe hanteerders gehou en spesiale toerusting ontvang, waaronder 'n draagbare Minox -kamera.

Kolonel Oleg Penkovskiy se militêre pas na die geboue van die Algemene Staf en die Ministerie van Verdediging in Moskou.

Sentrale Intelligensie Agentskap

Vir sy dienste versoek Penkovsky Amerikaanse of Britse burgerskap, asook 'n senior pos in die spesiale dienste van sy aangenome land. Hy is toegelaat om te probeer en in die uniform van Amerikaanse en Britse intelligensiebeamptes afgeneem te word.

'N Spioen soos geen ander nie

As adjunkhoof van die departement van buitelandse betrekkinge van die staatskomitee vir die koördinering van wetenskaplike navorsing onder die USSR Raad van Ministers, het Penkovsky die geleentheid gehad om op reis na die buiteland te reis, wat hy met sy nuwe Westerse kollegas ontmoet het.

Oleg Penkovsky se spioenasietoerusting.

In Moskou was sy belangrikste kommunikasiekanaal 'n man genaamd Greville Wynne, wat die USSR gereeld besoek het oor kwessies. & Rdquo Behalwe Wynne het tien ander Amerikaanse en Britse agente en alle ambassade -werknemers en mdash Penkovsky gekontak.

In die loop van sy spioenasieloopbaan het Oleg Penkovsky die Sowjetunie enorme skade aangerig. Hy het daarin geslaag om 111 Minox-films na die Weste oor te dra met 5500 hoogs geheime Sowjet-militêre dokumente, in totaal 7.650 bladsye. Die transkripsie van sy gesprekke met MI6 en die CIA beloop tot 1200 bladsye getikte teks. Hy het die identiteit van honderde Sowjet -agente in die Weste onthul, en 'n paar van sy intellek oor die Kremlin -planne het direk op die lessenaar van president John F. Kennedy beland.

Oleg Penkovsky se geïnkripteer poskaart.

Die tegniese inligting wat Penkovsky verskaf het oor verskillende Sowjet -ballistiese missiele, was baie nuttig vir die Amerikaners tydens die Kubaanse raketkrisis van 1962. Danksy sy mol het Washington presies geweet watter soort missiele Khrushchev op & ldquoLiberty Island & rdquo ontplooi het en waartoe hulle in staat was. Die kolonel het egter nie tyd gehad om die dankbaarheid van die Verenigde State te geniet nie. Op 22 Oktober, op die hoogtepunt van die krisis, is hy deur die KGB gearresteer.

Ondergang

Die KGB het Penkovsky al amper 'n jaar lank dopgehou voordat dit opduik. Operateurs het hom gesien in die geselskap van die Britse ambassade -werknemer Janet Chisholm, wat self verdink word van spioenasie.

Gedurende 1962 het die KGB die kolonel ondersoek, sy kontakte geïdentifiseer, sy kollegas by die werk taktvol ondervra en in die geheim die vermeende spioen en rsquos -woonstel deursoek. Operasionele aangeleenthede in die Penkovsky -saak is persoonlik onder toesig van die hoof van die KGB, Vladimir Semichastny.

In die aangeleentheid van die verraaier Penkovsky en sy medewerker Wynne is vasgestel dat die nalatigheid, politieke byziendheid en onverantwoordelike geklets van sommige militêre personeel met wie Penkovsky ontmoet en gedrink het, sy kriminele aktiwiteite regstreeks vergemaklik het, en rdquo het die hoof van die KGB -ondersoekdepartement geskryf, Nikolai Chistyakov. & ldquo Maar daar was ook iets anders. Penkovsky was nie net omring deur drinkmaats en lugkoppe nie, maar ook deur skerpsinnige, waarnemende tipes. Hulle seine oor Penkovsky en rsquos se oormatige nuuskierigheid oor aangeleenthede wat nie direk met hom verband hou nie, sowel as sy verdagte gedrag, het ons beamptes in staat gestel om hierdie gevaarlike misdadiger bloot te stel. & Rdquo

Die verhoor van Oleg Penkovsky.

Greville Wynne is tien dae na Penkovsky en rsquos se arrestasie in Boedapest aangehou en na Moskou geneem. 'N Hof het hom tot agt jaar gevangenisstraf gevonnis weens spioenasie, maar in April 1964 word hy verruil vir die Sowjet -intelligensiebeampte, Konon Molodoy, wat in Brittanje aangehou is.

Wat Oleg Penkovsky betref, was hy minder gelukkig. Ondanks sy openhartige bekentenisse en algehele bereidwilligheid om met die ondersoek saam te werk, is hy op 16 Mei 1963 weens verraad geskiet.

Gee altyd 'n aktiewe hiperskakel na die oorspronklike materiaal as u enige van die inhoud van Russia Beyond gebruik, gedeeltelik of volledig.


Sowjetuniform tydens die Tweede Wêreldoorlog

Die soldate van die Rooi Leër het 'n volledige stel toerusting gekry, met gordels van leer of doek, patroonbande, hoof- en aanvullende sakke vir granate en kos, 'n verskansingsgereedskap, waterbottel, geweerbeslag. Bron: Grigory Sysoev / RIA Novosti

Toe die Tweede Wêreldoorlog die Sowjetunie in 1941 verswelg het, het Moskou die grootste leër in Europa gehad, met byna 2 miljoen soldate. Die nadeel was die koste van die aantrek van sulke getalle, sodat die Sowjet-troepe die konflik binnegekom het met kleredrag wat in die vroeë 1900's onder die tsaristiese generaals ontwikkel is.

By die uitbreek van vyandelikhede bestaan ​​die Sowjetuniforms uit baie van dieselfde elemente wat Russiese magte in die Eerste Wêreldoorlog gedra het, insluitend 'n katoenen tuniek en broek, en stewels met lapwindings as gevolg van leertekorte. Die winterjas van die 1935-uitgawe was amper 'n duplikaat van die ontwerp van 1912. Maar 'n merkbare verskil was die aangewese troepe en die voorkeur van die voerkap tot die piekdop wat die puntvilt vervang het budenovka pet daarvoor. Die nuwe Sowjetse wintersdrag bevat ook 'n pet met oorflappe.

Die soldate van die Rooi Leër het 'n volledige stel toerusting gekry, met gordels van leer of doek, patroonbande, hoof- en aanvullende sakke vir granate en kos, 'n verskansingsgereedskap, waterbottel, geweerbeslag (bajonet en skoonmaakstelle), en 'n staal helm.

Beamptes van die Rooi Leër. Bron: RIA Novosti

Maar die oorlog het ook veranderings meegebring. Lywige toerusting wat in verskillende pakke gebêre is, was te omslagtig vir voetsoldate wat na verwagting tot 40 km per dag sou aflê, sodat 'n waterdigte koffersak ingebring is.

Die grootjas- en bedrolliesoldate wat om hul liggaam gedra word, belemmer ook die mobiliteit, en in Augustus 1941 is die bevel gegee om 'n nuwe katoenen winterbaadjie uit te reik wat onder 'n jas gedra kan word, maar goeie beskerming bied teen die koue en as 'n aparte eenvormige item. In gebiede met erge winters is grootjasse vervang deur bontjasse van half lengte. En in plaas van skoene en konvensionele stewels in uiterste weer, het die kragte dik wol en vilt gekry valenki, tradisionele winterskoene wat al honderde jare gedra word.

Saam met miljoene mans verskyn duisende vroue ook nou aan die voorkant, ook in gevegseenhede. Dit was byna ongehoord in die ou Russiese leër, so daar was geen spesiale uniform vir hulle nie, wat vereis dat die Sowjet -kwartiermeesters vinnig 'n oplossing moes vind. In Augustus 1941 is 'n prototipe vroue- en rsquos -uniform geskep, met 'n rok in plaas van 'n tuniek, eers gemaak van katoen en dan wol, en met 'n baret in plaas van 'n voerpet.

Vroue verskyn in 1941 aan die voorkant. Bron: RIA Novosti

Dit het in die eerste gevegte van die oorlog duidelik geword dat die uniform van Sowjet -offisiere en generaals hulle maklike teikens vir vyandelike skutters gemaak het. Kenmerkende kentekens en vlegsels op hul pette wat kort voor die oorlog ingestel is, het hulle uit die laer geledere uitgesonder. In Augustus 1941 stuur die bevel van die weermag bevele om alle uniforme chevrons en helder strepe aan die broek te verwyder en om goudkleurige lapel-kentekens te vervang met kakie-ekwivalente met nuwe uitgawe.

Behalwe die probleem van helder merke, is die Sowjetuniform in die beginjare van die oorlog in groot hoeveelhede vervaardig in nie-gestandaardiseerde fasiliteite, wat lei tot variasies in patrone. In 1943 het militêre drag 'n groot hervorming ondergaan, waarvan die belangrikste vernuwing die herinvoering van offisier -epaulette was wat sedert die Russiese rewolusie in 1917 nie gedra is nie.

Hulle het in kakie teruggekeer vir velddrag en was goudkleurig vir daaglikse drag. Rang is nou nie aangedui met diamante en vierkante op die lapels nie, maar met die aantal sterre op epaulette. Hoër offisiere het ook 'n vergulde wapen van die Sowjetunie op hul skouerbande gedra.

Die laer geledere is minder geraak deur die hervormings. Troepe is toegerus met nuwe hemde met stywe vertikale krae eerder as omgevoude. Enkelstewels met windings het grootliks verdwyn, en die weermag is langer uitgereik kirza stewels gemaak van gelaagde seil in plaas van leer en behandel vir waterbestandheid. Dit was 'n seën vir die Sowjet -kwartiermeesters wat sukkel met leertekorte, en hulle was gemaklik om vir soldate te dra in vergelyking met swaar stewels.

Uniforms is nou verdeel in parade-, veld- en daaglikse dragvariante. Die velduniform is in aktiewe diens en gevegte gebruik, en laasgenoemde vir boordiens. Parade dra is slegs by seremoniële geleenthede gedra. Behalwe epaulette, het beamptes hul slim voormalige keiserlike snybaadjies herwin.

Ander rokvormige elemente wat teruggekeer het, was onder meer manchetten en goue en silwer borduurwerk. Die uniform van die soldaat en rsquos -rok het rooi rande aan die kraag, boeie en sakke, maar dit bly lank ongebruik. Die seremoniële uitrusting is die eerste keer gedra deur Sowjet -soldate op 24 Junie 1945 tydens die Victory Parade in Moskou, wat die nederlaag van Hitler en rsquos Duitsland aangedui het.


Die Kirov -moord en die Moskou -skouproewe

Lenoe, Matthew E. Die Kirov -moord en Sowjetgeskiedenis. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2010.

Hierdie boek van die historikus Matthew Lenoe vergader verskeie ondersoeke en amptelike dokumente van die Kirov -moord, wat die Great Purge aan die gang gesit het. Hierdie massiewe samestelling ondersoek die rol van Stalin in die beroemde moord.

Oorwinning, Robert. Stalin en die Kirov -moord. New York: Oxford University Press, 2010.

Hierdie boek ook deur Robert Conquest, skrywer van Die Groot Terreur: 'n Herbeoordeling, was die eerste omvattende ondersoek van die rol wat Stalin in die Kirov -moord gespeel het. Dit is nie naastenby so uitgebreid soos Lenoe se werk oor die onderwerp nie, maar dit bied duidelike en bondige inligting oor die saak en Stalin se rol in die saak. Dit is 'n uitstekende bron vir basiese agtergrondinligting oor die onderwerp.

Library of Congress, “ Revelation from the Russian Archives: Repression and Terror: Kirov Murder and Purges. ” Laaste wysiging op 22 Julie 2010. Besoek op 2 Mei 2013. http://www.loc.gov/exhibits/archives /repk.html.

Nikolai Bukharin, lid van die Sowjet-politburo en sentrale komitee en hoofredakteur van Pravda koerant was die sentrale slagoffer van die Moskou -skouverhore. 'N Voormalige ondersteuner van Stalin se Bukharin het hom teëgestaan ​​teen die oordrewe van sy leierskap en is gearresteer weens die moord op Kirov. Die volgende transkripsie behels dat Bukharin sy trou aan die Sowjet -saak en sy veroordeling van terreur verdedig.

GRIGOR ’EVA-KHATUNTSEV, Nikitina
[stenograaf]

BUKHARIN. Laat ek u vertel hoe ek hierdie saak verduidelik het.
Kameraad Mikoian sê die volgende: Oor die mees basiese vraag,
hy, Boekarin, het meningsverskille met die party: In
wesenlik, het hy by sy ou posisies gehou. Dit is onwaar. Geen manier
het ek my by my vorige posisies gehou en#8212 nie oor industrialisering nie,
nie op kollektivisering nie, [en] nie by herstrukturering van dorpe nie
algemeen. Maar met betrekking tot stimuli in die landbou, is hierdie vraag
was nie vir my duidelik totdat die aangeleentheid na die wetgewing gekom het nie
oor die Sowjet -handel. Ek beskou die hele probleem as 'n geheel
opgelos na die instelling van wette oor die Sowjet -handel. Voor
hierdie, hierdie probleem, baie belangrik, maar nie allesomvattend nie, was nie
duidelik vir my. Toe hierdie saak van toepassing was op die omset van produkte
in [onleesbaar] en Sowjet ….

[tussenliggende bladsye van transkripsie ontbreek]

Ek wil nog 'n opmerking maak. Blykbaar het Mikoian
gesê: Hoe is u dan nie verantwoordelik, soos u sê nie
[onleesbaar] hierdie hele “skool ” sit? Ek dra die verantwoordelikheid daarvoor
hierdie. Maar die vraag behels die mate van verantwoordelikheid
Dit is 'n kwessie van die kwaliteit van hierdie verantwoordelikheid. Gedurende die
konfrontasie [en kruisondervraging], het ek aan Kaganovich gesê
dat ek verantwoordelik is vir die dood van Tomskii omdat, in 1928-29,
As ek nie groepe regses gelei het nie, is dit moontlik dat
Die lot van Tomskii sou ook anders gewees het. Ek dra
verantwoordelikheid vir hierdie feit. Dit is egter nodig om
bepaal die graad en aard van hierdie verantwoordelikheid.
Verantwoordelikheid vir wat met hierdie jeug gebeur het oor 'n
onbepaalde aantal jare kwalitatief en kwantitatief verskil
van, laat ons sê, die verantwoordelikheid van 'n persoon wat 'n ander beveel
persoon om iets te doen en daardie persoon voer die bevel uit. Ek is
Verantwoordelikheid nie meer van myself as van iemand anders nie, ek
aanvaar die erns van hierdie verantwoordelikheid. Ek sou egter wou
om te sê dat die mate van verantwoordelikheid, die karakterisering van
hierdie verantwoordelikheid, is absoluut spesifiek van aard, en dit
moet uitgedruk word soos ek dit hier uitgespreek het.
[tussenliggende bladsye van transkripsie ontbreek]

[…] twee mense? Dit is 'n duidelike leuen. Hoe kon Kulikov bied
twee weergawes in antwoord hierop absoluut en uitsonderlik
vreeslike vraag? Hoe kan Sokol ’nikov twee idees by die
dieselfde tyd?

(STEM: Rozit, Slepkov en ander noem dit).

BUKHARIN: In watter opsig hieroor? As 'n mens praat
Op hierdie manier word niks gesê nie: dit is dieselfde as
as 'n student gevra word waar Moskou op die kaart is, en hy
bedek onmiddellik die hele kaart met die palm van sy hand.

Met betrekking tot die Riutinskii -platform. Dit is aangebied deur Ezhov
as een van die kwessies met die hoogste prioriteit wat oorweeg moet word. Dit is
baie verstaanbaar vanuit die oogpunt van die konstruksie van 'n
aanklag. Die Riutinskii -platform (as u kan bewys dat ek
het 'n verband daarmee) sou 'n ware skat wees as gevolg van die
kommer oor die belangrikste oomblikke in die stryd met Sowjet
mag, sy kommer met terreur, en [onleesbaar], ens., ens. I
bestudeer die groot aantal bladsye [materiaal?] veral uit die
hoek van die Riutinskii -platform. Tog voel ek dat dit so is
hier nodig om noukeurig na hierdie saak te kyk, wat immers is
in getuienis. Astrov getuig dat die skrywers Rykov was […]

[tussenliggende bladsye van transkripsie ontbreek]

[…] Errio het nie gesien dat dit selfs daar is nie, sê hulle, dat ek
kontak met Skrypnik behou (vir 'n regse afwyking, I
moet gekoppel word aan die posisies van Skrypnik)
vasgestel, sê hulle, dat ek vir 'n demokratiese republiek staan ​​en,
terselfdertyd is dit bekend dat ek daaroor gepraat het, laat ons sê by
'n vergadering, en 'n hele reeks ander dinge. Ek kan nie antwoord nie
al hierdie vrae afsonderlik, aangesien dit te veel sou verg
tyd, so ek neem slegs die belangrikste.

Ek wil graag 'n paar woorde oor terreur sê. Kamerade, die
Die vraag na lidmaatskap in die party lyk vir my eenvoudig naïef:
as 'n persoon die terroriste se standpunt teen die
leierskap van die party, dan is die vraag of hy dit mag wees
'n partylid is 'n naïewe vraag.

Ek het absoluut geen verhouding met terreur nie, nie deur 'n enkele nie
woord of gedagte. As ek hierdie dinge hoor, lyk dit my asof die
gesprek handel oor ander mense miskien sit ek hier en
hoor van 'n ander persoon. Ek verstaan ​​nie hoe ek kan wees nie
van so 'n beskuldiging vir my beskuldig, is dit absoluut
onbegryplik [en] Ek kyk hierna as 'n#8220a skaap wat nuut kyk
gates ” [dit wil sê, ek voel heeltemal verlore in vreemde gebied].

POZERN: Dit is nie nuwe hekke nie, en dit is nie die probleem nie.

BUKHARIN: In u denkwyse is dit miskien nie nuut nie
hekke, maar dan is ek ook nie 'n skaap nie. [tussenin bladsye met transkripsie ontbreek]

ALTAEVA-PRIGORNAIA, Petrakova.
[stenograaf]

STALIN: U behoort nie die reg op laster te hê nie
jouself. Dit is 'n baie kriminele saak.

MOLOTOV: Dit is wat u gesê het oor die hongersnood
bloot 'n anti-Sowjet-ding.

STEMME UIT DIE KAMER: 'n kontra -revolusionêre ding!

STALIN: U moet na ons posisie kom. Trotskii met
sy dissipels, Zinov ’ev en Kamenev, het op 'n tyd saam met Lenin gewerk,
en nou het hierdie mense 'n ooreenkoms met Hitler beding.
Kan ons daarna dinge as skokkend noem? Absoluut nie.
Na alles wat met hierdie here gebeur het, het voormalige
kamerade, wat 'n ooreenkoms met Hitler beding het, 'n uitverkoping
van die USSR, is daar niks verbasends in menslike aangeleenthede nie.
Alles moet bewys word en nie [net] geantwoord word op die gebruik nie
uitroeptekens en vraagtekens.

MOLOTOV: En anti-Sowjet-aangeleenthede moet nie hierby betrokke wees nie.

MOLOTOV: Laat ons 'n reses noem, kamerade.

Die volgende snit toon beeldmateriaal van een van die Moskou -verhore, insluitend die aanklag en openbare reaksie op die veroordelings. Hoofaanklaer Andrey Vyshinsky verwys na 'n “ vyfde kolom ” van vyande, verraaiers en spioene wat probeer om die Sowjetunie te ondermyn en wat verpletter moet word. Hy sê,
Laat die uitspraak gehoor word soos donderweer, soos 'n vars, suiwerende donderstorm van Sowjet -geregtigheid. ”

“ Prisoners at Work. ” Gulag: Many Days, Many Lives, Item#33 (geraadpleeg op 2 Mei 2013)

Die volgende prentjie toon 'n normale dag van arbeid in die Sowjet -Goelag.

Alexei Andreevich Merekov, “Frost. ” Gulag: Many Days, Many Lives, Item#215 (geraadpleeg op 02 Mei 2013)

Die volgende is in 'n Gulag -kamp in Kolyma geverf. Dit verteenwoordig die moeilike lewensomstandighede van die gevangenes tydens wrede Russiese winters.

'N Groep soldate van die Primorskaia -leër in die gevegte by die Chasan -meer, Mongolië. 1938. ” Gulag: Many Days, Many Lives, (besoek op 2 Mei 2013)

Die volgende prentjie van 1938 toon 'n groep soldate wat tereggestel is vir teregstelling.

Solzhenitsyn, Alexander. Die Gulag -argipel. New York City: Basic Books, 1997.

Hierdie boek, geskryf deur 'n oorlewende uit Goelag, is 'n samestelling van drie volumes van die angs van soos in Gulag, gebaseer op die persoonlike getuienisse van oorlewendes. Die verwysing na 'n argipel in die titel vergelyk die kampe met 'n ketting eilande, ver en onbekend met diegene wat nog nooit was nie. Solzhenitsyn poog om die gaping van begrip te oorbrug deur sy uitbeelding van die Gulag -kamplewe. Die Gulag -argipel het die Westerse wêreld geskok met sy lewendige uitbeelding van die ongeregtighede van Gulag. By die publikasie van die eerste bundel is Solzhenitsyn gearresteer weens verraad en uit die Sowjetunie verban.

Applebaum, Anne. Gulag: 'n Geskiedenis. New York City: First Anchor Books, 2004.

In haar werk gee Applebaum 'n uiteensetting van die hele geskiedenis van Russiese Goelag vanaf die ontstaan ​​daarvan tydens die Russiese Revolusie van 1917 onder Lenin en uitgebrei onder Stalin tot sy ondergang na die Glasnost -periode. Applebaum beskryf Gulag -kampe as 'n ekonomiese en politieke instelling, maar gee ook meer persoonlike weergawes van die lewens van gevangenes en die manier waarop die kampe hul alledaagse verhoudings en gedrag beïnvloed het.

Kerber, L.L. Stalin's Aviation Gulag: A Memoir of Andrei Tupolev and the Purge Era. Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1996.

Kerber se herinnering aan sy ervaring met Andrei Tupolev vertel een van die meer bisarre verhale van die Sowjet -Goelag. Tupolev, hoofontwikkelaar van Sowjet -lugvaart en vliegtuigontwerp, is in 1937 gearresteer en in die tronk gesit. onder die wakende oog van die NKVD. Kerber beskryf die daaglikse lewe in die vreemde instelling van sharaga.


'Witgekalk en uitgevee': daar is 'n rede waarom Juneteenth nie in skole onderrig word nie, sê opvoeders

'N Handboek vir sosiale studies in Connecticut, vierde graad, het valslik beweer dat slawe net soos' familie 'behandel is. 'N Handboek oor aardrykskunde in Texas verwys na verslaafde Afrikane as' werkers '. In Alabama, tot in die sewentigerjare, het vierde klasgangers geleer in 'n handboek met die naam "Ken Alabama" dat die slawelewe op 'n plantasie 'een van die gelukkigste lewenswyses was.'

Daarteenoor, sê historici en opvoeders, word baie kinders in die Amerikaanse onderwysstelsel nie geleer oor groot historiese gebeure in Swart nie, soos die Tulsa Race Massacre of Juneteenth, die herdenking van die einde van slawerny in die Verenigde State op 19 Junie.

Terwyl die land worstel met 'n rasse -afrekening na die moord op George Floyd in polisieaanhouding, het opvoeders gesê dat wat wel en wat nie op skool geleer is nie, deel was van die uitwissing van die geskiedenis van sistemiese rassisme in Amerika en die bydraes van swart mense en ander minderheidsgroepe.

"Daar is 'n lang erfenis van institusionele rassisme wat skaars in die hoofstroom korporatiewe kurrikulum gedek word," sê Jesse Hagopian, 'n etniese onderwyser in Seattle en mede-redakteur van die boek "Teaching for Black Lives."

'Dit is regtig verstommend hoe min die bydraes van swart mense in 'n groot deel van die hoofstroomkurrikulum ingesluit is en hoeveel van die institusionele rassisme vermom is,' het hy gesê.

Geskiedkundiges het gesê kurrikulums handel oor identiteit en leer oor onsself en ander.

'Die kurrikulum was nooit bedoel om iets anders as 'n blanke oppergesag te wees nie,' het Julian Hayter, 'n historikus en medeprofessor aan die Universiteit van Richmond in Virginia, gesê: 'Dit was baie moeilik om mense te oortuig dat ander weergawes van die geskiedenis nie net die moeite werd om te vertel. Dit is absoluut noodsaaklik vir ons as 'n land om nader aan iets te kom wat versoening weerspieël, maar nog belangriker, die waarheid. & Quot

LaGarrett King, 'n medeprofessor in sosiale opvoeding aan die Universiteit van Missouri, het gesê dat die geskiedenisleerplanne in skole 'n verhaal wil vertel, en dit was in die VSA een van die 'progressiewe geskiedenis' van die land.

'Die oorkoepelende tema is:' Ja, ons het foute gemaak, maar ons het oorwin omdat ons die Verenigde State van Amerika is, 'het King gesê, wat ook die stigter is van die Carter Center for K-12 Black History Education. by die Universiteit.

'Wat dit gedoen het, is dat dit baie geskiedenis uitgewis het wat die progressiewe verhaal sou bestry,' het hy gesê.

King het gesê dat die ervarings en onderdrukking van swart mense, Latino's, inheemse mense, Asiatiese mense en ander minderheidsgroepe in die VSA grotendeels geïgnoreer of opsy gesit word om by hierdie vertellings te pas.

'U het natuurlik nie belangrike inligting soos wat in Tulsa gebeur het nie, u het ook nie inligting soos die bombardering van 'n swart buurt in Philadelphia nie,' het hy gesê.

In 1921 in Oklahoma het blankes die Greenwood -distrik van Tulsa geplunder en vernietig, bekend vir sy welgestelde swart gemeenskap. Geskiedkundiges glo dat tot 300 swart mense dood is.

In Mei 1985 het die polisie in Philadelphia 'n bom op die kompleks van MOVE, 'n swart bevrydingsgroep, neergegooi en ses lede, vyf van hul kinders doodgemaak en 65 huise in die buurt vernietig.

'N Ander tydperk wat dikwels in die Amerikaanse swart geskiedenis weggelaat is, is die Rooi Somer, 'n tydperk van 1919 toe wit skares 'n golf van anti-swart geweld in tientalle stede aangewakker het.

Wat betogings teen rasse -ongelykheid en polisiewreedheid betref na die moord op Floyd en ander swart mense deur die polisie, het King beklemtoon dat hierdie bewegings nie nuut was nie.

'Swart mense het dit die afgelope 400 jaar gesê, dit is nie 'n nuwe beweging nie,' het hy gesê. 'Elke generasie het sy tyd gehad waar hulle deur protes, deur opstand probeer sê:' luister na ons, luister na ons ',' het hy gesê.

'N Deel van die probleem is dat die samelewing nog nooit na die geskiedenis geluister het nie, het hy gesê.

'Op baie maniere sou ons nie 'n Black Lives Matter -beweging hê as swart lewens in die klas belangrik was nie,' het hy gesê.

'Op baie maniere sou ons nie 'n Black Lives Matter -beweging hê as swart lewens in die klas belangrik was nie. & Quot

Die huidige oomblik het ook meer nasionale aandag getrek op Juneteenth, wat Vrydag vanjaar is.

President Donald Trump het Donderdag in 'n onderhoud met The Wall Street Journal gesê dat hy 'n saamtrek in Tulsa wat van Vrydag tot Saterdag gehou is, uit respek vir twee Afro -Amerikaanse vriende en ondersteuners verhuis het.

'Ek het iets goeds gedoen. Ek het dit beroemd gemaak. Ek het Juneteenth baie bekend gemaak. Dit is eintlik 'n belangrike gebeurtenis, dit is 'n belangrike tyd. Maar niemand het daarvan gehoor nie, ”het hy gesê, hoewel sy kantoor voorheen verklarings uitgereik het.

Geskiedkundiges merk op dat Juneteenth al 155 jaar lank in swart gemeenskappe regoor die land gevier word.

En selfs na die Konfederale oorgawe en Juneteenth, was daar nog steeds slawerny in dele van die land totdat die kongres die 13de wysiging aanvaar het, wat in Desember 1865 bekragtig is, en slawerny in die Verenigde State formeel afgeskaf is.

Hayter het gesê dat die geskiedenis van swart mense en ander minderheidsgemeenskappe reeds "heeltemal afgewit en uitgevee is" wanneer dit in Amerikaanse klaskamers aangebied word.

Hy het gewys op die argument van sommige dat die verwydering van Konfederale standbeelde en ikonografie gelykstaande is aan die uitvee van die geskiedenis.

'As mense dus sê dat u nie die geskiedenis kan uitvee nie, is dit soos, waarvan praat u?' hy het gesê. 'As u 'n handboek uit die middel van die 20ste eeu oopmaak, is daar geen minderhede in die handboeke nie.'

'Die bydraes wat hulle tot die Amerikaanse demokratiese ervaring gelewer het, word heeltemal geïgnoreer,' het hy gesê.

Hayter het gesê dat hierdie geskiedenis as 'n voetnoot van 'n groter verhaal beskou is en nie meer 'n belangrike en integrale deel van die geskiedenis nie.

'Solank ons ​​voortgaan om dit as byvoegings tot 'n groter Amerikaanse verhaal te behandel, misluk ons ​​hierdie kinders grootliks omdat ons hierdie geskiedenis tot tweedeklasstatus verminder het,' het hy gesê.

Hagopian het gesê dat 'Teaching for Black Lives' 'n paar van hierdie baie belangrike tydperke in die swart geskiedenis wil ontbloot en opvoeders toegangspunte gee om studente daaroor te leer, insluitend 'n hele les oor die Tulsa Race Massacre.

Hy het gesê dat 'n ander historiese tydperk wat die hoofstroom -kurrikulum duidelik ontbreek, heropbou was, die era na die burgeroorlog wat probeer om die ongelykhede van slawerny die hoof te bied.

'Heropbou is een van die mees fassinerende en revolusionêre periodes in die Amerikaanse geskiedenis,' het hy gesê.

Hagopian het gesê dat dit 'n merkwaardige tydperk was, hoewel dit kort was, toe die land 'n doelbewuste poging aangewend het om institusioneel rassistiese strukture af te breek.

'Swart mense het die openbare skoolstelsel regoor die suide gebou, en daar was geïntegreerde skole in die 1860's. Hulle was meer geïntegreerd as vandag, net ongelooflike voorbeelde van swart bemagtiging, ”het hy gesê en bygevoeg dat daar meer swart verkose amptenare as ooit was tot onlangs.

'Dit is so 'n belangrike era om te ondersoek,' het Hagopian gesê. "As ons die intense vlak van rassisme wat ons vandag het, sal ontsnap, sal ons moet kyk hoe dit gelyk het toe daar 'n beweging was na institusionele anti-rassisme."

Dit is ook belangrik, het Hagopian gesê, om studente te leer dat die burgerregtebeweging verder gaan as 'n paar bekende figure wat algemeen in geskiedenisboeke of tydens die Black History Month verskyn, soos Martin Luther King Jr. en Rosa Parks.

'Ek dink een van die belangrikste dinge waaroor studente kan leer, is die manier waarop jongmense die Amerikaanse geskiedenis op 'n diepgaande manier help vorm het, en om veral die bydraes van swart jongmense tot hierdie land te help verstaan,' het hy gesê.

'Hulle word so gereeld uitgevee, maar as studente verneem dat dit jongmense was wat die leiers van die burgerregtebeweging was, kan hulle hulself as potensiële akteurs beskou om die wêreld vandag te verander. & Quot


Die werklike rede waarom Hitler die Slag van die Bulge begin het

Onder die onthullings van 'n nuwe boek: Crystal meth was die keuse van die Duitse weermag.

Winston Churchill noem die Tweede Wêreldoorlog se Battle of the Bulge "die grootste Amerikaanse oorlog van die oorlog." Steven Spielberg het die 6-weke lange beproewing oor die gewilde verbeelding gegraveer met Band of Brothers, wat die aanval op die dorp Foy deur drie maatskappye van die 101ste lugafdeling, die Screaming Eagles, gedramatiseer het.

Die Britse militêre historikus Peter Caddick-Adams put nou uit sy jare wat hy aan die heropbou van die epiese stryd bestee het in sy pas gepubliseerde boek, Snow and Steel: Battle of the Bulge 1944-45. Hy praat van 'n Britse militêre basis in Duitsland en praat oor Hitler se redes vir die aanvang van die offensief, waarom crystal meth die keuse was vir die Wehrmacht en watter lesse die stryd ons vandag kan leer.

Hoe het die geveg sy naam gekry? Wat was die Bulge?

Om mee te begin, was soldate nie seker wat hulle die geveg sou noem nie. It was a German penetration into the American lines, which the Americans had then surrounded and eventually sealed off. The word for that in the First World War was "salient." But that sounded too formal, perhaps too British. An American journalist was interviewing George Patton. The journalist needed a unique, American-sounding word that could become shorthand for the battle. And the word "bulge" popped into his mind. It was adopted pretty soon after the battle, and it stuck.

Your interest in the battle began with a schoolboy epiphany. Take us back in time.

I had some friends who restored secondhand military vehicles. One summer in the mid-1970s they invited me to return to the area where the Battle of the Bulge had been fought. We drove in these vehicles, and to make it look right, we put on some khaki, then drove through the little villages of the Ardennes.

I was amazed by the older generation, who came out of their houses and could remember what was by then 30 or so years earlier. You could see by their faces how much it had meant to them. Some of them burst into tears the moment they saw a U.S. jeep.

One farmer led us up a small trail to the top of a hill and showed us where the American and German lines had been. I couldn't see anything, which was somewhat of a disappointment. Then I kicked idly at a stone. It turned out not to be a stone but an entrenching tool. All of a sudden beneath the undergrowth, when I looked, there were cartridges, bits of helmet, canteens—all the debris you'd associate with a battle. When you're a teenager, that makes a huge impression.

You say Hitler's decision to launch the Ardennes offensive was more political than military. How so?

I feel I was breaking new ground by asserting that the decision by Hitler to launch the Ardennes attack—and it's his alone—is a political one rather than a military one. The traditional view is that this is an attempt to turn around the military situation as it was at the end of 1944. (See a World War II time line.)

I came to the conclusion that this is rather Hitler's attempt to reassert his personal political control over the German general staff and the entire Nazi hierarchy. It's a reaction to the von Stauffenberg bomb attempt on his life on the 20th of July, 1944. After that, he hides away. He goes into shock. He doesn't know whom to trust. His health goes downhill. The genesis of Hitler's plans to launch the Bulge is his grappling to retain control of the direction of military affairs and prove to the Third Reich that he's still the man at the top.

A fascinating section in your book explains the mythological and cultural significance of forests to the German psyche. How did the Ardennes campaign fit into this?

Again, I think I was breaking new ground here. I wondered why Hitler had specifically chosen the Ardennes. It's his plan, and everything about it had to have significance. Therefore, I wondered if there was more to the Ardennes than simply a region where the Allies were weak. I went back to Hitler's pronouncements, his beliefs, and his fascination with Wagner. In Wagner, a huge amount of the action takes place in woods and forests. This taps into the old Nordic beliefs and gods—that woods are a place of testing for human beings.

If you look at the whole Nazi creed, the false religion that Hitler and the SS created, woods and forests crop up time after time. Even the code name for the offensive, Herbstnebel—Autumn Mist—has all sorts of Wagnerian connotations. Wagner uses mist or smoke to announce the arrival of evil. So it was no accident that the attack against the Americans was launched from large forests, in heavy fog.

Hitler had a very low opinion of the Americans as a fighting force. Hoekom?

Hitler thought the Americans were a mongrel force made up of all sorts of different nations. But that's a blatant misreading of history. For a start, Germany itself is a mixture of all sorts of different nations. Huge numbers of Americans who went to fight in the Ardennes in 1944 had also come originally from Germany. He also overlooks that so many great American figures were originally German. Eisenhower originally came from the Saarland. Pershing, the American general in World War I, is a German name.

All Hitler's knowledge of the United States is from reading cowboy books written by a charlatan writer called Karl May, who'd never actually been to the United States. So Hitler is remarkably ill-equipped to make these sweeping generalizations about the Americans—particularly about their ability to mass manufacture, which is one of the things that bring about his downfall. The Germans are going into battle barely better equipped than they were in 1914, with upwards of 50,000 horses. By contrast, the Americans are fully mechanized.

A figure who strides out of the pages of the book is the cigar-chomping American general, Patton. In what ways did he typify the American character—and fighting tactics?

It's difficult to discuss the Bulge without referring to George Patton, with his cigars and trademark pearl-handled revolvers. He is so American, from a British point of view. What do I mean by that?

Well, he had unbounded confidence. And, I think, one thing that marks out successful captains in history is a superb confidence that almost borders on arrogance. That's something Patton has. He would always say that a perfect plan is not as good as an imperfect plan that's executed violently and immediately.

One of the key aspects of the battle is the speed with which he can reorientate his Third Army, which is to the south of the Bulge, and get them to counterattack the Germans by moving north. To turn a whole army around on its axis by 90 degrees and move north in the middle of winter at almost no notice is almost unheard of.

But Patton achieves this within a couple of days—much to the amazement of the Germans and even more to the amazement of his fellow Allies. He says he will do it. Most people don't believe he can. Yet, my goodness me, he delivers, and delivers in spades.

On the other side, one of the most compelling characters is the German Panzer commander, Joachim Peiper. He was nasty bit of work, wasn't he?

Joachim Peiper was a 28-year-old true believer in the Nazi faith. His whole life had been acted out in the shadow of Hitler and the Third Reich. He'd come to prominence early. He was a colonel in the Waffen SS and worked as an adjutant to Himmler. He was involved in a whole series of war crimes on the eastern front, where he taught his men to regard Russian lives as being worth nothing.

He and his men bring this mentality to the western front when they fight in the Bulge in 1944, and it's they who perpetrate the famous massacre just outside the town of Malmedy.

I also wanted to try and strip the gloss off Joachim Peiper as a brilliant military commander. One of the points I make in the book is that he had passed his best in a military sense. His performance wasn't nearly as good as he claimed it to be. When I went back through the records, I found he'd lied about the progress he'd made during the Battle of the Bulge.

One of the things that most surprised me was your contention that the use of crystal meth was widespread in the German army.

The Germans routinely encouraged their soldiers to take what we would now call crystal meth before battle. It would whip them up into a fury and may explain some of the excesses they committed. It's a way of motivating scared young men. And some of the Germans are very young indeed. I found lots of evidence of 16-year-olds being put into uniform and sent into battle.

So I think you're reaching for every possible technique to exaggerate your soldiers' combat performance. This wasn't just an SS thing. The German army was not below stooping to use drugs to increase its soldiers' effectiveness on the battlefield.

What are the most important lessons, militarily and personally, you took away from studying the battle?

Writing military history is fascinating because you never end up where you think you will. One of the things I took away was how much the Allies deluded themselves as to the situation of their opponents—how much they believed, because they wanted to believe, that the Germans were a spent force. The Battle of the Bulge proved exactly the opposite. And we do this time and time again. We under-appreciate the effectiveness of our opponents even today.

Personally speaking, I was fascinated and humbled by the resilience of the soldiers, particularly the Americans, I met, whether personally or through their letters and diaries. I have seen action in combat zones myself. But I could have no conception of the horrific, freezing conditions that the American soldiers coped with and overcame.

What I took away is that soldiering is not about planning. It's all about how you react when something goes wrong, when the wheel comes off—how quickly you can turn things around, how resilient and deep your resolve is. That was demonstrated in spades by the U.S. Army at the Bulge. And that is deeply humbling and very instructive.

How many Bulge veterans are alive today?

There are precious few. Of the several hundred thousand that took part in the Battle of the Bulge, only a couple of thousand are now left with us. Most of those are fading fast, which is one of the reasons I wanted to write the book for the 70th anniversary. I knew that if I left it any longer, there'd be no one left around to say, "Yes, that's how it was," or "No, the author's talking a load of rubbish." [Laughs] I wanted to write it as a tribute to those who'd fought in the campaign, while there were still some of them left alive to appreciate my comments.

Simon Worrall curates Book Talk. Follow him on Twitter or at simonworrallauthor.com.

Correction: An earlier version of this story incorrectly stated that the Battle of the Bulge lasted 14-months. The story has been changed to reflect the correct duration, which is 6-weeks.


How did Pepsi become the first American brand to take root in the Soviet Union?

&ldquoWe had a very beautiful uniform, like that of doctors: white robes, hats, clothes made personally for each worker. We were all proud of our work, and it was very prestigious to work here,&rdquo recalled Valentina Merezhko, a resident of the southern city of Novorossiysk (link in Russian). She was one of the lucky ones who worked in the USSR&rsquos first Pepsi plant, which opened its doors in 1974, making up to 160,000 bottles of Pepsi per shift.

The head of the company at that time, Donald M. Kendall, named it &ldquothe best and most modern PepsiCo plant in the world.&rdquo He must have been surprised that the plant was completed in just 11 months &ndash something never achieved before with any other Pepsi plant.

Kendall had been dreaming of it for years, but it was in the summer of 1959 that good fortune came his way at the U.S. National Exhibition in Moscow&rsquos Sokolniki Park. At that time, he was in charge of Pepsi&rsquos international operations, and asked Richard Nixon, then U.S. Vice President, to help him &ldquoget a Pepsi in [Nikita] Khrushchev&rsquos hand.&rdquo Nixon agreed, and the rest is history. The company was eager to enter the Russian market, especially since Pepsi&rsquos key competitor, Coca-Cola, was not active there.

Nikita Khrushchev (left) tastes Pepsi in 1959 at the U.S. National Exhibition in Moscow. He is watched by U.S. Vice President Richard Nixon (center) and Donald Kendall (right).

In between talks with the Soviet leader on their countries&rsquo rivalry in the production of consumer goods, Nixon fulfilled his promise to Kendall and the above picture was taken. This was the best advertisement that a company could possibly want in the Soviet Union at that time!

Nixon actually tricked Khrushev, asking to taste two types of Pepsi: one made in the U.S., and one made in Moscow (our guess is that the Americans brought concentrate to Moscow and added local water). Of course, the Soviet leader preferred the latter and then promoted it to everyone at the exhibition. The press went crazy and published photos of Khrushchev holding a Pepsi with the caption, &ldquoKhrushchev wants to be sociable,&rdquo which was a reference to Pepsi&rsquos slogan in the U.S. at that time: &ldquoBe sociable, have a Pepsi.&rdquo

Barter for Vodka

It wasn&rsquot until 1972, however, when Pepsi became the first capitalistic brand produced in the Soviet Union. According to the agreement, PepsiCo started to supply concentrate and equipment for 10 future production plants where concentrate was to be diluted, bottled and distributed across the country.

One issue to solve, however, was payment. Soviet rubles could not be internationally exchanged because of Kremlin currency controls, which made it illegal not only to trade them internationally but also to take the currency abroad. Therefore, a barter deal was made whereby Pepsi concentrate was swapped for Stolichnaya vodka and the right for its distribution in the U.S. &ndash liter per liter.

Originally, it was expected that the first plant would appear in Sochi, but due to the lack of fresh water sources nearby it was decided to build it in Novorossiysk. When the plant opened, Soviet people often would visit Novorossiysk with two goals: a holiday on the Black Sea, and to try Pepsi.

Apart from Kendall and his board of directors, Soviet leader Leonid Brezhnev also came to see the first Pepsi plant.

By the end of 1982 seven more plants appeared: in Moscow, Leningrad, Kyiv, Tashkent, Tallinn, Alma-Ata and Sukhumi.

Teenagers celebrate the end of school, Moscow, 1981.

In 1973-1981, as many as 1.9 million decaliters of Stolichnaya vodka worth $25 million was shipped to the U.S., and 32.3 million decaliters of Pepsi was produced, earning the Kremlin 303.3 million rubles. The barter deal with the USSR only allowed the company to profit from vodka sales in the U.S. &ndash it didn&rsquot benefit from Pepsi sales in the Soviet Union.

A Pepsi stand in Moscow, 1983.

The price for a bottle of the American soft drink was twice the cost of Soviet drinks (lemonad was 10 kopecks), and one could buy a 0.33 liter bottle for 45 kopecks, and then return the glass bottle to get 10 kopecks back.

In 1988, Pepsi was the first Western brand to place a paid commercial on Soviet TV. The ad featured none other than Michael Jackson.

Pepsi&rsquos warships

Following the American reaction to Soviet intervention in Afghanistan in 1979, the sales of vodka plummeted and PepsiCo started to look for something else to barter. The company founded a peculiar way to continue its business &ndash Soviet warships.

In May 1989, Pepsi bought 17 submarines (for $150,000 each), a cruiser, a frigate and a destroyer, which all were later resold for scrap. Plus, the company bought new Soviet oil tankers and later leased them or sold them in partnership with a Norwegian company. It was then that Kendall famously remarked, addressing U.S. national security adviser Brent Scowcroft, &ldquoWe're disarming the Soviet Union faster than you are.&rdquo

A 1990 Pepsi commercial in the USSR: &ldquoNew generation choses Pepsi.&rdquo

A year later, the company signed a historical $3 billion deal with the Kremlin to swap 10 Soviet tankers and freighters worth more than $300 million for Pepsi concentrate.

Despite Kendall&rsquos hopes that this would foster PepsiCo&rsquos further expansion in the country, the collapse of the Soviet Union ruined his plans and the company never claimed the ships. They were located in a newly independent Ukraine that wanted to bargain something for itself. Suddenly, PepsiCo had to deal with 15 states instead of one. The worst part &ndash its key competitor, Coca-Cola, now entered the market, and PepsiCo struggled to hold on to its market share in Russia.

Pepsi from a Moscow-based plant, 1991.

Today, Pepsi enjoys a strong position on the Russian market producing a wide range of items. Yet, from time to time, Russians nostalgically recall the unique taste of Pepsi in a glass bottle saying that it tasted better than today because plastic ruins the taste.

Here&rsquos something that shows the extent of this nostalgia: One lucky owner of an original Soviet-era Pepsi bottle offered to sell it for 6,400 rubles ($110) &ndash an already expired product, of course, but still a nice find for lovers of vintage items!

Want to know more about life in the Soviet Union and daily habits in those times? Check out 10 things you can only understand if you lived in the USSR.

Gee altyd 'n aktiewe hiperskakel na die oorspronklike materiaal as u enige van die inhoud van Russia Beyond gebruik, gedeeltelik of volledig.


The History of Georgia


The Democratic Republic of Georgia and its territorial losses after the Soviet invasion

After occupation of Georgia by Lenin Russia, Communists began to depress the rival forces and to strengthen their power. Armed Forces of Democratic Republic, State and Elective Bodies and Non-Proletarian Parties were abolished. Privacy of lands was abolished as well, a whole industry, railways, fleet, banks etc. passed in the hands of the government. Punisher organizations held the massive shooting and exile on oppositionists of the regime and even suspected persons. Especially, former officers and representatives of nobility and intelligentsia. With the aim of setting atheism, Communists destroyed churches, exterminated clergymen only in 1922-1923 1500 churches were destroyed in Georgia.

In spite of bloody terror, anti-communistic actions took place in Georgia in 1921-1924. But they were disconnected and government easily managed to localize and suppress them. The most important movement took place in 1924. Rebels had contacts with immigrated government. Simultaneous actions in different regions were planned, but Communists arrested several rebellion leaders. So, the rebellion was not organized and it was cruelly suppressed.

Soviet Socialist Republic of Georgia (it was officially called so by that time), was considered as the independent state at first, but its territory was occupied by Russian Army, and Georgian Communists acted only under Moscow orders. The plan of further state construction of Soviet Georgia was made in Moscow as well, which would simplify its steps into Soviet political and economical system.

Georgian SSR, in fact, was a federal state. At the end of 1921 on the ground of the Alliance Agreement, Abkhazia SSR (Autonomous Republic since 1931) entered its structure. Besides, there was created Ajara Autonomous Republic on Georgia territory in 1921 and South Ossetia Autonomous Region in 1922. Georgia SSR itself with Azerbaijan and Armenia, by the proposal of Lenin in 1922, was in Transcaucasia Federation, which entered USSR, created at the end of the same year. In 1936 Transcaucasia Federation was abolished, and Georgia directly entered Soviet Union structure.

From the second half of the 20s, swift processes of industrialization and collectivization began in Soviet State, the real aim of which was maximal strengthening of existing regime. There were built a lot of factories, hydroelectric power stations and mines in Georgia. Coal and Manganese widely mined. Technical cultures, especially tea and citrus for the huge soviet market, were mastered in Agriculture. But enterprises, built in accelerated tempos were of a low quality. The sowing territories were widened after chopping woods. Setting monocultures in all regions lost the traditional light to Georgian many-sided agriculture.

Communist dogmatism in USSR considered industrialization and collectivization with the cultural revolution, as the main condition for socialism. So, in the 20-30s the amount of secondary and high educational institutions rose in Georgia. Science and Art developed. In 1940 there was established the Academy of Science of Georgia USSR. But from that very time the individual thinking abilities of the creative intelligentsia, literature and art representatives were reduced. Everything was obeyed to the Communist Dictatorship Ideology. With the aim of the final frightening and spiritual weakness of the several millionian population of Soviet Union, Stalin government ran the wide repressions in the second half of the 30s, which appeared in the first days of existence of the Communist Regime, but they became especially massive in 1937-1938. Georgia was one of those regions of SSR, where the repressing engine was particularly active. During those years, there were shot thousands of innocent people in Georgia, and even more were sent in "Gulag" camps, where the most of them found their oppressed death. Among repressed people there were the best representatives of intelligentsia, including such remarkable representatives of Georgian culture, as writer M. Javakhishvili, poets T. Tabidze and P. Iashvili, stage-manager S. Akhmeteli, scientist-philologist Gr. Tsereteli, conductor E. Mikeladze etc. Villages were involved in the massive repressions as well, where thousands of peasants died from the public collectivization, which ended in that period.


The Banner of Victory over Reichstag

Political repressions of 30s took lives of the Soviet army and Military-industrial complex personnel, which caused the blow to the self-defencability of the country, but because of those very repressions, the fear, set in the society, strengthened the authoritative Stalin Regime and helped to mobilize all total forces of Soviet Union in the war against Germany, which started on June 22, 1941. There didn't actually take place military movements on Georgian territory (only in summer of 1942, Germans invaded Abkhazia and occupied one village), but the country sacrificed the maximum of its demographic and material resources in this war.

In Georgia, the population of which was 3612 thousand in 1940, there were mobiled and sent in the active army more than 700 thousand people, and more than 300 thousands haven't returned back. The part of the people from Georgia fought in the national Georgian divisions and majority in the other parts of many-national Soviet army.

Georgians fought in partisan groups, as on the SSR territory, so in the countries occupied by Nazis. Among Georgians there were people, who stood for Germany and fought under its flag. Most of them acted on the ground of belief that the victory of Germany would bring the liberation for Georgia. But the amount of those people was scanty in comparison with these legions, which fought for the liberty of USSR.

Most of Georgians who fought in Soviet army, sincerely believed that they protected the "Socialism Property", which was at the high value rank of the Communist Propaganda in that time. Besides, a Georgian soldier knew that any place he fought, in Moscow, Ukraina of on Volga, he was defending Georgia from the horrors of the war and from that slavery, which was caused by Hitler regime to the occupied countries.

The home front laborers were ruled by the same aims as well, which played a big role in the victory over the enemy. The whole economic of Georgia worked with maximal power for the front. In spite of the conscription of the large part of qualified laborers, the machine-building and metal-working factories redoubled their productivity. The place of the soldier laborers at their machines took their wives, sisters and daughters. The large amount of armament, military materials and uniforms was produced. 200 new enterprises were built. Soviet collective farms highly implemented agricultural and production plans. Georgia sheltered also many thousands of evacuated people from the territories, occupied by Nazis. In the famous resorts and medical institutions, wounded Soviet soldiers had courses of cure.

Thus, the population of Georgia played an important role in that great victory, which was got in the struggle against Fascism by Soviet people.

After the World War II, economy of Georgia in several years became higher than it was before the war. New enterprises, water power stations, mines, irrigating channels etc were arranged. But the government kept the society under the heavy ideological pressure. The new repression wave appeared again, which was ceased only after the death of Stalin (1953).

The new Soviet government, the leader of which was N. Khrushchov, softened the inner political regime. Besides, in the 30-40s Stalin was accused to every crime, committed by the government. Nothing was said about the Soviet system perversion. On the XX Communist Party Congress in February 1956, worshipping of Stalin was converted into the personal retaliations. Anti-Stalinist Company was tending to the opinion, that his repressive actions were conditioned by his Georgian origin.


Plaque commemorating the massacre, in Rustavelis Gamziri

Especially bitter was the critique of Stalin for Georgian youth, which was accustomed to the fanatical idolization of Stalin before by the official ideology. Besides, Georgian national feelings were offended. On March 3, 1956, separate manifestations took place in Tbilisi high educational schools, and on March 5, the situation in the city became unrulable. Demonstrations and meetings were held, where people required rehabilitation of Stalin, criticized the XX Congress solutions. Nothing was anti-Soviet in this action, but the government cruelly suppressed youth protest. On March 9, Soviet armies shot the participants of the meeting in the center of Tbilisi. More than 100 people died and about 300 people were wounded (the exact numbers are not known).

In fact, after the March tragedy, the wide layers of population of Georgia lost the Communist ideology belief. In the 60s, there began the period in Soviet Union, which was called "the Period of Motionlessness" afterwards. In spite of that, the great "Communism" reconstructions still were running, party and state functioners of different ranks reported to the higher authorities about new achievements, in fact, their words were far from reality. Corruption became of a total character as well. No one believed in official propaganda any more.

Falsity and dissimulation of the state politic level, morally corrupted the Soviet society. Since the 60s, in Georgia and other USS Republics, there widely set so-called "Shade Economic", which was the result of ignorance of the economical objective rules under administrational governance system.

The most radical expression of the progressive part of the society, opposed to the existing system, was the dissidential movement, which started since the 60s. Among the Georgian dissidents, the most devoted and spiritually strong person was Merab Kostava (1938-1989). He was arrested for several times by the state security committee and served his term in the far camps of Russia.

By the 80s, it became clear to everyone that the rotten Soviet regime had no future perspective. In 1985, the leader of the country, M. Gorbachov tried to overcome the crisis with cardinal reforms. The "Restructuring" ("Perestroika") began, but the liberalization and publicity, connected to this process, appeared the gin from the bottle for Soviet Union. Architects of the "Restructuring" ("Perestroika") didn't know that the Soviet system built with blood and iron, had no "immunity" for democratic freedom, and as a result, the swift decomposition of this process began.

"Restructuring" in Georgia began with emphasizing national aspiration. In 1987, the first legal national political organization - Ilia Chavchavadze Society - was created. In a while, other similar organizations appeared as well. The leaders of the national movement, which became of a wide scale by 1988, were former prisoners, Georgian dissidents. Soon, the motto of Independence of Georgia was evidently shown. Soviet government, which in spite of the "Restructuring", periodically kept trying to hold forceful methods, used armies and armored technique towards the peaceful meeting participants in the center of Tbilisi. On April 9, 1989, at night, the meeting was attacked. 20 persons were killed most of them were women. It must be notified that the April 9 tragedy happened on the same place, as March 9, 1956 bloodshed. But in 1989, the general situation in USSR was quite different. The bloody action on April 9 angered not only the whole Georgia, but the progressive society of Russia, which firmly rebelled against this fact. In those days in Georgia, there took place the national integrity. The government was forced to step back.


Poster showing Mikhail Gorbachev

After April 9, the leadership of Georgian Communist Party lost its influence in the Republic. National movement became the main motive power for the political life of Georgia. Unfortunately, among the leaders of this movement there was not unanimity at all. M. Kostava, who tried to maintain the integrity of national powers, died in the accident. After his death, the powers, struggling for the independence, finally divided into two camps. The most popular in the public was the political block "The Round Table". The famous leader of this block was the former dissident, philologist, Zviad Gamsakhurdia (1938-1993). Exactly his personal popularity conditioned the victory (62% votes) of "The Round Table" after October 28, 1990 elections (the first many-partied elections in Georgia since 1921). Thus, it was a peaceful end of the Communist governance in Georgia.

Z. Gamsakhurdia soon became the president of the country, and during the period of his reign, the inner political situation in the Republic aggravated. Because of the inflexible, ambitious policy of Gamsakhurdia, the relations between the governing "The Round Table" and the rest opposite part, became bitter. The condition in Autonomies was strained too, especially in Abkhazia and South Ossetia. Gamsakhurdia's nationalistic phraseology disturbed the ethnic minorities. If in 1981 the partial compromise with Abkhazia was managed, the conflict with Ossetia became the armed opposition. The reason of this was the abolishment of Autonomous Region of Ossetia by the Parliament of Georgia. This solution was provoked by Ossetians, declaring the Autonomous Region as the Sovereign Republic. It must also be notified that in Georgia of this period, one of the reasons of existing ethnical conflicts (and also the split in Georgian national movement), except the local radical actions, was, as it seemed, the hidden activity of SSC of the Union, which used the tried imperial methods - "separate and dominate".


Ten Amazing Facts About Peter The Great of Russia

Peter the Great was one of the greatest Tsars. He transformed the country. Peter loved all things western and he wanted to turn his Empire into a western state. Tsar Peter was an autocrat and he tolerated no opposition. He was to greatly expand the Russian Empire and won many battles.

In particular, he defeated an invasion of Russia by the Swedish Monarch Charles XII. He was one of the founders of modern Russia. St Petersburg, the second city fo Russia is named in his honor.

In the war against the Turkish Empire in 1695, he fought as a regular foot soldier. The Tsar believed that was the only way to beat the Turks. He proved to be a ferocious fighter and brave in battle.

Peter was a giant and was possibly the tallest Tsar ever it is estimated that he was six feet, seven or eight inches in height or over 2 meters.

Peter the Great at the Battle of Narva

He married twice and had eleven children, many of these died in infancy or early childhood. Peter also had many children outside of wedlock.

Peter the Great&rsquos eldest son from his first marriage, Prince Alexei, was convicted of high treason by his father and secretly executed in 1718. It was alleged that he was planning to kill his father and to seize the throne.

Peter believed that Russia needed a port to be truly a great power. It had only Archangel and it was ice-bound every winter and early Spring. For this reason, he fought wars with the Swedes and the Turks to obtain a port for the Russian army. He was unable to seize a port from the Turks. However, he was able to secure some territory on the Baltic Coast after his victory against Sweden in the Great Northern War.

Peter the Great built the first Russian navy. He traveled to Europe to get the technology and the know-how that was needed to build a navy. he also hired foreign experts to help him to build his new fleet.

Peter was fascinated by all things nautical and he personally inspected the building of his new ships. It is believed that Peter even worked on the ships, using skills he learned in the Netherlands.

Peter the Great Monument in St Petersburg

Peter was forced to return from a European Tour after a rebellion by the Streltsy. They were elite troops and they had mutinied during Peter&rsquos absence.

Peter took drastic actions and executed many of the mutineers. Indeed he executed many of them with his own hands. Peter is alleged to have beheaded many of the rebels.

It is believed that Peter the Great died after trying to rescue some drowning men. The cold water cause a recurrence of a serious illness and this led to his early death at the age of forty-five.

As he lay on hs dead bed Peter was asked to name his heir. He asked for a pen and paper but before he could write the name of the next heir he took his last breath and died.

Peter began the work on St Petersburg, the city that bears his name. He had the city built on marshy soil. During the building of the city thousands of people died.


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