Groep Warriors van Bornu

Groep Warriors van Bornu


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Idris Alooma: Stryderkoning van die Bornu -ryk

Vandag praat ek oor Idris Alooma (ook Idris Alaoma, of Idris Alauma), die enigste Bornu -koning wie se naam die toets van die tyd oorleef het. Hierdie artikel is lankal te laat, want dit fokus op die koninkryke Bornu en Kanem-Bornu.

Die heerskappy van Idris Alooma behoort tot die groot Sayfawa- of Sefuwa -dinastie wat die Bornu -ryk uit die 16de en 17de eeu regeer het. Volgens die Diwan al-salatien Bornu , Idris Alaoma was die 54ste koning van die Sefawa-dinastie en regeer hy oor die Kanem-Bornu-ryk in die huidige Tsjad, Kameroen en Nigerië. In baie werke is hy bekend onder die naam van sy ma, Idris Amsami , dit wil sê Idris, seun van Amsa. Die naam Alooma is 'n postuum kwalifikasie, vernoem na 'n plek, Alo of Alao , waar hy begrawe is. Hy is op 25-26 jaar as koning gekroon. Volgens die Diwan , regeer hy van 1564 tot 1596. Hy is dood tydens 'n geveg in die Baguirmi waar hy dodelik gewond is, waarin hy later begrawe is Alo -meer , suid van die werklike Maiduguri, dus die naam Alooma .

Groep Kanem-Bu-krygers in die 1800's

Idris was 'n uitstaande staatsman, en onder sy bewind het die Kanem-Bornu die hoogtepunt van sy krag aangeraak. Hy word onthou vir sy militêre vaardighede, administratiewe hervormings en Islamitiese vroomheid. Sy prestasies is veral bekend deur sy kroniekskrywer Ahmad bin Fartuwa. Tydens sy bewind het Idris die hoofstad Ngazargamu vermy en verkies om sy paleis 5 km daarvandaan, naby die Yo rivier ( Komadugu Yobe ), op 'n plek met die naam Gambaru . Die mure van die stad was rooi, wat gelei het tot 'n nuwe argitektuur met rooi stene wat kenmerkend was van sy regering. Tot vandag toe bestaan ​​daar nog muurskilderye in Gambaru en is hulle meer as 3 m hoog. Dit is spore van 'n bloeiende ryk. Idris Alooma was bekend onder die Kanuri -titel van Mei vir koning.

Kanem-Bornu-hof in die 1700's

Sy belangrikste teëstanders was die Hausa in die weste, die Tuareg en Toubou in die noorde, die Bulala in die ooste en die Sao wat sterk in die Bornu -streek ingeplant is (en deur Alooma se militêre veldtogte gedomineer sal word). Een epiese gedig verheerlik sy oorwinnings in 330 oorloë en meer as 1 000 gevegte. Sy innovasies sluit in die gebruik van vaste militêre kampe met mure, permanente beleëringe en verskroeide aarde-taktiek waar soldate alles in hul pad verbrand het, gepantserde perde en ruiters, sowel as die gebruik van Berber-kamele, Kotoko-bootmanne en musketiers met ysterhelm, opgelei deur Ottomaanse militêre adviseurs. Sy aktiewe diplomasie bevat verhoudings met Tripoli, Egipte en die Ottomaanse Ryk, wat 'n ambassadeursparty van 200 lede oor die woestyn na die Alooma-hof in Ngazargamu gestuur het. Alooma onderteken ook wat waarskynlik die eerste geskrewe verdrag of wapenstilstand in die geskiedenis van Tsjad was.

Alooma het 'n aantal regs- en administratiewe hervormings ingestel op grond van sy godsdienstige oortuigings en Islamitiese wetgewing. Hy het die bou van talle moskees geborg en 'n pelgrimstog gemaak na Mekka, waar hy gereël het dat 'n koshuis deur pelgrims uit sy ryk gebruik word. Soos met ander dinamiese politici, het Alooma se hervormingsdoelwitte hom daartoe gelei om lojale en bekwame adviseurs en bondgenote te soek, en hy het gereeld staatgemaak op eunuchs en slawe wat in edele huise opgevoed is. Alooma het gereeld advies ingewin by 'n raad wat uit hoofde van die belangrikste stamme bestaan. Hy het van groot politieke figure vereis dat hy by die hof woon, en hy het politieke alliansies versterk deur gepaste huwelike (Alooma self was die seun van 'n Kanuri -vader en 'n Bulala -moeder).

Kaart van die Kanem- en Kanem-Bornu-ryke

Kanem-Bornu onder Alooma was sterk en ryk. Staatsinkomste kom uit huldeblyk (of buit as die weerbarstige mense oorwin moes word) en pligte op en deelname aan handel. Sy koninkryk was sentraal in een van die gerieflikste roetes oor die Sahara -woestyn. Baie produkte is noordwaarts gestuur, waaronder natron (natriumkarbonaat), katoen, kola -neute, ivoor, volstruisvere, parfuum, was en huide, maar die winsgewendste handel was in slawe. Invoer het sout, perde, sy, glas, muskiete en koper ingesluit.


Die gebied wat nou bekend staan ​​as Tsjad, beskik oor sommige van die rykste argeologiese terreine in Afrika. [2] 'n Hominiede skedel is gevind deur Michel Brunet, wat meer as 7 miljoen jaar oud is, die oudste wat oral ter wêreld ontdek is en die naam Sahelanthropus tchadensis gekry het. In 1996 het Michel Brunet 'n hominiede kakebeen opgegrawe wat hy Australopithecus bahrelghazali genoem het en Abel amptelik genoem het. Dit is gedateer met behulp van Beryllium -gebaseerde radiometriese datering as 'n lewende omgewing. 3,6 miljoen jaar gelede.

Gedurende die 7de millennium vC was die noordelike helfte van Tsjaad deel van 'n breë oppervlakte van die Indusrivier in die ooste tot die Atlantiese Oseaan in die weste, waarin ekologiese toestande die vroeë menslike vestiging bevoordeel het. Rotskuns van die "Round Head" -styl, wat in die Ennedi -streek voorkom, is gedateer voor die 7de millennium vC en kan, as gevolg van die gereedskap waarmee die rotse gekerf is, en die tonele wat dit uitbeeld, die oudste bewyse in die Sahara van neolitiese nywerhede. Baie van die aardewerk- en neolitiese aktiwiteite in Ennedi dateer verder as dié van die Nylvallei in die ooste. [2]

In die prehistoriese tydperk was Tsjad baie natter as vandag, soos blyk uit groot wilddiere wat in rotstekeninge in die Tibesti- en Borkou -streke uitgebeeld word. [2]

Onlangse taalkundige navorsing dui daarop dat al die belangrikste taalgroepe in Afrika suid van die Sahara-woestyn (behalwe Khoisan, wat in elk geval nie as 'n geldige genetiese groepering beskou word nie), dit wil sê die Afro-Asiatiese, Nilo-Sahara en Niger-Kongo-fila, in die prehistoriese tyd ontstaan ​​het in 'n nou band tussen die Tsjaadmeer en die Nylvallei. Die oorsprong van die mense van Tsjaad bly egter onduidelik. Verskeie van die beproefde argeologiese terreine is slegs gedeeltelik bestudeer, en ander terreine met groot potensiaal moet nog gekarteer word. [2]

Aan die einde van die 1ste millennium nC het die vorming van state begin in die sentrale Tsjaad in die Saheliese gebied tussen die woestyn en die savanne. Byna die volgende 1 000 jaar het hierdie state, hul betrekkinge met mekaar en die uitwerking daarvan op die mense wat in staatlose samelewings langs hul periferie geleef het, die politieke geskiedenis van Tsjaad oorheers. Onlangse navorsing dui daarop dat inheemse Afrikane wat uit hierdie state gestig is, nie Arabiesprekende groepe migreer nie, soos voorheen geglo is. Immers, immigrante, Arabies sprekend of andersins, speel saam met Islam 'n belangrike rol in die vorming en vroeë evolusie van hierdie state. [3]

Die meeste state het as koninkryke begin, waarin die koning as goddelik beskou is en beskik oor tydelike en geestelike kragte. Alle state was militaristies (of hulle het nie lank oorleef nie), maar nie een kon ver uitbrei na die suide van Tsjad nie, waar woude en die tsetsevlieg die gebruik van kavallerie bemoeilik het. Beheer oor die handelsroetes oor die Sahara wat deur die streek gegaan het, vorm die ekonomiese basis van hierdie koninkryke. Alhoewel baie state opgestaan ​​en geval het, was Kanem-Bornu, Baguirmi en Ouaddai volgens die meeste geskrewe bronne die belangrikste en duursaamste van die ryke (hoofsaaklik hof kronieke en geskrifte van Arabiese handelaars en reisigers). [3] Tsjaad - ERA OF RYKE, 900-1900 AD

Kanem-Bornu Edit

Die Kanem -ryk het sy oorsprong in die 9de eeu nC noordoos van die Tsjaadmeer. Geskiedkundiges is dit eens dat die leiers van die nuwe staat voorouers van die Kanembu -mense was. Teen die einde van die 11de eeu het die Sayfawa -koning (of Mei, die titel van die Sayfawa -heersers) Hummay, tot Islam bekeer. In die daaropvolgende eeu brei die heersers van Sayfawa suidwaarts uit tot in Kanem, waar hul eerste hoofstad, Njimi, sou opstaan. Kanem se uitbreiding het 'n hoogtepunt bereik tydens die lang en energieke bewind van Mai Dunama Dabbalemi (ongeveer 1221–1259). [4]

Teen die einde van die 14de eeu het interne stryd en eksterne aanvalle Kanem uitmekaar geskeur. Uiteindelik, omstreeks 1396, het die Bulala -indringers gedwing Mei Umar Idrismi om Njimi te laat vaar en die Kanembu -mense na Bornu aan die westelike rand van die Tsjadmeer te trek. Mettertyd het die ondertrouery van die Kanembu- en Bornu -mense 'n nuwe volk en taal, die Kanuri, geskep en 'n nuwe hoofstad, Ngazargamu, gestig. [4]

Kanem-Bornu het 'n hoogtepunt bereik tydens die bewind van die uitstaande staatsman Mei Idris Aluma (c. 1571–1603). Aluma word onthou vir sy militêre vaardighede, administratiewe hervormings en Islamitiese vroomheid. Die administratiewe hervormings en militêre glans van Aluma het die ryk gehandhaaf tot in die middel van die 17de eeu, toe sy mag begin verdwyn het. Teen die vroeë 19de eeu was Kanem-Bornu duidelik 'n ryk in agteruitgang, en in 1808 verower Fulani-krygers Ngazargamu. Bornu het oorleef, maar die Sayfawa -dinastie eindig in 1846 en die Ryk self val in 1893. [4]

Baguirmi en Ouaddai Edit

Die koninkryk Baguirmi, suidoos van Kanem-Bournu, is in die laat 15de of vroeë 16de eeu gestig en het Islam aangeneem tydens die bewind van Abdullah IV (1568-98). Baguirmi was op verskillende punte in die 17de en 18de eeu in 'n sytak-verhouding met Kanem-Bornu, daarna na Ouaddai in die 19de eeu. In 1893 het die Baguirmi -sultan Abd ar Rahman Gwaranga die gebied aan Frankryk oorgegee, en dit het 'n Franse protektoraat geword. [5]

Die Ouaddai-koninkryk, wes van Kanem-Bornu, is in die vroeë 16de eeu deur Tunjur-heersers gestig. In die 1630's het Abd al Karim 'n Islamitiese sultanaat binnegeval en gestig. Onder die mees invloedryke heersers vir die volgende drie eeue was Muhammad Sabun, wat 'n nuwe handelsroete na die noorde beheer het en 'n geldeenheid begin het in die vroeë 19de eeu, en Muhammad Sharif, wie se militêre veldtogte in die middel van die 19de eeu 'n assimilasiepoging afweer het. uit Darfoer, Baguirmi verower en die Franse kolonisasie suksesvol weerstaan. Ouaddai verloor egter sy onafhanklikheid aan Frankryk ná 'n oorlog van 1909-1912. [5]

Die Franse het Tsjad in 1891 binnegeval en hul gesag gevestig deur militêre ekspedisies, hoofsaaklik teen die Moslem -koninkryke. Die beslissende koloniale stryd om Tsjad is op 22 April 1900 in die Slag van Kousséri gevoer tussen die magte van die Franse majoor Amédée-François Lamy en die magte van die Soedannese krygsheer Rabih az-Zubayr. Beide leiers is in die geveg dood.

In 1905 is die administratiewe verantwoordelikheid vir Tsjaad onder 'n goewerneur-generaal geplaas in Brazzaville, die hoofstad van die Franse Ekwatoriaal-Afrika (FEA). Tsjad het eers in 1920 'n aparte koloniale status gehad, toe dit onder 'n luitenant-goewerneur in Fort-Lamy (vandag N'Djamena) geplaas is. [6]

Twee fundamentele temas oorheers Tsjad se koloniale ervaring met die Franse: 'n afwesigheid van beleid wat ontwerp is om die gebied te verenig en 'n buitengewoon stadige tempo van modernisering. Op die Franse prioriteitskaal was die kolonie Tsjad naby die onderkant, en die Franse het Tsjad hoofsaaklik beskou as 'n bron van rou katoen en onopgeleide arbeid wat in die meer produktiewe kolonies in die suide gebruik sou word. [6]

Gedurende die koloniale tydperk is groot gebiede van Tsjaad nooit effektief bestuur nie: in die groot BET -prefektuur het die handjievol Franse militêre administrateurs die mense gewoonlik alleen gelaat, en in die sentrale Tsjaad was die Franse bewind net effens meer inhoudelik. Frankryk het dit reggekry om slegs die suide effektief te regeer. [6]

Tydens die Tweede Wêreldoorlog was Tsjad die eerste Franse kolonie wat weer by die Geallieerdes aangesluit het (26 Augustus 1940), na die nederlaag van Frankryk deur Duitsland. Onder die administrasie van Félix Éboué, het Frankryk se eerste swart koloniale goewerneur, 'n militêre rubriek onder bevel van kolonel Philippe Leclerc de Hauteclocque, waaronder twee bataljons Sara -troepe, noordwaarts van N'Djamena (destyds Fort Lamy) verhuis om asmagte in Libië te betrek , waar hulle, in vennootskap met die British Army's Long Range Desert Group, Kufra gevange geneem het. Op 21 Januarie 1942 is N'Djamena deur 'n Duitse vliegtuig gebombardeer.

Nadat die oorlog geëindig het, het plaaslike partye in Tsjaad begin ontwikkel. Die eerste wat gebore is, was die radikale Tsjadiese Progressiewe Party (PPT) in Februarie 1947, aanvanklik onder leiding van die Panamese gebore Gabriel Lisette, maar vanaf 1959 onder leiding van François Tombalbaye. Die meer konserwatiewe Tsjadiese Demokratiese Unie (UDT) is in November 1947 gestig en verteenwoordig Franse kommersiële belange en 'n blok tradisionele leiers wat hoofsaaklik bestaan ​​uit Moslem- en Ouaddaïan -adel. Die konfrontasie tussen die PPT en UDT was meer as net ideologies, dit verteenwoordig verskillende streeksidentiteite, terwyl die PPT die Christelike en animistiese suide verteenwoordig en die UDT die Islamitiese noorde.

Die PPT wen die voor-onafhanklikheidsverkiesings in Mei 1957 danksy 'n sterk uitgebreide franchise, en Lisette het die regering van die Territoriale Vergadering gelei totdat hy 'n vertroue-stemming verloor het op 11 Februarie 1959. Na 'n referendum oor territoriale outonomie op 28 September 1958, het French Equatorial Afrika is ontbind en sy vier deelstate - Gaboen, Kongo (Brazzaville), die Sentraal -Afrikaanse Republiek en Tsjad het vanaf 28 November 1958 outonome lede van die Franse gemeenskap geword. Ná Lisette se val in Februarie 1959 het die opposisieleiers Gontchome Sahoulba en Ahmed Koulamallah kon nie 'n stabiele regering vorm nie, daarom is die PPT weer gevra om 'n administrasie te vorm - wat hy onder leiding van François Tombalbaye op 26 Maart 1959 gedoen het. Op 12 Julie 1960 het Frankryk ingestem dat Tsjad ten volle onafhanklik sou word. [7] Op 11 Augustus 1960 word Tsjaad 'n onafhanklike land en word François Tombalbaye die eerste president.

Een van die mees prominente aspekte van Tombalbaye se bewind om homself te bewys, was sy outoritarisme en wantroue teenoor demokrasie. Reeds in Januarie 1962 verbied hy alle politieke partye behalwe sy eie PPT, en begin onmiddellik alle mag in sy eie hande konsentreer. Sy behandeling van teenstanders, eg of verbeeld, was uiters streng en het die gevangenisse gevul met duisende politieke gevangenes.

Wat nog erger was, was sy voortdurende diskriminasie teen die sentrale en noordelike streke van Tsjad, waar die suidelike Tsjadiese administrateurs as arrogant en onbevoeg beskou word. Hierdie wrok het uiteindelik ontplof in 'n belastingopstand op 1 November 1965 in die Guéra -prefektuur, wat 500 sterftes veroorsaak het. Die jaar daarna is die geboorte in Soedan van die National Liberation Front of Chad (FROLINAT), geskep om Tombalbaye en die suidelike oorheersing militêr te verdryf. Dit was die begin van 'n bloedige burgeroorlog.

Tombalbaye het 'n beroep op Franse troepe gedoen, maar was redelik suksesvol; maar hulle kon die opstand nie heeltemal onderdruk nie. Gelukkiger was sy keuse om met die Franse te breek en vriendskaplike bande te soek met die Libiese broederleier Gaddafi, en die rebelle se belangrikste bron van voorraad weg te neem.

Terwyl Tombalbaye sukses behaal het teen die rebelle, het hy steeds meer irrasioneel en wreed begin optree en sy konsensus onder die suidelike elite, wat alle sleutelposisies in die weermag, die staatsdiens en die regerende party oorheers het, aanhoudend uitgewis. Op 13 April 1975 het verskeie eenhede van die gendarmerie van N'Djamena Tombalbaye tydens 'n staatsgreep vermoor.

Die staatsgreep wat die regering van Tombalbaye beëindig het, het 'n entoesiastiese reaksie in N'Djamena gekry. Die suidelike generaal Félix Malloum tree vroeg as die voorsitter van die nuwe junta.

Die nuwe militêre leiers kon nie lank die gewildheid behou wat hulle opgedoen het deur hul omverwerping van Tombalbaye nie. Malloum het bewys dat hy nie die FROLINAT kon hanteer nie en het op die ou end besluit dat hy slegs 'n kans het om sommige van die rebelle te koöpteer: in 1978 sluit hy hom aan by die opstandige leier Hissène Habré, wat as eerste minister die regering binnegekom het.

Interne onenigheid in die regering het daartoe gelei dat premier Habré sy magte teen die nasionale leër van Malloum in die hoofstad in Februarie 1979 gestuur het. Malloum is uit die presidentskap verdryf, maar die burgeroorlog tussen die 11 opkomende faksies was so wydverspreid dat dit die sentrale regering tot gevolg gehad het grootliks irrelevant. Op daardie stadium het ander Afrikaanse regerings besluit om in te gryp

'N Reeks van vier internasionale konferensies wat eers onder Nigerië en daarna die organisasie van Afrika -eenheid (OAU) se borgskap gehou is, het probeer om die Tsjadiese faksies bymekaar te bring. By die vierde konferensie wat in Augustus 1979 in Lagos, Nigerië, gehou is, is die Lagos -ooreenkoms onderteken. Hierdie ooreenkoms het 'n oorgangsregering tot stand gebring hangende nasionale verkiesings. In November 1979 is die oorgangsregering van nasionale eenheid (GUNT) gestig met 'n mandaat om vir 18 maande te regeer. Goukouni Oueddei, 'n noordelike, is aangewys as president kolonel Kamougué, 'n suidelike, vise -president en Habré, minister van verdediging. Hierdie koalisie was in Januarie 1980 broos, en daar het weer gevegte tussen die magte van Goukouni en Habré ontstaan. Met hulp van Libië het Goukouni teen die einde van die jaar weer beheer oor die hoofstad en ander stedelike sentra herwin. Goukouni se verklaring van Januarie 1981 dat Tsjad en Libië ooreengekom het om te werk vir die verwesenliking van volkome eenheid tussen die twee lande, het intense internasionale druk veroorsaak en die daaropvolgende oproep van Goukouni om die algehele onttrekking van eksterne magte.

Libië se gedeeltelike onttrekking aan die Aozou -strook in die noorde van Tsjad het die weg gebaan vir Habré se magte om in Junie N’Djamena binne te gaan. Franse troepe en 'n OAU -vredesmag van 3 500 Nigeriërs, Senegalese en Zaïerse troepe (gedeeltelik befonds deur die Verenigde State) het tydens die konflik neutraal gebly.

Habré het op verskeie fronte gewapende opposisie ondergaan en was wreed in sy onderdrukking van vermeende teenstanders, terwyl hy tydens sy bewind baie vermoor en gemartel het. In die somer van 1983 het GUNT -magte 'n offensief teen regeringsposisies in Noord- en Oos -Tsjad begin met sterk Libiese steun. In reaksie op die direkte ingryping van Libië het die Franse en Zaïerse magte ingegryp om Habré te verdedig en Libiese en rebellemagte noord van die 16de parallel te stoot. In September 1984 kondig die Franse en die Libiese regerings 'n ooreenkoms aan vir die onderlinge onttrekking van hul magte uit Tsjad. Teen die einde van die jaar is alle Franse en Zairiese troepe teruggetrek. Libië het die onttrekkingsooreenkoms nie nagekom nie, en sy magte het die noordelike derde van Tsjad steeds beset.

Rebel -kommandogroepe (Codos) in die suide van Tsjaad is in 1984 deur regeringsmoorde opgebreek. In 1985 versoen Habré kortliks met sommige van sy teenstanders, waaronder die Democratic Front of Tsjaad (FDT) en die koördinerende aksiekomitee van die Demokratiese Revolusionêre Raad. Goukouni het ook na Habré begin saamtrek, en met sy steun het Habré Libiese magte suksesvol uit die grootste deel van Tsjad se grondgebied verdryf. 'N Wapenstilstand tussen Tsjaad en Libië het van 1987 tot 1988 plaasgevind, en onderhandelinge oor die volgende paar jaar het daartoe gelei dat die Internasionale Hof van Justisie in 1994 besluit het om Tsjad soewereiniteit te verleen oor die Aouzou-strook, wat die besetting van Libië effektief beëindig het.

Styg tot krag Redigeer

Die wedywering tussen die groepe Hadjerai, Zaghawa en Gorane in die regering het egter in die laat 1980's toegeneem. In April 1989 het Idriss Déby, een van die voorste generaals van Habré en 'n Zaghawa, oorgeloop en na Darfoer in Soedan gevlug, waarna hy 'n reeks aanvalle op Habré ('n Gorane) ondersteun het. In Desember 1990, met hulp van Libië en geen opposisie van Franse troepe wat in Tsjad gestasioneer was nie, het Déby se magte suksesvol op N'Djamena opgeruk. Na 3 maande van voorlopige regering, het Déby's Patriotic Salvation Movement (MPS) op 28 Februarie 1991 'n nasionale handves goedgekeur, met Déby as president.

Gedurende die volgende twee jaar het Déby ten minste twee staatsgreeppogings ondergaan. Regeringsmagte het gewelddadig bots met rebellemagte, insluitend die Movement for Democracy and Development, MDD, National Revival Committee for Peace and Democracy (CSNPD), Chadian National Front (FNT) en die Western Armed Forces (FAO), naby Tsjadmeer en in die suide streke van die land. Vroeër Franse eise aan die land om 'n nasionale konferensie te hou, het gelei tot die byeenkoms van 750 afgevaardigdes wat politieke partye verteenwoordig het (wat in 1992 gewettig is), die regering, vakbonde en die weermag om die totstandkoming van 'n pluralistiese demokratiese regime te bespreek.

Onrus het egter voortgeduur, deels veroorsaak deur grootskaalse moorde op burgerlikes in die suide van Tsjad. Die CSNPD, onder leiding van Kette Moise en ander suidelike groepe, het in 1994 'n vredesooreenkoms aangegaan met regeringsmagte, wat later gebreek het. Twee nuwe groepe, die weermag vir 'n federale republiek (FARF) onder leiding van voormalige Kette -bondgenoot Laokein Barde en die Demokratiese Front vir Vernuwing (FDR), en 'n herformuleerde MDD het van 1994 tot 1995 met regeringsmagte gebots.

Meervoudige verkiesings Redigeer

Die gesprekke met politieke teenstanders vroeg in 1996 het nie goed gegaan nie, maar Déby het sy voorneme aangekondig om in Junie presidentsverkiesings te hou. Déby het die land se eerste veelparty-presidentsverkiesings gewen met steun in die tweede ronde van die opposisieleier Kebzabo, wat generaal Kamougue (leier van die staatsgreep van 1975 teen Tombalbaye) verslaan het. Déby se MPS -party het tydens die wetgewende verkiesings in Januarie 1997 63 van 125 setels gewen. Internasionale waarnemers het talle ernstige onreëlmatighede in die presidensiële en wetgewende verkiesingsoptrede opgemerk.

Teen die middel van 1997 het die regering vredesooreenkomste met FARF en die MDD-leierskap onderteken en daarin geslaag om die groepe van hul agterste basisse in die Sentraal-Afrikaanse Republiek en Kameroen af ​​te sny. Daar is ook ooreenkomste aangegaan met rebelle van die National Front of Chad (FNT) en Movement for Social Justice and Democracy in Oktober 1997. Vrede was egter van korte duur, aangesien FARF-rebelle met regeringsoldate bots en uiteindelik in Mei 1998 oorgegee het aan regeringsmagte. Barde is dood in die gevegte, net soos honderde ander Suidlanders, die meeste burgerlikes.

Sedert Oktober 1998 het die Tsjadiese beweging vir geregtigheid en demokrasie (MDJT), onder leiding van Youssuf Togoimi tot sy dood in September 2002, met regeringstroepe in die Tibesti -streek geraak, wat tot honderde burgerlike, regerings- en opstandelinge gelei het, maar min grond gewen of verloor. In ander dele van Tsjad het geen aktiewe gewapende opposisie ontstaan ​​nie, hoewel Kette Moise, na senior poste by die ministerie van binnelandse sake, 'n klein plaaslike operasie naby Moundou uitgevoer het wat vinnig en gewelddadig aan die einde van 2000 deur regeringsmagte onderdruk is.

Déby het in die middel van die negentigerjare geleidelik die basiese funksies van die regering herstel en ooreenkomste met die Wêreldbank en die IMF aangegaan om aansienlike ekonomiese hervormings deur te voer. Die ontginning van olie in die suidelike Doba-streek het in Junie 2000 begin, met goedkeuring van die Wêreldbankraad om 'n klein deel van 'n projek, die Tsjaad-Kameroen Petroleumontwikkelingsprojek, te finansier wat daarop gemik is om vervoer van Tsjadiese ru-olie deur 'n 1000 km begrawe pypleiding deur Kameroen te die Golf van Guinee. Die projek het unieke meganismes vir die samewerking van die Wêreldbank, die private sektor, die regering en die burgerlike samelewing ingestel om te verseker dat toekomstige olie -inkomste die plaaslike bevolking bevoordeel en armoede kan verlig. Die sukses van die projek was afhanklik van verskeie moniteringspogings [8] om te verseker dat alle partye hul verpligtinge nakom. Hierdie 'unieke' meganismes vir monitering en inkomstebestuur het van die begin af hewige kritiek ondergaan. [9] Skuldverligting is in Mei 2001 aan Tsjad toegestaan.

Déby het 'n gebrekkige oorwinning van 63% in die eerste ronde in Mei 2001 in die presidentsverkiesing behaal nadat wetgewende verkiesings tot die lente van 2002 uitgestel is. verkiesingsuitslae. Ondanks bewerings van korrupsie deur die regering, bevoordeling van Zaghawas en misbruik deur die veiligheidsmagte, het die opposisieparty en die vakbond 'n beroep op algemene stakings en meer aktiewe betogings teen die regering geslaagd. Ondanks die beweging na demokratiese hervorming, bly die mag in die hande van 'n noordelike etniese oligargie.

In 2003 het Tsjaad begin om vlugtelinge uit die Darfoer -streek van Wes -Soedan te ontvang. Meer as 200 000 vlugtelinge het gevlug vir die geveg tussen twee rebellegroepe en deur die regering gesteunde milisies, bekend as Janjaweed. 'N Aantal grensvoorvalle het gelei tot die Tsjaad-Soedannese oorlog.

Olievervaardiging en militêre verbetering Redigeer

Tsjaad word 'n olieprodusent in 2003. Om vloekbronne en korrupsie te vermy, is uitgebreide planne gemaak wat deur die Wêreldbank geborg word. Hierdie plan verseker deursigtigheid in die betalings, sowel as dat 80% van die geld uit olie -uitvoer aan vyf prioriteitsontwikkelingsektore bestee sal word, waarvan twee die belangrikste is: onderwys en gesondheidsorg. Geld het egter na die weermag begin gaan, nog voordat die burgeroorlog uitgebreek het. In 2006, toe die burgeroorlog eskaleer, het Tsjad vorige ekonomiese planne wat deur die Wêreldbank geborg is, laat vaar en 'nasionale veiligheid' as 'n prioriteitsontwikkelingsektor bygevoeg; geld uit hierdie sektor is gebruik om die weermag te verbeter. Tydens die burgeroorlog is meer as 600 miljoen dollar gebruik om vegvliegtuie, aanvalshelikopters en gepantserde personeeldraers te koop.

Tsjaad verdien tussen 10 en 11 miljard dollar uit olieproduksie, en na raming is 4 miljard dollar in die weermag belê. [10]

Oorlog in die Ooste Edit

Die oorlog het op 23 Desember 2005 begin toe die regering van Tsjaad 'n oorlogstoestand met Soedan verklaar het en 'n beroep op die burgers van Tsjad gedoen het om hulself te mobiliseer teen die 'gemeenskaplike vyand', [11] wat die Tsjadiese regering as die saamtrek beskou Militante van die demokrasie en vryheid (RDL), Tsjadiese rebelle, ondersteun deur die Soedannese regering en Soedanse milisie. Militante het dorpe en dorpe in die ooste van Tsjad aangeval, vee gesteel, burgers vermoor en huise gebrand. Meer as 200 000 vlugtelinge uit die Darfoer -streek in die noordweste van Soedan eis tans asiel in die ooste van Tsjad. Die president van Tsjad, Idriss Déby, beskuldig die Soedannese president Omar Hasan Ahmad al-Bashir dat hy probeer het om 'ons land te destabiliseer, ons mense in ellende te dryf, wanorde te skep en die oorlog van Darfoer na Tsjad uit te voer'.

'N Aanval op die Tsjadiese stad Adre naby die Soedanese grens het gelei tot die dood van óf honderd rebelle, soos elke ander nuusbron as CNN berig het, of driehonderd rebelle. Die Soedannese regering het die skuld gekry vir die aanval, wat die tweede in die streek in drie dae was, [12], maar die woordvoerder van die Soedanse ministerie van buitelandse sake, Jamal Mohammed Ibrahim, ontken enige Soedanese betrokkenheid. in Tsjadiese binnelandse sake. " Hierdie aanval was die laaste strooi wat gelei het tot die oorlogsverklaring deur Tsjaad en die beweerde ontplooiing van die Tsjadiese lugmag in die Soedanese lugruim, wat die Tsjadiese regering ontken. [13]

'N Aanval op N'Djamena is op 13 April 2006 in die Slag van N'Djamena verslaan. Die president op nasionale radio het gesê dat die situasie onder beheer is, maar inwoners, diplomate en joernaliste het na bewering skote van vuurwapens gehoor.

Op 25 November 2006 verower rebelle die oostelike stad Abeche, hoofstad van die Ouaddaï -streek, en sentrum vir humanitêre hulp aan die Darfoer -streek in Soedan. Op dieselfde dag het 'n aparte rebellegroep Rally of Democratic Forces Biltine ingeneem. Op 26 November 2006 beweer die Tsjadiese regering dat hulle albei dorpe herower het, hoewel rebelle steeds beheer oor Biltine geëis het. Daar word gesê dat regeringsgeboue en humanitêre hulpkantore in Abeche geplunder is. Die Tsjadiese regering ontken 'n waarskuwing wat die Franse ambassade in N'Djamena uitgereik het dat 'n groep rebelle deur die Batha -prefektuur in die middel van Tsjad kom. Tsjaad dring daarop aan dat albei rebellegroepe deur die Soedannese regering ondersteun word. [14]

Internasionale weeshuisskandaal Redigeer

Byna 100 kinders in die middel van 'n internasionale skandaal wat hulle by 'n weeshuis in die afgeleë Oos-Tsad gestrand gelaat het, het ná byna vyf maande op 14 Maart 2008 huis toe gekom. Die 97 kinders is in Oktober 2007 uit hul huise geneem deur 'n toe onduidelike Franse liefdadigheidsorganisasie , Zoé's Ark, wat beweer het dat hulle weeskinders is uit Soedan se oorloggeteisterde Darfoer-streek. [15]

Rebelle -aanval op Ndjamena Edit

Op Vrydag 1 Februarie 2008 val rebelle, 'n opposisie -alliansie van leiers Mahamat Nouri, 'n voormalige minister van verdediging, en Timane Erdimi, 'n neef van Idriss Déby, wat sy stafhoof was, die hoofstad van Tsjad Ndjamena aan - selfs om die president Paleis. Maar Idris Deby met regeringstroepe het teruggeveg. Franse magte het ammunisie vir Tsjadiese regeringstroepe ingevlieg, maar het nie aktief aan die gevegte deelgeneem nie. Die VN het gesê dat tot 20 000 mense die streek verlaat en hul toevlug geneem het in die nabygeleë Kameroen en Nigerië. Honderde mense is dood, meestal burgerlikes. Die rebelle beskuldig Deby van korrupsie en verduistering van miljoene in olie -inkomste. Alhoewel baie Tsjadiërs hierdie mening kan deel, blyk die opstand 'n magstryd te wees binne die elite wat Tsjad lank beheer het. Die Franse regering is van mening dat die opposisie oos van die hoofstad hergroepeer het. Déby blameer Soedan vir die huidige onrus in Tsjad. [16]

Streekintervensionisme Redigeer

Gedurende die Déby -era het Tsjad ingegryp in konflikte in Mali, Sentraal -Afrikaanse Republiek, Niger en Nigerië. [ aanhaling nodig ]

In 2013 het Tsjad 2000 man uit sy weermag gestuur om Frankryk te help tydens Operasie Serval tydens die Mali -oorlog. Later in dieselfde jaar het Tsjad 850 troepe na die Sentraal -Afrikaanse Republiek gestuur om die vredesoperasie MISCA te help, maar die troepe het in April 2014 teruggetrek na bewerings van menseregteskendings. [10]

Tydens die Boko Haram -opstand het Tsjad verskeie kere troepe gestuur om die stryd teen Boko Haram in Niger en Nigerië te help.

In Augustus 2018 val rebellevegters van die Military Command Council for the Salvation of the Republic (CCMSR) regeringsmagte in die noorde van Tsjad aan. Tsjad het dreigemente beleef van jihadiste wat uit die Libiese konflik gevlug het. Tsjad was 'n bondgenoot van die Weste in die stryd teen Islamitiese militante in Wes -Afrika. [17]

In Januarie 2019, na 47 jaar, het Tsjad diplomatieke betrekkinge met Israel herstel. Dit is aangekondig tydens 'n besoek aan N'Djamena deur die Israeliese premier Benjamin Netanyahu [18]

In April 2021 het Tsjad se weermag aangekondig dat president Idriss Déby aan sy beserings beswyk het na botsings met rebelle in die noorde van die land. Idriss Deby regeer die land meer as 30 jaar sedert 1990. Daar is ook aangekondig dat 'n militêre raad onder leiding van Déby se seun, Mahamat Idriss Déby, 'n 37-jarige vierster-generaal, die komende 18 maande sal regeer. [19] [20]


Politiek

Alauma II, huidige Mai (koning) van Bornu

Die politiek van Bornu vind plaas binne 'n raamwerk van 'n eenheids, parlementêre, verteenwoordigende demokratiese monargie. Die huidige monarg, Alauma II, is die land se staatshoof.

Die eenkamer -parlement, genaamd Bornu Assembly, is verantwoordelik vir die aanvaarding van wette, die goedkeuring van die staat se begrotings en die uitoefening van beheer oor die uitvoerende regering deur sy verkose verteenwoordiger, die premier - tans Simplice Sarandji.


7. Miyamoto Musashi

Miyamoto Mushashi is sonder twyfel die beste swaardvegter wat nog ooit geleef het. Wat Melankomas met vuiste gedoen het, het Musashi met swaarde gedoen. Throughout his life he was never once defeated in combat. It got to the point where Miyamoto was so good at giving people katana enemas that he just up and stopped using swords altogether, though he didn’t stop sword fighting.

For the rest of his life Musashi, accepted (and roundly defeated) all challenges using a simple wooden sword. Basically, he was like Ryu from Ninja Gaiden when controlled by someone really awesome. Musashi split open more heads than a thousand B-movie gorefests, and he did it all while being a travelling warrior poet. That’s just straight-up pimping.


When the Zaghawa (people of Kanem) arrived in the area around Lake Chad, they found independent walled-cities states from the Sao civilization, a civilization which had flourished around the 6th century, with its center around the Chari river, south of Lake Chad. The Zaghawa adopted some of the Sao customs, but fight among the two lasted from the 7th century until the 16th. The conquest of Kanem by the Zaghawa was done under the Duguwa dynasty which was started by King Sef (also known as Saif… some people eager to change African history state that the Zaghawa were from Yemen… but we all know that they were local people) about 700 CE . The dynasty, Sayfawa or Sefuwa, is named for King Dugu , one of Sef’s sons, who was ruling about 785 CE . Abandoning their nomadic lifestyle, the Zaghawa established a capital at N’Jimi (meaning “south” — the location of this town is still unknown, but it is believed to be around Lake Fitri). Under the rule of Dugu, Kanem expanded to become an empire. The Zaghawa kings, called maï , were regarded as divine and belonged to a ruling establishment known as the Magumi . They were recognized for a great amount of horses. Kanem’s expansion peaked during the reign of Maï Dunama Dabbalemi ( ca. 1221-59 ) and extended northward into the Fezzan region (Libya), westward into Kano (Nigeria), eastward to Ouaddaï (or Wadai), and southward into the Adamawa grasslands (Cameroon). They converted to islam around the 11th century CE.

Group of Kanem-Bu warriors in the 1800s

By the end of the 14th century, internal struggles and external attacks had torn Kanem apart. Between 1376 and 1400 , six Maïs reigned, but were killed by foreign invaders. Finally, around 1396 the Bulala invaders forced the once strong Sayfawa dynasty to abandon Njimi and move to Bornu on the western edge of Lake Chad. Around 1472 , Maï Ali Dunamami fortified the Bornu state, and established the capital at Ngazargamu, which had more fertile lands. Over time the inter-marriage between the Kanembu and the Borno people created a new people, the Kanembu, and a language called Kanuri .

The Kanem-Bornu empire peaked during the reign of Maï Idris Alooma (ca. 1571 – 1603 ) who is remembered for his great military and diplomatic skills. His main adversaries were the Hausa to the west, the Tuareg and Toubou to the north, and the Bulala to the east. One epic poem tells of his victories in 330 wars , and over 1,000 battles . He was a true military genius, and some of his innovations included the use of fixed military camps (with walls), permanent sieges, and “scorched earth” tactics, armored horses and riders, the use of Berber camels, of skilled Kotoko boatmen, and of iron-helmeted musketeers trained by Turkish military advisers. He had very strong diplomatic ties with Tripoli, Egypt, and the Ottoman empire, which at some point sent a 200-member ambassadorial party across the desert to Alooma’s court in Ngazargamu. The state revenues came from tribute from vassal states, trans-saharan trade route, and slave trade. Many products such as cotton, natron (sodium carbonate), kola nuts, ivory, ostrich feathers, perfume, was, and hides were exported north via the Sahara desert.

Map of the Kanem and Kanem-Bornu empires

By the end of the 17th century, the empire started declining, and by the 18th century, it only extended westward into the land of the Hausa. By the early 19th century, the declining empire could not sustain the advance from the fulani warriors of Usman Dan Fodio who proclaimed the jihad war against the non-muslims.


Idris Alooma: Warrior King of the Bornu Empire

Today, I will be talking about Idris Alooma (also Idris Alaoma , or Idris Alauma ), the only Bornu King whose name has survived the test of time. This article is long overdue, as it focuses on the Bornu and Kanem-Bornu empires.

Idris Alooma’s reign belonged to the great Sayfawa or Sefuwa dynasty which ruled the Bornu empire from the 16th and 17th centuries. Volgens die Diwan al-salatin Bornu , Idris Alaoma was the 54th King of the Sefawa dynasty , and ruled the Kanem-Bornu empire located in modern-day Chad, Cameroon and Nigeria. In many works, he is known by his mother’s name, Idris Amsami , i.e. Idris, son of Amsa . Die naam Alooma is a posthumous qualificative, named after a place, Alo of Alao , where he was buried. He was crowned king at the age of 25-26 . Volgens die Diwan , he ruled from 1564 to 1596 . He died during a battle in the Baguirmi where he was mortally wounded he was later buried in Lake Alo , south of the actual Maiduguri, thus the name Alooma .

Group of Kanem-Bu warriors in the 1800s

Idris was an outstanding statesman, and under his rule, the Kanem-Bornu touched the zenith of its power. He is remembered for his military skills, administrative reforms and Islamic piety. His feats are mainly known through his chronicler Ahmad bin Fartuwa . During his reign, Idris avoided the capital Ngazargamu, preferring to set his palace 5 km away, near the Yo river ( Komadugu Yobe ), in a place named Gambaru . The walls of the city were red , leading to a new architecture using red bricks characteristic of his reign. To this day, some murals still exist in Gambaru and are over 3m tall . These are vestiges of a flourishing empire. Idris Alooma was known by the Kanuri title of Mai for king.

Kanem-Bornu court in the 1700s

His main adversaries were the Hausa to the west, the Tuareg and Toubou to the north, the Bulala to the east, and the Sao who were strongly implanted in the Bornu region (and will be decimated by Alooma’s military campaigns). One epic poem extols his victories in 330 wars and more than 1,000 battles . His innovations included the employment of fixed military camps with walls, permanent sieges and scorched earth tactics where soldiers burned everything in their path, armored horses and riders as well as the use of Berber camels, Kotoko boatmen, and iron-helmeted musketeers trained by Ottoman military advisers. His active diplomacy featured relations with Tripoli, Egypt, and the Ottoman Empire, which sent a 200-member ambassadorial party across the desert to Alooma’s court at Ngazargamu. Alooma also signed what was probably the first written treaty or ceasefire in Chadian history.

Alooma introduced a number of legal and administrative reforms based on his religious beliefs and Islamic law. He sponsored the construction of numerous mosques and made a pilgrimage to Mecca, where he arranged for the establishment of a hostel to be used by pilgrims from his empire. As with other dynamic politicians, Alooma’s reformist goals led him to seek loyal and competent advisers and allies, and he frequently relied on eunuchs and slaves who had been educated in noble homes. Alooma regularly sought advice from a council composed of heads of the most important clans. He required major political figures to live at the court, and he reinforced political alliances through appropriate marriages (Alooma himself was the son of a Kanuri father and a Bulala mother).

Map of the Kanem and Kanem-Bornu empires

Kanem-Bornu under Alooma was strong and wealthy. Government revenue came from tribute (or booty if the recalcitrant people had to be conquered) and duties on and participation in trade. His kingdom was central to one of the most convenient routes across the Sahara desert. Many products were sent north, including natron (sodium carbonate), cotton, kola nuts, ivory, ostrich feathers, perfume, wax, and hides, but the most profitable trade was in slaves. Imports included salt, horses, silk, glass, muskets, and copper.


10 of the Greatest Ancient Warrior Cultures You Should Know About

Illustrasie deur Angus McBride.

Posted By: Dattatreya Mandal September 8, 2016

The episodes of war and human conflicts are persistent when it comes to the rich tapestry of history. And in such a vast ambit of wanton destruction and death, there have been a few civilizations, tribes and factions that had accepted warfare as an intrinsic part of their culture. So without further ado, let us take a gander at ten of the incredible ancient warrior cultures that pushed forth the ‘art of war’ (or rather the art of dealing with war) as an extension of their social system.

Note 1 – In this list, we are NOT implying the ten greatest ancient warrior cultures, but rather implying ten OF THE greatest ancient warrior cultures (before Common Era). Preference for choosing the said cultures is partly based on their variant geographical power-centers.

Note 2 – The list doesn’t reflect the cultures’ successes in battles or wars, but it pertains to how they perceived the scope of war or conflict (from a social perspective).

1) The Akkadian Warrior (circa 24th century – 22nd century BC) –

Akkadian archer wielding a composite bow, while being protected by an infantryman.

Circa 2334 BC, the Akkadians carved up the first known all-Mesopotamian empire, thereby momentously uniting the speakers of both Sumerian and Akkadian. In fact, by the middle of the 3rd millennium BC, the Akkadians managed to create a culturally syncretic scope (that encompassed a melting pot of different ethnicity and city-states), which ultimately paved the way for the emergence of Akkadian as the lingua franca of Mesopotamia for many centuries to come. However, beyond just cultural affiliations with the advanced Sumerians, the Akkadians also adopted (and loaned) many of the military systems and doctrines of their Mesopotamian brethren.

One example of such ‘transmission’ of military ideas relates to how the Akkadians probably fought in a phalanx-like formation long before the Greeks (as did the soldiers of the Sumerian city-state of Lagash). This tactic in itself alludes to how the soldiers of Akkad must have been disciplined and trained, thus hinting at their professional status, as opposed to most ancient armies. A paar steles also showcase how the Akkadians (and their preceding Sumerians) made use of the armored cloak – a panoply that probably consisted of a leather skin (or cloth) reinforced with metal discs and helmets for further protection in brutal melee combats.

But the practical superiority of the Akkadian (and Sumerian) warrior culture must have related to the use of wheels – an invention that not only allowed for more complex logistical support but also heralded the development of chariots, the ponderous heavy shock weapons of the Bronze Age. Moreover, Sargon of Akkad, possibly the first known military dictator of an empire, implemented the use of composite bows in his otherwise lightly-armed citizen army. Historically, the effective range and punch of such powerful bows (in the hands of skilled archers) surely must have given the Akkadians the military advantage over their Sumerian neighbors – many of whom still relied on javelins.

2) The Hittite Warrior (1600 BC – 1178 BC) –

The Hittite chariots (on right) clashing with the Egyptians at the Battle of Kadesh (circa 1274 BC). Illustration by Adam Cook.

Almost 3,700 years ago, a power rose in central Anatolia thus effectively making its presence felt in the ancient Near-Eastern world. Historians term the realm as the Kingdom of Hatti, and its inhabitants are known as the Hittites. By late 14th century BC, the Hittites probably controlled the most powerful empire of the Bronze Age, with their dominions stretching all the way across Anatolia to touch the Aegean Sea, while being complemented on the east with their expansions into Syria (and finally even Mesopotamia) with the defeat of their longtime rivals, the Mitanni.

Interestingly enough, the martial culture of the Hittites was often represented by their kings who were also the commanders-in-chief of their armies. In essence, kingship was intrinsically tied to the display of martial prowess and commanding capability on the battlefields and as such the kings were expected to prove themselves in battles.

Because of such an ingrained cultural aspect, the future candidates (for kingship and other elite political roles) were often trained in warfare skills from their childhood. To that end, much like warlords, many of the Hittite kings led their troops in the thick of the battle and possibly even engaged in melee combat with the enemy. However, in most practical scenarios, the ruler probably donned his role as a commander and directed his troops from protected vantage points.

As for the composition of their armies, most of the Hittite infantrymen were lightly armed with spears and rudimentary shields. But much like other contemporary powers (of both Near East and the Mediterranean) the elite section of the Hittite army was composed of chariots. In that regard, by the time of the momentous Battle of Kadesh (circa 1274 BC), the Hittites probably ‘modified’ their chariot-based tactics by placing three men on the vehicle (as opposed to two men).

And while this made the chariot more ponderous, it was compensated by the extra protection offered by a shield-bearer who guarded the other two armed with throwing spears and bow-and-arrows. This technique, though risky, might have been instrumental in shattering the first division of their Egyptian foes, thus providing the Hittites with the initiative in the encounter.

3) The Spartan Warrior (circa 9th century BC – 192 BC) –

According to Xenophon, the crimson robes and bronze shields carried by the Spartans were mandated by their legendary lawgiver Lycurgus.

An ancient warrior culture that has often been exaggerated in our popular media, the Spartans nevertheless espoused their brand of rigorous military institutions. In fact, the Spartans (or Lakedaimonians) maintained the only full-time army in all of ancient Greece, while their social structures were geared towards producing hardy soldiers from ordinary citizens. One prime example of such a military-oriented scope obviously pertains to the agoge – the Spartan regimen for boys that combined both education and military training into one exacting package.

Die agoge was mandated for all male Spartans from the age of 6 or 7 when the child grew up to be a boy (paidon). This meant leaving his own house and parents behind and relocating to the barrack to live with other boys. Interestingly, one of the very first things that the boy learned in his new quarters was the pyrriche, a sort of dance that also involved the carrying of arms. This was practiced so as to make the Spartan boy nimble-footed even when maneuvering heavy weapons. Along with such physical moves, the boy was also taught exercises in music, the war songs of Tyrtaios, and the ability to read and write.

By the time, the boy grew up to be 12, he was known as the meirakion or youth. Suffice it to say, the rigorous scope was notched up a level with the physical exercises increased in a day. The youth also had to cut his hair short and walk barefooted, while most of his clothes were taken away from him. The Spartans believed that such uncompromising measures made the pre-teen boy tough while enhancing his endurance levels for all climates (in fact, the only bed he was allowed to sleep in the winter was made of reeds that had been plucked personally by the candidate from the River Eurotas valley).

Added to this stringent scope, the youth was intentionally fed with less than adequate food so as to stoke his hunger pangs. This encouraged the youth to sometimes steal food and on being caught, he was punished – not for stealing the food, but for getting caught. And finally, on turning eighteen, he was considered as an adult and a soldier of the Spartan society but was still prohibited from entering a marketplace to talk with his fellow adults till the age of 30. In consideration of all these strict rules, Plutarch once observed that the only rest that a Spartan got from training for war was during the actual war.

4) The Assyrian Warrior (Neo-Assyrian Empire 900 BC – 612 BC) –

The Assyrians were known for using imposing siege weapons and towers. Illustrasie deur Angus McBride.

In a conventional sense, when we talk about Assyria, our notions pertain mostly to what is known as the Neo-Assyrian Empire (or the Late Empire) that ruled the largest empire of the world up till that time, roughly existing from a period of 900-612 BC. To that end, many historians perceive Assyria to be among the first ‘superpowers’ of the Ancient World. But as the dictum suggests – ‘when the going gets tough, the tough get going’.

In that regard, Assyria’s rise to power was ironically fueled by the land’s initial vulnerability, since it was beset on all sides by enemies including nomadic tribes, hill folks, and even proximate competing powers. And to protect their rich and plump grain-lands, the Assyrians systematically devised an effective and well organized military system (from circa 15th century BC) that could cope with the constant state of aggression, conflicts, and raids (much like the Romans).

Over time, the reactionary measures translated into an incredibly powerful military system that was inherently tied to the economic well-being of the state. And the once-defenders now turned into aggressors. So in a sense, while the Assyrians formulated their ‘attack is the best defense’ strategies, the proximate states became more war-like, thus adding to the list of enemies for the Assyrians to conquer. Consequently, when the Assyrians went on a war footing, their military was able to absorb more ideas from foreign powers, which led to an ambit of evolution and flexibility (again much like the later Romans). These tendencies of flexibility, discipline and incredible fighting skills (that ranged from chariots, archers to siege tactics) became the hallmark of the Assyrian warrior culture that triumphed over most of the powerful Mesopotamian kingdoms in Asia by 8th century BC.

This is what historian Simon Anglim had to say about the ancient warrior culture of the Assyrians –

…regime supported by a magnificent and successful war machine. As with the German army of World War II, the Assyrian army was the most technologically and doctrinally advanced of its day and was a model for others for generations afterwards. The Assyrians were the first to make extensive use of iron weaponry [and] not only were iron weapons superior to bronze, but could be mass-produced, allowing the equipping of very large armies indeed.

5) The Scythian Warrior (circa 7th century – 3rd century BC) –

The Scythians modified some elements of the conventional corselet by arranging the metal (or leather) bits in a ‘fish scale’ like pattern. Illustrasie deur Angus McBride.

When it comes to the popular history of nomadic groups, tribes (and super-tribes) like Huns and Mongols have had their fair share of coverage in various mediums, ranging from literary sources to even movies. However, hundreds of years before the emergence of mixed-Huns, Turkic and Mongolic groups, the Eurasian steppes were dominated by an ancient Iranic people of horse-riding nomadic pastoralists.

These ‘horse lords’ dwelt on a wide swathe of the landmass known as Scythia since antiquity. Epitomizing the very dynamic scope of the nomadic lifestyle – covering an impressive spectrum from workmanship to warfare, they were thus known as the Scythians, the master horsemen, and archers of Iron Age.

And while the ‘Scythian Age’ only corresponded to the period between 7th century to 3rd century BC, the remarkable impression left behind by these warrior people was evident from the historic designation of (most of) Eurasian steppes as Scythia (or greater Scythia) even thousands years after the rise and decline of the nomadic group. Now a part of this legacy had to do with the incredible military campaigns conducted by the Scythians from the very beginning of their ‘brush’ with the global stage.

In fact, even during their earlier ascendancy, the Scythian warrior society was audacious enough to go into war with the sole superpower of the Mesopotamian region – Assyria. Now while Assyrian sources mostly keep mum about some of the presumed Scythian victories over them, it is known that one particular Assyrian monarch Esarhaddon was so desperate to secure peace with these Eurasian nomads that he even offered his daughter in marriage to the Scythian king Partatua. As for the effect of Scythian invasions on the realms of the Middle East, a biblical prophet summed up the baleful nature of the ferocious ‘horse lords’ from the north –

They are always courageous, and their quivers are like open grave. They will eat your harvest and bread, they will eat your sons and daughters, they will eat your sheep and oxen, they will eat your grapes and figs.

Oddly enough, while the socio-political effects of the Scythian incursions in the Middle East can be comprehended to some degree from contemporary (or near-contemporary) sources, historians are still mystified by the logistical and organizational capacity of the military of these nomads from the distant steppes. But it can be hypothesized that like most nomadic societies, the majority of the adult population was liable for military service (including some of the younger women or Amazons). Now the tactical advantage of such a scope translated to how the bulk of the early Scythians had mounted warriors – mostly lightly armored with leather jackets and rudimentary headgear.

Carrying weapons such as arrows, javelins, and even darts, the hardiness, mobility and unorthodox fighting methods espoused by these throngs of horsemen seemingly countered the more ‘sedentary’ battle tactics of the wealthy Mesopotamian civilizations. Furthermore, the light troops were backed up by a core force of heavily-armored shock cavalry that was usually commanded by the local princes – and they took to the battlefield for the killing blow after the perplexed enemy was both ‘softened’ by the projectiles and harassed by zig-zag maneuvers.

6) The Celtic Warrior (circa 6th century BC – mid 1st millennium AD) –

Celts were often lightly armored. Illustrasie deur Angus McBride.

As opposed to the more specific cultures mentioned in this list, the Celts rather represent various population groups that lived in different parts of Europe (and even Asia and Africa) after the late Bronze Age. Now in spite of their ambit of diverse tribes, the Celts spoke pretty much the same language, while also showcasing their definitive art styles and military tendencies for the most part of their history. Pertaining to the latter scope, the ancient Celtic warrior had the reputation of fearlessness and ferocity – qualities that were conducive to many close-combat scenarios. Suffice it to say, the Celts served as mercenaries in various parts of the known world, ranging from colonies in Anatolia to the service of the Ptolemaic ‘Pharaohs’ of Egypt.

As for the history of the Celtic armies, they made their presence felt in the Mediterranean theater when the Gauls led by their king Bran (Brennus), sacked Rome in 390 BC. The Celts even managed to plunder the sacred site of Delphi in Greece in 290 BC, on their way to Asia Minor. Mirroring the sense of dread, this is what Polybius had to say about the fierce Celtic warriors, circa 2nd century BC –

The Romans…were terrified by the fine order of the Celtic host, and the dreadful din, for there were innumerable horn -blowers and trumpeters, and…the whole army were shouting their war-cries…Very terrifying too were the appearance and the gestures of the naked warriors in front, all in the prime of life and finely built men, and all in the leading companies richly adorned with gold torcs and armlets.

Interestingly enough, while the popular notion of a Celtic warrior is often limited to the physically imposing infantryman brandishing his shield and sword, a few ancient accounts also talk about other types of Celtic soldiers and formations. For example, Julius Caesar described how some of his Gaulish foes used light chariots with impressive maneuvering skills on the battlefield. And even more than two centuries before Caesar’s time, Hannibal made use of heavy Celtic cavalrymen who were instrumental in dismantling their Roman counterparts in the Battle of Cannae.

7) The Dacian Warrior (513 BC – first mentioned by Herodotus early 2nd century AD, Trajan’s war with Dacians) –

A Dacian (on the right) vs. a Roman. Credit: Jason Juta

Trajan engaged the war with hardened soldiers, who despised the Parthians, our enemy, and who didn’t care of their arrow blows, after the terrible wounds inflicted by the curved swords of the Dacians.

This was the rhetoric uttered by Marcus Cornelius Fronto (in Principia Historiae II), and the statement pretty much sums up the presumably devastating effect of the Dacian ‘specialty’ weapon of falx. An Indo-European people, related to the Thracians, the Dacians inhabited the regions of the Carpathian mountains (mostly encompassing modern-day Romania and Moldova).

Interestingly enough, from the cultural perspective, they were influenced by the urbanized Hellenic neighbors to their south, the Celtic invaders from their west and the nomadic Scythians from the Eurasian steppes – thus leading to a unique admixture of martial traditions that was pronounced in their warrior culture.

Now from the archaeological perspective, the skilled Getae-Dacian craftsmen showcased their penchant for furnishing iron weapons, as is evident from the profusion of iron reduction furnaces found across the ancient lands inhabited by the people, circa 300-200 BC. Intriguingly, beyond the weapons manufacturing scope of the Dacians, there was a social angle to the warrior society of these people, aptly represented by the aforementioned falx – a scythe-like weapon that curved ‘inwards’ sharply at the tip.

In that regard, these scythes, with their ability to puncture both helmets and shields, probably had their origins in rudimentary agricultural tools used by the farmers. So simply put, the dual nature of this weapon-type rather mirrors the dual role played by the ordinary folks of the Dacian society who frequently had to don the mantle of soldiers and protectors.

They were also complemented by the perceived upper-classes of the Dacians society – men who were allowed to wear caps and keep long beards. Dedicating most of their time in pursuit of martial activities, the Dacian elite provided the warriors who filled the role of tribal warlords, officers and even reputable divisions within the army (often wearing Sarmatian style scale mail and hardy Thracian helmets, while being equipped with the deadly falx and smaller sica). Moreover, there is also evidence of Dacian priests who used weapons like bows and spears in their rituals, thus suggesting how warfare was an intrinsic part of the Dacian culture.

8) The Roman Warrior (the ancient Roman Republic and Empire, 509 BC – 395 AD) –

Roman legionaries led by a centurion. Illustration by Peter Dennis. Credit: Warlord Games Ltd.

To talk about the ancient Romans in merely three paragraphs is indeed a fool’s errand. Nevertheless, as most history aficionados would know, the Romans in their greatest extent (circa 117 AD, the year of Emperor Trajan’s death) controlled the largest empire in the ancient world, stretching from Spain to Syria and Caucasus, and from North African coasts and Egypt to the northern confines of Britain. These conquests were all the more impressive considering Rome’s initial beginning (circa 9th-8th century BC) as a backwater region that was inhabited by cattle rustlers who made their camps and rudimentary dwellings among the hills and the swamplands.

Suffice it to say, the impressive conquests all over Europe, Asia and Africa were fueled by the ancient Roman warrior culture (and doctrine) that was based on sheer discipline and incredible organizational depth. This was complemented by the inherent Roman ability to adapt and learn from other military cultures.

Pertinent examples would include the initial Roman armies that were composed of ‘hoplites’ inspired by the Greeks of Magna Graecia. But over time they adopted maniples that were possibly influenced by other Italic people (and contemporary social conditions). Finally, this organizational scope gave way to legionaries, an ancient Roman equivalent of professional soldiery that was inspired by a mix of foreign influences, including that of Celts and Spaniards.

However, the greatest of Roman strengths probably pertained to their unflinching capacity to make ‘comebacks’ from balefully disastrous scenarios – because of a unique combination of (societal) logistics and warrior culture. A pertinent example relates to how the Battle of Cannae (a single encounter in 216 BC) possibly snatched away a significant chunk of the Roman male population. In terms of sheer numbers, the bloody day probably accounted for over 40,000 Roman deaths (the figure is put at 55,000 by Livy 70,000 by Polybius), which equated to about 80 percent of the Roman army fielded in the battle!

The male population of Rome in 216 BC is estimated to be around 400,000 and thus the Battle of Cannae possibly resulted in the deaths of around 1/10th – 1/20th of the Roman male population (considering there were also allied Italic casualties). So objectively, from the numerical context, the Romans lost anywhere between 5-10 percent of their male population in their bloodiest encounter for a single day. And yet they were ultimately victorious in the Second Punic War.

9) The Parthian Warrior (247 BC – 224 AD) –

Parthian cataphracts charging the Romans at the Battle of Carrhae (circa 53 BC).

The Parthians amalgamated the military tendencies of their nomadic brethren (like the Scythians) and the cultural legacy of the Achaemenid Persians. The result was a feudal society in the ancient times that was headed by powerful clans who maintained their political presence while granting autonomy to many urban and trading centers throughout the kingdom. As a consequence, the Parthian army was dominated by mounted warriors (an effect of their nomadic origins), with the core composed of the famed cataphracts en clibanarii – heavily armored horsemen mounted atop Nisean chargers. These chosen retinues of the nobles were often accompanied by a multitude of lightly-armed horse-archers.

At times, especially during periods of a protracted war with the Romans, the Parthians also fielded infantry – though they were usually of mixed variety, with preference given to the hardy hill-folks from northern Persia, who were often supplemented by the poorly armed urban militia.

In essence, the military of the Parthians mirrored the armies of Europe during the early middle-ages, where the military (and political) leadership was focused on heavily armed mounted warriors, while the rest of the army played a rather supporting role. And these feudal orientations actually allude to the warrior culture ingrained in Parthian military norms, where the ‘knightly’ armored horsemen epitomized the crème de la crème of the Persian society – a cultural legacy carried forth by the future Sassanians.

And since we brought up the conflict of the Parthians with the Romans, the Battle of Carrhae (53 BC) can be counted among the first instances when the Romans came across the might of heavy cavalry, which was certainly a departure from infantry-dominated European battlefields of the ancient era. In terms of figures, the Romans had seven legions along with seven thousand auxiliary forces and a thousand Gallic crack cavalrymen which came to around a total of 45,000 to 52,000 men. On the other hand, the Parthians had around a total of 12,000 soldiers with at least 9,000 of them being horse archers recruited from Saka and Yue-Chi people, and 1,000 being cataphracts (super-heavy cavalry).

The battle in itself proved the superiority in the mobility of the Parthian horsemen, as they unleashed a hail of arrows upon the constrained formations of the legionary forces. Die finaal staatskaping was delivered by 1,000 tightly-packed cataphracts atop their mighty Nicean chargers – when they broke the ranks of the disarrayed Romans, who were already afflicted by the elusive horse archers of the steppes. Unsurprisingly, the unexpected defeat had long drawn repercussions, with the Romans (and later Eastern Romans) in time adopting many of the shock cavalry tactics of their eastern neighbors.

10) The Lusitanian Warrior (circa 2nd century BC) –

Paulus Orosius, the Gallaecian Catholic priest, called the Lusitanian hero Viriatus ‘Terror Romanorum’.

Unlike the other ancient warrior cultures mention in this list, the Lusitani (Lusitanians) preferred special tactics used during protracted conflicts, which entailed the very concept of ancient guerrilla warfare. Roughly occupying most of modern Portugal (south of Douro river) along with the central provinces of Spain, the Lusitani were a part of the Celt-Iberian group.

And quite oddly, unlike their Gallic neighbors or even kingdoms from across the Mediterranean Sea, the Lusitanian tribes were never warlike in the proper sense of the word. However, they did show their military acumen and even might, when provoked – as was the case during the Hispanic Wars and the campaigns of Lusitanian hero Viriatus against Rome. It is estimated that the Romans and their Italic allies lost around an astronomical 200,000 soldiers during the 20-year period of war between 153-133 BC!

And even beyond figures, it was the unique essence of unconventional warfare that really made the ancient Celt-Iberians stand out from their contemporaries. As Polybius had noted – the Hispanic Wars were different because of their unpredictability, with Lusitanians and other Celt-Iberians adopting the tactic of ‘consursare‘ (which is sometimes described as ‘lack of tactics’) that involved sudden advancements and confusing retreats in the heat of the battle. Their warrior society also followed a cult of the trim physique, with body slimness being rather accentuated by wearing wide yet tight belts around the waist!

Moreover, many of Lusitani young warriors were known to be the ‘desperados’ of ancient times because of their penchant for gathering riches through robberies. And herein lied their cultural ability to conduct armed encounters even during times of peace. As Greek historian Diodorus Siculus said –

There is a custom characteristic of the Iberians, but particularly of the Lusitans, that when they reach adulthood those men who stand out through their courage and daring provide themselves with weapons, and meet in the mountains. There they form large bands, to ride across Iberia gathering riches through robbery, and they do this with the most complete disdain towards all. For them the harshness of the mountains, and the hard life they lead there, are like their own home and there they look for refuge…

Boekverwysings: The Spartan Army (By Nicholas Secunda) / The Ancient Assyrians (By Mark Healy) / The World of the Scythians (By Renate Rolle) / Cannae: Hannibal’s Greatest Victory (By Adrian Goldsworthy) / Rome and her Enemies (Editor Jane Penrose)

And in case we have not attributed or misattributed any image or artwork, please let us know via the ‘Contact Us’ link, provided both above the top bar and at the bottom bar of the page. To that end, given the vast ambit of the internet and with so many iterations of the said image (and artwork) in various channels, social media, and websites it sometimes becomes hard to track down the original artist/photographer/illustrator.


A Countdown Through History’s Most Elite and Deadly Warriors

The Janissaries were forced to swear allegiance to the Sultan and to live a celibate life. Wikimedia Commons.

6. The Janissaries were Europe&rsquos first standing army, hired by the Sultan of the Ottoman Empire to protect him and forced to live a life of sacrifice and celibacy

Up until the 14 th century, there were no real standing armies in Europe instead, men would just be called up to fight as and when a king or lord needed them. Once a war was over, the men returned to their normal life. The Janissaries changed all this. They were not only the first modern standing army in all of Europe, they were also some of the most-disciplined soldiers the world had ever seen. Attached to the Sultans of the Ottoman Empire, they were subject to strict rules and regulations, making them reliable bodyguards and formidable opponents on the field of battle.

The Janissary unit was established towards the end of the 14 th century. The Sultan of the Ottoman Empire, Murad I, ordered that a group of Christian men taken as prisoner of war be converted to Islam and then serve as his personal soldiers. He was so impressed with the results of his little project that he ordered that it be repeated. So, whenever they got the opportunity, troops of the Ottoman Empire would take young Christian boys, usually from the Balkans region, make them convert, and then train them as soldiers.

Following on from the reign of Murad I, the unit grew in size and in strength. The Janissaries became known as the Sultan&rsquos most reliable fighting unit. They were known for their bravery and their speed. In a battle or siege, they would wait for the frontline troops to pierce a hole in the enemy&rsquos defenses and then they would attack, swarming in and showing no mercy with their bows or muskets. Such a tactic was particularly effective during the siege of Constantinople in 1453, and it also enabled the Ottoman Empire to defeat the Egyptian Mamluks &ndash themselves an elite group of warriors &ndash in 1467.

To maintain their discipline, Janissaries were forbidden from taking romantic partners. They were forced to live a life of celibacy. Moreover, they were expected to devote their lives, and their deaths, to the Sultan himself. In return, they were granted elevated status in the Empire, along with good pay and other benefits. Despite the celibacy rule, many regular soldiers and then civilians wanted to be part of the unit. By 1826, Sultan Mahmud II, anxious that the corps had forgotten its original purpose, had it disbanded. To make sure it was finished for good, he had more than 6,000 Janissaries executed.


The transcendence of a military culture to a military ‘caste&rsquo is a very subtle transition, but if one needs a definition of a military caste to work with, then look no further than the Samurai. When observance of the rituals of military culture become interchangeable with the rituals of religion, and when military regalia and weaponry became an artistic statement in themselves, then that is a military caste &ndash and that remains very much the methodology of the Samurai.

Samurai, as just about everyone knows, originated in Japan, and today forms the bedrock of the nation&rsquos political and business elite. The origins of Samurai can be traced to the Japanese ‘Heian Period&rsquo, between 794 and 1185 CE, during which time the term simply described the private armies of wealthy landowners. The word ‘Samurai&rsquo translates roughly to ‘Those Who Serve&rsquo, and early Samurai were no more than a group of armed retainers with simple and violent tendencies.

As was the case with the Mamluk, however, it was not long before a kind of group cohesion began to develop, gradually elevating the Samurai towards something a bit more than the sum of its parts. By the 12th century, the power balance in Japan began to shift away from the imperial court towards the heads of dispersed families and clans, and this inevitably led to war. Between 1180 and 1185, what was known as the ‘Gempei War&rsquo was fought. All that we need to know about this is that it projected a particularly gifted Samurai warlord, Minamoto Yoshitsune, to political power.

Japan then effectively became an hereditary military dictatorship, under a system of government known as a ‘Shogun&rsquo. Under numerous Shogun dynasties, the institution of Samurai became a virtual knighthood of privileged elites, practising a stylized and heavily ritualized system of military and combat discipline. Into the equation, at about the same time, came Zen Buddhism, the essential ideological elements of which blended very well with Samurai. Austerity and simple ritual, along with a belief that salvation comes from within, quickly became the center of Samurai expression.

As its essential symbol, the Samurai sword gained great symbolic relevance, far beyond its utility as an implement of war. The honor of a Samurai resides in his sword, and the artistic accomplishment in the production of an individual sword is of no less importance.

From this higher form of martial expression came the code of ‘Bushido&rsquo. Bushido is the defining moral code of Samurai, and of the Shinto region. Shinto is a wholly Japanese religion emphasizing the veneration of nature, of ancestors and great historic heroes, and the divinity of the Emperor.

Samurai, therefore, morphed over centuries from a band of hired enforcers to a finely tuned military culture that still holds dear its treasured rituals and artefacts, and adheres religiously to tradition.


Kyk die video: The Kanem Empire