Wat was die karakter van die Sylva Sylvarum wat dit van vorige werke onderskei het?

Wat was die karakter van die Sylva Sylvarum wat dit van vorige werke onderskei het?


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Die Sylva Sylvarum (1627) word erken as die eerste 'verhandeling oor natuurgeskiedenis'. Sommige beskou dit as die mees volledige werk vir sy tyd.

Maar al in 70AD bestaan ​​daar ander werke, soos Plinius se werk oor Natural History.

Waarom was die moderne van F. Bacon so 'n baken? Het hy 'n manier van kommunikeer bekendgestel wat heeltemal anders was?


'N Interpretasie van die betonmuur by Smith ’s Cove.

Die episode begin by Smith's Cove, waar die bemanning die geheimsinnige betonmuur ondersoek wat aan die einde van die vorige episode ontdek is. Na 'n ligte opgrawing met sy troffel, ontbloot Laird Niven twee rubberagtige pype wat uit die muur se voet uitsteek, wat daarop dui dat die struktuur gemaak is deur soekers uit die 19de of 20ste eeu.

Die middag vergader die bemanning in die Oorlogskamer. Nadat hy die vreemde nuwe ontdekking bespreek het, stel Marty Lagina voor dat die betonmure dalk baie ouer is as die rubberpype, en dat vorige soekers deur die struktuur geboor en die pype daarin geplaas het nadat hulle dit ontdek het. Talk draai dan na die glybaan, langs die betonmuur. Gary Drayton spreek sy oortuiging uit dat die glybaan oorspronklike werk uitmaak en hulle sal help om na die oorspronklike Money Pit te lei.

'N Interpretasie van die glybaan by Smith ’s Cove.

Later besoek Rick Lagina en Dave Blankenship die huis van Dan Blankenship. Daar stel hulle die bejaarde skattejagter in kennis van die nuwe ontdekking en vra hom of hy 'n idee het wat dit kan wees. Dan verduidelik dat die muur voor 1950 gebou moes gewees het, aangesien Robert Restall nooit so iets gebou het tydens sy skattejag in die 1960's nie. Hy stel verder voor dat hulle hout uit die aangrensende glipkoolstof laat dateer, aangesien dit waarskynlik is dat elkeen wat die helling gebou het, óf 'n nuwe of 'n nuwe betonmuur.

Vervolgens vergader die bemanning by die Money Pit, waar Irving Equipment Ltd. besig is met H8. Die kontrakteurs gebruik die ossillator om die H8 -kison 'n paar meter op te lig voordat hulle die materiaal wat met 'n hamer in die bodem beweeg het, opgrawe. Die eerste hamergreep, wat op 'n diepte van 168 voet kom, lewer fragmente van ou hout, wat volgens Craig Tester deel uitmaak van die Chappell -kluis.

Na 'n kort ondersoek word die H8 buit op 'n wasbord gelê en met die hand deur Jack Begley en Charles Barkhouse geïnspekteer. Nadat hy nog 'n paar stukke hout gevind het, ontdek Jack Begley 'n handjievol van die perkamentfragmente wat swart is. Later ontdek hy 'n fyn wit stukkie materiaal wat op papier lyk.

Later die dag ontmoet Craig Tester en Jack Begley met Doug Crowell en Paul Troutman by die Oak Island Research Center. Daar ondersoek hulle die nuwe materiaal wat in die H8 -buit gevind is, onder 'n digitale mikroskoop. Een van die swart stukkies blyk leer te wees. 'N Ander stuk materiaal, wat perkament moet wees, bevat merke in geel en rooi verf of ink. Doug Crowell stel voor dat die kleur afkomstig is van 'n gestileerde voorletter, of 'n druppel pet, van 'n verligte manuskrip. Die bemanningslede is dit eens dat hulle die gekleurde pigmente of kleurstowwe deur 'n deskundige moet laat ontleed.

Later ontmoet die Oak Island -bemanning Randall Sullivan in die Money Pit -omgewing. Die broers Lagina en Sullivan stap af na die Oorlogskamer, waar die skrywer die skatkissers die eerste eksemplare van sy nuwe boek oorhandig Die vloek van Oak Island: die verhaal van die langste skattejag ter wêreld. Sullivan spreek sy oortuiging uit dat sy boek die 'gesaghebbendste en vermaaklikste geskiedenis van Oak Island' is. Hy beweer dat sy navorsing daartoe gelei het dat die gewilde legende van die ontdekking van die Money Pit akkuraat is en dat hy gedeeltelik deel is van die teorie dat Francis Bacon die man agter die raaisel van die Eiland is. Daarna vind hy 'n gedeelte uit die boek van die natuurgeskiedenis van Francis Bacon Sylva Sylvarum wat die leser opdrag gee om ''n kuil te grawe op die seestrand' ', begin bo die hoogwatermerk tot 'n punt onder seevlak.


Jamesgray2

'N Paar jaar gelede, in die vroeë 1990's, het 'n vooraanstaande bibliotekaris my gevra: Wag jy totdat jy vyf spekvleis het en dan 'n katalogus druk? ” en ek het by myself gedink dat jy nie die boek gelees het nie ander?

Maar ek het regtig geweet daar is iets daaraan, so ek het in reaksie 'n kort katalogus met spek gedoen!

Terwyl ek my nuwe reeks katalogusse Fascicule VII skryf, dink ek dat ek 'n bietjie spek moet insluit? Die antwoord is natuurlik waarom ek nie sou nie? Wel, ek het eintlik baie katalogusse sonder Bacon -titels daarin, maar in die meeste van Generaal, Varia, nuwelinge of Raklyste daar was nog altyd 'n spek of twee, en met goeie rede. Meer as enige Engelse skryfwerk van Francis Bacon ’ se werke beliggaam die gees van die vroeë moderne Engeland:

694G Bacon, Francis. 1561-1626

Die opstel of raad, ciuill en moreel, van Francis Lo. Verulam, Burggraaf St. Alban

Londen: Gedruk deur Iohn Hauiland, en word verkoop deur R. Allot, 1629

$3,500
Kwart, 7 x 6 duim. Dit is die eerste uitgawe met “ Van die kleure van goed en euill ” het 'n afdelingsbladbladregister is deurlopend. Sommige afskrifte is moontlik sonder hierdie uitgereik, maar die huidige afskrif het dit. A- 2V 2X (a) 2Y-3C. Ingebind in die oorspronklike slap velijn, (sonder bande), onlangs teruggegooi en 'n bietjie verkreukel, maar 'n baie groot, skoon en ongekunstelde kopie van 'n vroeë kwarto -uitgawe

'Opstelle van [Bacon's], die vrug van sy politieke en sosiale waarnemings, is die eerste keer gepubliseer in 1597, vergroot in 1612 en weer in 1625. Hierdie 1629 -uitgawe bevat al 58 essays.
Van Bacon se literêre, anders as sy filosofiese en professionele werke, is die opstelle verreweg die gewildste en belangrikste; hulle is die oorspronklikste van al die werke van Bacon, die wat hy in detail blyk te wees die mees volledig uitgedink vir homself, afgesien van boeke en versamelings van gewone plekke. Hierdie uitgawe wemel inderdaad van aanhalings en illustrasies, maar dit word deur sy eie saak voorgestel en stel dit nie voor nie. Alhoewel die opstelle dieselfde titel het as die groter versameling Montaigne, het die twee werke min gemeen, behalwe die seldsame krag van opwindende belangstelling en die onmiskenbare teken van genie wat op hulle albei beïndruk is. ” (DNB) Sy lang 'n poging om die intellektuele gewoontes van die Europese gees te hervorm, het begin met die publikasie van The Advancement of Learning in 1605, wat die nuttelose skolastiek aangeval het wat die groei van kennis en die geestelike vooroordele wat mense in onkunde gehelp het, belemmer het. Bowenal betreur hy die swak en deurmekaar stand van kennis oor die werking van die natuurlike wêreld. Novum Organum, begin omstreeks 1608, gepubliseer in 1620, het 'n sistematiese studie van die natuurlike wêreld en die oorsake van dinge aangevra, en stel die induktiewe metode voor as die betroubaarste ondersoekinstrumente. Bacon het die beginsels van die

eksperimentele metode in hierdie boek, en ontwikkel dit in De Augmentis, 1623. Sylva Sylvarum, 'n voorstel van 1 000 eksperimente wat onderneem moet word, is postuum in 1627 gepubliseer, tesame met New Atlantis, 'n Utopiese fragment wat omstreeks 1617 geskryf is, wat die grondlegging van 'n kollege vir wetenskaplike navorsing. 'N Kort boek wat in sy leeftyd baie gewild was, was De Sapientia Veterum, 1609 (vertaal as The Wisdom of the Ancients, 1619), wat probeer aantoon het dat die mites van die Grieke gekodeerde weergawes van hul kennis van die fisiese wêreld was. (Aangehaal uit The Seventeenth Century, deur Graham Perry, bladsye 264-265.)

STC 1149 Gibson 15 Pforzheimer 31.

179F Bacon, Francis. 1561-1626

Die twee boeke van sr Francis Bacon, oor die vaardigheid en vordering van leer, goddelik en Hvmane. Aan die Koning.

Oxford: Gedruk deur I.L. Drukker aan die Vniversity, vir Thomas Huggins, 1633 $ 1,750

Quarto, 6,75 x 4,8 duim. Derde uitgawe. A-Z4, Aa-Tt4.

Hierdie eksemplaar is in volle negentiende -eeuse skape gebind.
'Bacon […] het homself aangepak om te werk aan sy filosofie, die plan vir mansopleiding wat al so lank in sy gedagtes was. Bacon het nou ernstig beplan en sy planne op papier geplaas, en het hierdie eerste boek die vooruitgang van leer genoem. […] Bacon het 'n voorlopige kort verklaring geskryf, […] 'The Interpretation of Nature, or the Kingdom of Man.' Die natuur was vir Bacon die mens se ware koninkryk, eeue lank verwaarloos deur kerkmanne wat op soek was na 'n koninkryk in die hemel, of deur geleerdes wat die wêreld oor hulle en die bewyse van hul sintuie verag het. Maar om hierdie nuwe koninkryk van die natuur te bereik, moet mense nuwe kaarte van verkenning teken. 'Diegene wat nie wil raai en goddelik is nie,' het Bacon geskryf, 'maar om te ontdek en te weet wat voorstel om die aard van hierdie wêreld self te ondersoek en te ontleed, gaan vir alles self na die feite' '(aangehaal uit Francis Bacon The Temper of a Man, Catherine Drinker Bowen, bladsy 105)

STC 1166, F, HN, HD, ILL, PML, +. Gibson 83

213F Bacon, Francis. 1561-1626

Van die vordering en vaardigheid van leer of die verdelings van wetenskappe ix Boeke wat in Latyn geskryf is deur die mees vooraanstaande beroemde en beroemde Lord Francis Bacon Baron van Verulam Vicont St Alban Counsilour of Estate en Lord Chancellor van Engeland. Vertolk deur Gilbert Wats.

Oxford: Gedruk deur Leon: Lichfield, Printer to the University, vir Rob: Young, en Ed: Forrest, 1640 [colophon gedateer 1640] $ 2,800

Klein folio, 260 x 175 mm. Eerste volledige uitgawe van hierdie werk in Engels. ¶4, ¶¶2, ¶¶¶1, A2, B-C4, aa-gg4, hh2, † 4, †† 2, † 1, A-Z4, Aa-Zz4, Aaa-Qqq4, Rrr2. voltooi.

'En selfs die titelblad [die gegraveerde titelblad wat in hierdie kopie voorkom], word dit nou duidelik, kondig hierdie figuur aan, want die pilare van Hercules verteenwoordig ook die tempel van die wêreld waardeur die skip van apokaliptiese verkenning gaan, net soos een gaan deur die tweelingpilare voor Salomo se tempel. By die bespreking van die leuse van die Great Instauration, plus ultra, en Daniël se profesie in The Advancement of Learning, sê Bacon: 'Want dit kan werklik tot eer van hierdie tye en in 'n deugsame navolging met die oudheid bevestig word dat hierdie groot gebou van die wêreld het nog nooit deurligte daarin gemaak nie, tot op die ouderdom van ons en ons vaders. 'Die graveerder Thomas Cecill [wat die beeld vir die 1620 -uitgawe gegraveer het. Die graver hier is W. Marshall, nadat Cecill] hierdie groot gebou as die tempel van Salomo gesien het. ” (aangehaal uit Francis Bacon and Modernity, deur Charles Whitney, bladsy 33) 'n Gegraveerde portret van Bacon is voor die titel gebind. Dit is gedateer 1626. Hierdie kopie het die gewone geringe roes, die papier is taamlik helder en skoon, met die oorspronklike indruk nog steeds sigbaar. Dit is 'n mooi eksemplaar van 'n baie belangrike boek. Die binding is vol kalf uit die sewentiende eeu. Met die voorletters F. L goud gestempel om 'n vergulde sentrale versiering

“Partitiones Scientiarum, 'n oorsig van die wetenskappe wat bestaan ​​het, of wat nodig was om weer opgestel te word - in werklikheid 'n

inventaris van al die besittings van die menslike verstand. Die beroemde indeling waarop hierdie opname verloop, is gebaseer op 'n ontleding van die fakulteite en voorwerpe van menslike kennis. Hierdie afdeling word verteenwoordig deur die De Augmentis Scientiarum [The Advancement of Learning]. ”

'Die groot motief van Bacon in sy poging om die wetenskappe opnuut te vind, was die intense oortuiging dat die kennis wat die man besit, hom min gehelp het. 'Die kennis waarvan die wêreld nou besit word, veral die van die natuur, strek nie tot die omvang en sekerheid van die werke nie.' die menslike verstand, was daar niks anders as ydel idees en blinde eksperimente nie. … Filosofie is nie die wetenskap van goddelike en menslike dinge nie; dit is nie die soeke na waarheid nie. 'Ek vind dat selfs diegene wat vir hulleself kennis gesoek het, en nie tot voordeel of pronk nie, of enige praktiese inskakeling in hul lewens, tog 'n verkeerde merk aan hulleself gestel het, naamlik tevredenheid (wat mense waarheid noem) en nie operasie nie. '' Is daar 'n geluk soos dat 'n mens se verstand bo die verwarring van dinge verhef word, waar hy die vooruitsig het van die orde van die natuur en die dwaling van die mens? Maar is dit slegs 'n siening van vreugde en nie van ontdekking nie? van tevredenheid en nie van voordeel nie? Sal hy nie net die rykdom van die natuur se pakhuise onderskei as die skoonheid van haar winkel nie? Is die waarheid ooit onvrugbaar? Sal hy nie daardeur waardige gevolge kan hê en die lewe van die mens met oneindige goedere kan bekostig nie? 'Filosofie is heeltemal prakties; dinge. Hierdie waarheid is egter nog nooit erken nie, maar daar is nog nie gesien dat die ware doel van alle wetenskap is 'om die toestand en lewe van die mens nuwe kragte of werke te gee' of 'om die grense van die krag en grootheid van die mens. '”(aangehaal uit die Encyclopedia Britannica, elfde uitgawe, deel 3, bladsy 145.)

464F Bacon, Francis. 1561-1626

Sylva Sylvarum, Of, 'n natuurlike geskiedenis, in tien eeue. Geskryf deur die regte agbare Francis Lo. Verulam, Burggraaf van St. Alban. Gepubliseer na die dood van die skrywers, deur William Rawley, Doctor in Divinitie, One of His Majesties Chaplaines. Hierby word nou 'n alfabetiese tabel van die belangrikste dinge in die tien eeue bygevoeg.

Londen: Gedruk deur John Haviland vir William Lee, en word verkoop deur Iohn Williams, 1635 $ 3,200

Folio, 7 x 10,4 in. Vierde uitgawe. π2, A-Z6, Aa-Bb6, Cc4, a-g4 (g4 is leeg). Die gegraveerde titelblad en portret van Bacon gedateer tot onderskeidelik 1631 en 1631 is albei in hierdie bundel aanwesig. Hierdie eksemplaar is in sy oorspronklike volle kalf gebind. Bind styf en vas. 'N Goeie skoon kopie van 'n vroeë uitgawe.

'Die nuwe metode [die groot plan van Bacon, die Instauratio Magna], is nutteloos, want dit is nie van toepassing nie, tensy dit voorsien word van materiaal wat behoorlik ingesamel en aangebied word - in werklikheid, tensy 'n bekwame natuurgeskiedenis van die Phenomena Universi gevorm word. 'N Kort inleidende skets van die vereistes van so 'n natuurgeskiedenis, wat volgens Bacon noodsaaklik, noodsaaklik is, die basis totius negotii, word gegee in die traktaat Parasceve, aangeheg aan die Novum Organum. Die belangrikste werke wat bedoel is om gedeeltes uit die geskiedenis te vorm, en óf deur homself gepubliseer óf in die manuskrip gelaat is, is historia Ventorum, Historia Vitae et Mortis, Historia Densi et Rari, en die uitgebreide versameling feite en waarnemings met die titel Sylva Sylvarum [… ]

'Die natuur het hom dus in Bacon se gedagtes voorgestel as 'n groot aantal verskynsels, die manifestasies van enkele eenvoudige en primitiewe eienskappe, wat vir ons weggesteek is deur die kompleksiteit van die dinge self. Die wêreld was 'n groot labirint, te midde van die kronkels waarvan ons 'n idee of draad benodig, waardeur ons ons weg na kennis kan volg en daarvandaan na die mag. Hierdie draad, die filum labyrinthi, is die nuwe metode van induksie. Maar soos gereeld opgemerk is, kon die nuwe metode nie toegepas word nie, totdat feite waargeneem en versamel is. Dit is 'n onontbeerlike voorlopige. 'Die mens, die dienskneg en tolk van die natuur, kan soveel doen en verstaan, en soveel as wat hy in werklikheid waargeneem het of in gedagte gehou het oor die verloop van die natuur hierbo, hy weet niks of kan niks nie.' Die stelling dat ons kennis van die natuur begin noodwendig met waarneming en ervaring, is algemeen vir Bacon en baie hedendaagse hervormers van die wetenskap, maar hy het 'n eienaardige spanning daarop gelê en 'n nuwe betekenis gegee. Wat hy eintlik met waarneming bedoel het, was 'n bekwame natuurgeskiedenis of versameling feite. 'Die vaste grondslag van 'n suiwerder natuurlike filosofie word in die natuurgeskiedenis gelê.' 'Eerstens moet ons 'n natuurlike en eksperimentele geskiedenis voorberei, voldoende en goed, en dit is die grondslag van alles.' (EB)

Hierdie boek is 'die grondslag van almal', wat bestaan ​​uit al Bacon se empiriese eksperimente saam met sy utopiese fabel, The New Atlantis. STC 1172 Gibson #174.

693G Bacon, Francis. 1561-1626

The History Of the Reigne of King HenryThe Seventh. Geskryf deur die regter Hon: Francis Lo: Verulam, Burggraaf S. Alban. Waarna is nou 'n baie nuttige en noodsaaklike tabel bygevoeg.

Londen: Gedruk deur I.H. en R.Y. en word verkoop deur Philemon Stephens en Christopher Meredith, At the Signe of the Golden Lyon in Pauls-Church-yard, 1629. $ 1,100

Folio, 11 1/3 x 7 1/2 duim. Derde uitgawe. 'N Heruitgawe, met kanselleer titelblad, van die 1628 -uitgawe. [A2], B-Z4, Aa-Ll4, Kk5. Die titelblad is gedruk binne 'n groot en aantreklike houtsnyrand.

Hierdie kopie het nie die portret van Henry nie.

'Van die historiese werke bly, behalwe 'n paar fragmente uit die geprojekteerde geskiedenis van Brittanje, die History of Henry VII, 'n waardevolle werk, wat 'n duidelike en geanimeerde verhaal van die bewind gee en Henry met groot vaardigheid kenmerk. Die styl is in harmonie met die saak, sterk en vloeiende, maar natuurlik met minder eienaardigheid en rykdom wat geskik is vir meer deurdagte en oorspronklike geskrifte. ” (Encyclopedia Britannica, elfde uitgawe, inskrywing oor Bacon.) Bacon se 'Historie', wat prakties as die vroegste van Engelse historiese monografieë beskou kan word, is eintlik in 1621 saamgestel, waarskynlik nadat Bacon, by sy vrylating uit die toring, teruggekeer het na Gorhambury. […] Dit is hoofsaaklik gebaseer op Bernard André en Polydore Vergil, saam met Fabyan en die latere kroniekskrywers, en 'n paar toevoegings deur Stow, en meer spesifiek deur Speed, waarvan sommige foute deur Bacon gekopieer is .
Hierdie lewe was egter allermins 'n stuk samestelling, nie in ontwerp of uitvoering nie. Die opvatting van die karakter van Henry VII dateer uit 'n vroeë periode van Bacon se loopbaan, soos bewys word deur 'n fragment van 'n geskiedenis van die Tudor van Henry VIII tot Elizabeth, ontdek deur Spedding, wat ook blykbaar die idee van Mackintosh weerlê dat die 'Historie' 'is geskryf, nie net (soos dit in 'n sekere sin beslis was nie) om Jakobus I te regverdig, maar ook om hom te vlei deur Henry VII as 'n modelkoning en die prototipe van die regerende monarg voor te stel. […] “ Die styl van hierdie werk het 'n soort sjarme wat afwesig is in 'n paar van Bacon se geskrifte, wat altyd die bekoring van diep waters het, en die slotsin van die werk is buitengewoon grasieus. Die vrymoedigheid van die skrywer vir Latynse vorme (“militar, ” “ indubiate, ” en so meer is duidelik dat die Latynse vertaling van sy boek óf deur homself óf onder sy eie oog gemaak is. ” (Cambridge History of English Literature. Vol. VII Ch. 9.)


1. Inleiding

Die studie van groente verteenwoordig een van die hoofonderwerpe in Bacon's Sylva sylvarum. Nie net kwantitatief nie, want plante beslaan ongeveer 'n derde van die hele boek, maar die eeue oor plante is een van die mees gestruktureerde, en dit toon dat Bacon veral belangstel in die onderwerp. Die sleutel tot die begrip van Bacon se belangstelling kan gevind word in beide syne Sylva sylvarum en die Historia vitae et mortis, waar Bacon verduidelik hoe die resultate van die bestudering van sekere prosesse in plante later oorgedra en op diere en mense toegepas kan word. In die konteks van sy bespreking van voedende voedsel en drank, spreek Bacon die vraag oor hoe voeding in die liggaam opgeneem word. Een van die maniere waarop die proses van assimilasie vertraag word, is wanneer dele van 'n liggaam nie meer vinnig en kragtig die voeding kan inneem nie. Dit lei tot verval. Bacon beskryf Aristoteles en verduidelik waarom plante langer as diere leef: omdat hulle voortdurend nuwe blare en takke groei. Die nuwe takke het meer krag om voeding te verkry, wat in die verbygaan ook die ouer dele van die plant voed en hul lewensduur verleng. Bacon se doel met die bespreking van plante is om sy waarnemings na die diereryk oor te dra. Maar aangesien dit onmoontlik is vir diere om iets soortgelyk aan nuwe takke te kweek, moet hulle op 'n ander metode staatmaak, naamlik die herstel van wat maklik herstel kan word, en die herlewing van wat nie is nie:

Gee hierdie waarneming dus oor na die hulp van voeding by lewende wesens: die edelste en vernaamste gebruik hiervan, vir die verlenging van lewensherstel van 'n mate van jeug en die feit dat die dele seker is, dat daar dele in lewende wesens is voed en herstel maklik, en dele wat amper voed en herstel, en u moet maklik verfris en vernuwe, sodat die ander verfris kan word en (as't ware) in die gedeelte kan eet. (Die werke van Francis Bacon, red. Spedding, Ellis en Heath, II, p. 364. Hierna SEH)

Hierdie soort oordrag van kennis van een klas wesens na 'n ander kom baie gereeld voor in Bacon se natuurlike historiese werk. Byvoorbeeld, die Historia vitae et mortis begin deur lewelose liggame te bestudeer en dra dan die kennis oor na die menslike liggaam (Die Oxford Francis Bacon XII, bl. 151. Hierna OFB.). Op dieselfde manier word prosesse soos groei en bogenoemde voeding en assimilasie deurgaans in plante ondersoek Sylva en die Historia vitae et mortis met die doel om dit oor te dra na diere en veral aan mense om siektes te genees, gesondheid te bewaar en lewens te verleng. Om nog 'n voorbeeld te gee, lei gebakte alimente volgens Bacon tot die behoud van gesondheid en lewensverlenging. Bacon se argument ten gunste van hierdie teorie is 'n duidelike analogie tussen enting, die proses wat die een plant voed op die reeds gemaakte sap van die ander plant (en die ent dus nie tyd spandeer aan die verwerking van die voeding en dit net assimileer nie), en voed op sop en sous, wat onmiddellik geassimileer kan word omdat dit reeds gaar is. 1 Wat nog belangriker is, 'n groot deel van die eeue op plante uit Sylva bestudeer die prosesse en stowwe wat hierdie aantrekkingskrag van voeding kan produseer, en die proses van enting en assimilasie, met eksperimente en resepte wat ook in die Historia vitae et mortis of met verwysings na die resepte wat in ander dele in Sylva.

Hierdie moontlikheid om kennis van een ondersoekgebied na 'n ander oor te dra, is 'n belangrike kenmerk van Bacon se natuurlike filosofie en dit kenmerk sy opvatting van natuurlike magie, die superieure operatiewe wetenskap. Omdat dit berus op die kennis van die natuur gebaseer op materieleer (wat Bacon 'metafisika' noem, die kennis van vorms), kan natuurlike magie voorwerpe verander deur tegnieke wat nie ontdek is deur die voorwerpe self te ondersoek nie. Hierdie eienskap berus op die voorveronderstelling van Bacon dat die basiese aptyt en bewegings van materie vir alle saamgestelde liggame identies is. 2

By die opstel van sy eksperimente met plante vir Sylva, Het Bacon swaar geleen by Della Porta's Magia naturalis en laasgenoemde se eksperimentele verslae opgeneem in sy eie stelsel om die natuur te ondersoek. Die doel van hierdie artikel is om aan te toon hoe Bacon 'n wetenskap van natuurlike magie bou op die leen van Della Porta, wie se eksperimente volgens Bacon se eie definisies op meganiese vlak die minderwaardige operatiewe wetenskap bly in vergelyking met magie. Ek beweer dat Bacon, in teenstelling met Della Porta, wat gemoeid was met die transformasie van individuele plante en die vervaardiging van 'nuuskierighede', die ontdekking was van die geheime prosesse van materie, met die uiteindelike doel om hierdie inligting te gebruik om die menslike lewe te verleng. 3 Die manier waarop Bacon 'n wetenskap van magie bou met behulp van Della Porta se verslae, kan slegs verstaan ​​word deur 'n gedetailleerde ontleding van sy veranderinge aan die Italiaanse eksperimentele verslae. Die keuse van gevalle, spesifieke veranderinge aan geleende gevallebeskrywings (veralgemenings, byvoegings van oorsaaklike verklarings en metodologiese kritiek) en die herrangskikking van die gedeeltes vorm argumente ten gunste van hierdie tesis. Benewens hierdie vergelyking, wat die kenmerke van Bacon se metode om met bronne om te sien, openbaar, bevat hierdie artikel ook 'n aantal gevalle van voorheen onbekende lenings uit die Magia naturalis.

Bacon se verhouding met die tradisie van Renaissance -magie is gedebatteer. Paolo Rossi is van mening dat magie en alchemie 'min of geen invloed op spek' gehad het (Rossi 1987, p. 21) en dat sy wetenskap 'n reaksie op Renaissance -magie was (Rossi 1987, p. 11). Hierdie visie is uitgedaag deur Sophie Weeks, wat beweer het dat Bacon se magie nie 'n reaksie was nie, maar eerder 'n suiwering van bedrog en fantasieë (Weeks 2007, p. 22). Boonop het Weeks, met die bespreking van Bacon se magiese wetenskap, dit ook beweer Sylva is 'n toepassing daarvan, maar sonder om die onderwerp verder te ontwikkel. Weke se argumente is gebaseer op die feit dat Bacon self aangebied het Sylva as natuurlike magie 4 en oor die aanwesigheid van prosesse soos "weergawe", "omskakeling", "perfekte mengsel" of "rypwording" (Weeks 2007, bl. 29 n70). Alhoewel ek saamstem met haar algemene bewering dat Sylva Bacon se magiese wetenskap verduidelik: daar kan beter argumente aangevoer word ter ondersteuning van hierdie bewering, aangesien die operasies wat deur Weke genoem word, ook op meganiese vlak uitgevoer kan word, en dit nie die spesifiekheid van magie verteenwoordig nie.

In die volgende sal ek argumente aanbied wat aantoon waarom die eksperimente geleen is uit die Magia naturalis vertoon die eienskappe wat spek aan natuurlike magie toeken, terwyl die van Della Porta op 'n minderwaardige vlak bly. Ek sal die tweede afdeling begin deur aan te dui waarom die gebruik van bronne so belangrik is in die idee van Bacon om 'n natuurgeskiedenis te bou, en waarom die boek Della Porta oor plante die hoofbron vir Bacon se eie eeue oor dieselfde onderwerp was. In die derde afdeling gee ek 'n volledige uiteensetting van die veranderinge waaraan Della Porta se eksperimente onderwerp is. Al hierdie veranderinge, soos veralgemenings van die onderwerp, byvoeging van oorsaaklike verduidelikings, metodologiese kritiek, die seleksie van eksperimente, herrangskikking van die gedeeltes en van die eksperimente onder verskillende onderwerpe, lei tot die gevolgtrekking dat Della Porta en Bacon verskillende belangstellings het eksperimenteer met plante, en dat Bacon die boek van Della Porta gebruik het om die kennis van die natuur te bevorder. Hierdie aspek sal breedvoerig bespreek word in die laaste afdeling van hierdie referaat, waar ek Bacon se opvattings oor materie teorie, metafisika en magie sal voorstel en verduidelik waarom hierdie veranderinge die eksperimente met plante in Sylva, geleen by die Magia naturalis, tot op die vlak van natuurlike magie.


Francis Bacon: Opsommings en opsommings van groot werke

Hierdie aantekeninge is deur lede van die GradeSaver -gemeenskap bygedra. Ons is dankbaar vir hul bydraes en moedig u aan om u eie te maak.

Geskryf deur Lasya Karthik, Bala Murugan, Claudia Santos, Nilanjana Roy

Baie van Francis Bacon se werke was gebaseer op leer: die inherente foute van die gees belemmer dit, hoe ons as mense leerfoute maak en effektiewe maniere om kennis te versamel. Al sy werke was gekoppel aan die kritiek, vooruitgang en verbetering van kennis en leer in die een of ander vorm. Hierdie afdeling dek die belangrikste stellings wat in Bacon se werke voorkom, naamlik die afgode van die gees, die distempers van leer, klassifikasie van kennis en Baconian induksie.

Afgode van die verstand

Bacon het geglo dat die gees op grond van menswees 'n paar inherente foute het, wat reggestel moet word as ons ware en betekenisvolle leer wil beoefen. Die woord afgod word gebruik as afgelei van die klassieke Griekse term "eidolon" wat spook of beeld beteken, net soos Bacon geglo het dat die afgode van die gees valse of fantoombeelde van die wêreld en die natuur sou skep. Daar is vier afgode van die gees:

1. Afgode van die stam: Die 'stam' waarna hier verwys word, is die stam wat die hele mensdom omvat. As mense word ons gebore met aangebore foute in die gees. Hierdie aangebore foute is van die stam omdat hulle by geboorte by ons kom, en is algemeen vir alle mense, nie noodwendig verkry deur blootstelling aan 'n gegewe reeks ervarings nie. Hierdie afgode sluit sintuiglike gebreke in, neigings om voortydige besluite te neem, wensdenkering te doen en verskynsels te oordink, wat meer komplikasies en orde veroorsaak as wat werklik bestaan.

2. Afgode van die grot: Hierdie stel afgode is nie algemeen in die 'stam' nie, maar eerder spesifiek vir elke individu en die 'grot' waarin hulle woon, wat hul gedagtes is. Afhangende van elke persoon se unieke ervarings, verhoudings met die wêreld en met ander en hul blootstelling aan bepaalde dissiplines, ontwikkel hulle hierdie afgode as 'n som van hul lewenservarings. Hierdie afgode behels die neiging om dinge te beskou met betrekking tot die dissipline waarin ons opgelei is, en hierdie eng begrip van die wêreld te gebruik om alle verskynsels tot hul eie persepsie te verminder. Byvoorbeeld: 'n filosoof sal al die natuurverskynsels as twyfelagtig beskou en probeer doel vind.

3. Afgode van die mark: Die mark verwys na die kommunikasie tussen mans, of soos Bacon 'vereniging van mans met mekaar' stel. Die gereedskap wat bydra tot die bestaan ​​van hierdie afgode is woorde en taal. Ons ken abstrakte terme toe of gee naam aan dinge wat slegs in ons gedagtes bestaan. Dit lei tot 'n foutiewe en vae begrip. Ironies genoeg is woorde geskep sodat mense hulself kon uitdruk, maar hierdie besmetting verhinder ons om dit te doen.

4. Afgode van die teater: Dit is weer 'n stel afgode wat ons deur ons onderskeie kultuur leer, 'n praktyk wat deur mense verkry word deur sosialisering en kulturele blootstelling. Dit verwys na die teatraliteit en gesofistikeerdheid in kennis, maar in plaas daarvan om ware kennis te wees, is dit blote nabootsings. Daarom word die metafoor van teater ingevoer. Bacon beskuldig filosowe daarvan dat hulle betrokke was by hierdie spesifieke stel afgode.

Afwykings van leer:

Bacon het oorspronklik die drie leerverskille as "ydelhede" geïdentifiseer. Die distempers is bloot metodes en vorme van leer wat volgens Bacon ondoeltreffend was en tot geen werklike vordering gelei het nie. Daar is drie hoofafwykings geïdentifiseer:

1. Fantastiese leer (of ydele verbeelding): Fantastiese leer is bloot oortuigings, idees en argumente sonder 'n sterk basis in die praktiese en wetenskaplike werklikheid. As 'n man met 'n sterk geloof in die wetenskaplike beginsels van waarneming en eksperimentering, het Bacon nie geglo in wat hy 'pseudowetenskappe' genoem het nie. This kind of learning may be found amongst magicians and astrologers in Bacon’s time and amongst religious leaders and fundamentalists today.

2. Contentious learning (or vain altercations): Contentious learning refers to excessive contestation amongst those deeply entrenched in a particular academic discipline, including arduous arguments about the most minute, inconsequential details, which ultimately lead to no fruitful gain. Bacon lashed out at classical philosophers such as Aristotle for engaging in such learning which ultimately benefits no one.

3. Delicate learning (or vain affectations): Bacon named this particular learning as “delicate” because in his opinion, it lacked true academic rigor. The rigor was missing because those engaging in this type of learning merely focused on form and not content, or “style over substance”. Such emphasis leads to beautifully worded prose, which lacks any kind of depth. No new discoveries or recoveries of knowledge are made, and therefore, such learning is delicate and not true and rigorous. Bacon believed that engaging in these three kinds of learning would lead to two main ill effects, namely “prodigal ingenuity” (waste of talent and mental resources) and “sterile results” (no fruitful outcome beneficial to the wider world).

Induction, as per its definition, is the inference of general from specific instances. Classically, philosophers had a method wherein they would jump to general conclusions after examining only a few specific instances, and then work backwards for a thorough verification processes. Taking an example of clothes. If we conclude that “all clothes bought from stores are clean and without holes” we are immediately skipping over the process of identifying each store, and concluding and confirming that clothes from Forever 21 and H&M and Primark are all clean and without holes. Instead, we just jump to the conclusion. If we set out to verify this fact, and we find one garment in a particular shop that is dirty and has a hole in it, our entire theory and research up to that point become nullified.

Bacon’s approach to induction was rather different. He believed in going from very specific to general, over a rigorous period of research to confirm a hypothesis. Instead of directly drawing a conclusion, a researcher following Bacon’s method would first visit all the shops available, survey the garments and ensure they are clean and without holes, and only then proceed to make a general conclusion like “all clothes bought from stores are clean and without holes.” Bacon’s approach, according to him, is foolproof. This is because it enables the researcher to build “a stable edifice of knowledge”. If one shirt at a particular store does not match the condition, then the survey work done before does not go to waste. Instead, the researcher merely concludes that only store X and Y sell clean and hole free clothing. Therefore, knowledge is stable.

However, there were criticisms to this method, with contemporary thinkers questioning just how much research is needed before making a general conclusion. Moreover, such an approach completely ignores the role of imagination and theorizing a hypothesis. Many great discoveries in history were made by those who imagined a particular idea and proceeded to test it, and not vice versa. Either way, Bacon provides a unique picture of rigorous academic research and induction.

Classification of Knowledge

Not only did Bacon have strong ideas about how knowledge should be collected, he also held strong ideas about how existing knowledge must be classified for optimum benefit to human learning. In his expanded version of the Advancement of Learning (De Dignitate), he proposed a threefold classification of knowledge: History, Poesy (poetry) and Philosophy. These three disciplines represent memory, imagination and reason respectively. He believed that these three disciplines would lead to true advancement, and that the importance of philosophy must be greatly elevated in order for academics to truly progress. As a scientific thinker, he denounced and greatly looked down upon the humanist subjects, namely literature and history. To him, history was a mere collection of facts and poesy was an expressive device it was philosophy that had to take center stage.

Bacon's essay "Of Studies" shows his abilities of persuasion. He creates a metaphor between literature and medicine, stating that as medicine can cure the problems of the body, literature can heal the defects of the mind. The essay has a clear structure, and it groups elements in groups of three. Indeed, Bacon exposes his opinion, but with structure and a formal philosophical language make it appear as the truth in order to convince the audience of what he is saying. Studying different genres helps to cure different defects of the mind.

Other Works:

However, Bacon did publish a great number of works that were not, at the surface level, of a philosophical nature. Some of his historical and biographical works include the History of the Reign of King Henry the Seventh and a subsequent volume about Henry the Eighth. These were a product of Bacon’s prolonged involvement in British political life as a statesman. He also authored “A Natural History in Ten Centuries” or “Sylva Sylvarum”. This was a work divided into ten parts (each roughly designed to represent one century) and each part was divided into an impressive one hundred subparts. In this work, Bacon covered anything and everything that caught his attention, from bodily processes to geographical phenomena by chronicling experiments and observations as well as penning down his own personal thoughts on this varied range of subjects. His science fiction novel, “The New Atlantis” was published only after his death. It tells the story of a group of researchers in Salomon’s House (a research institution) who conduct experiments and attempt to gather knowledge.

These academic endeavors are seen to culminate in inventions which are both useful and practical for society, and will ultimately be shared with the world. While it is not a “literary work” in the truest sense of the term, it provides a valuable insight into Bacon’s vision for what true academia must aim to accomplish. Bacon did not end up publishing a “Magnum Opus” work, but his work Magna Instauratio or the Great Instauration was in progress, and parts of it were published after his death. He decided back in 1592 that he would devote himself to the field of learning, and restructuring and even “rehabilitating” it. The Magna Instauratio was visualized by Bacon to be an all-encompassing work, consisting of his views on learning to logic to science. Bacon’s wide body of work was created in an astonishingly short period of time, reflecting his genius. His contributions to learning and classification of knowledge, and his dedication to the same is highly commendable.

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An intellectual journey for the discovery of new worlds

Re-reading the New Atlantis, one aspect in particular caught my attention in the beginning of the story. I noticed that the sailors’ attitude is very similar to the one described by the Spanish conquistadores, as it appears, for instance, in Bernal Diaz del Castillo’s story of Conquering the Aztec Empire. In the case of the New Atlantis and the arrival of the Spanish sailors, the Bensalemites take up the role of the natives, with only one difference. While both the natives and the Bensalemites are offering gifts to the respective ‘visitors’, the natives’ gift to the Spaniards is gold, the Bensalemites’ gift is the method of science. Before describing Salomon’s House, the Father says: “I will give thee the greatest jewel I have. For I will impart unto thee, for the love of God and men, the relation of the true state of Salomon’s House.”

Upon noticing this parallel, a new reading of the text occurred to me. A reading according to which Bacon sees himself as the equivalent of Columbus in the field of science: while the conquistadores were returning from the Great Atlantis with material jewels, Bacon’s sailors were returning with a more precious one: the method.

What is so special about the Island of Bensalem? We don’t know much about it, in fact. Bacon describes three main episodes: the revelation, the Feast of the Family, and the description of the House of Salomon. The first can be seen as a necessity in Bacon’s time, given the power of the Church. The second is a puzzling ceremony celebrating fecundity, and the last is an inventory of the discoveries, richness, and the scientific offices. Scholars have engaged in long discussions, and showed that the Feast of the Family as well as Salomon’s House are reflections of Bacon’s method in general (Garber 2010), of the Instances from the Novum Organum or of some experiments from his natural histories (Colclough 2010). If this is so, then Salomon’s House instantiates Bacon’s laboratory, maybe the ideal one, since Bacon didn’t own mountains and caves, and all the metals and precious stones. However, it has also been suggested that some of the machines he describes were already existing at James I’s court (Colie 1955). Why do we have to travel to the New Atlantis then? My suggestion is that Bacon’s travel is an intellectual one: Bensalem is the place where his philosophical method is put into practice.

In several parts of his works, Bacon talks about the discovery of Americas as the emblem of leaving behind the world of the ancients with the aim of pursing knowledge. Philosophers should follow Columbus, Bacon says, who crossed the Pillars of Hercules and ventured into the great ocean, finding the lost island of Atlantis. In other words, they should leave behind the philosophy of the Scholastics and discover new things through a careful investigation of nature. Accordingly, the frontispiece of the Instauratio Magna, Bacon’s project for the reformation of knowledge, depicts ships crossing the Pillars of Hercules. The frontispiece of the edition including the New Atlantis depicts the Pillars again, but this time instead of the ocean and the ships, we see a globe on which it is written “Mundus intellectualis. ” For this travel to the intellectual world we only need the right method.

The New Atlantis ends with the suggestion that the sailors should go back to their homeland and describe what they have seen and heard. Correspondingly, Bacon himself is the messenger of the new philosophy, in spite of the fear of not being believed. But then, of course, hundreds of years later one can claim that he will be believed by all those who founded societies and academies in the early modern period.

I would like to finish with one question: the text mentions thirteen other travellers who returned from Bensalem to Europe, but probably their stories were not believed. Following my interpretation, these would be Bacon’s predecessors, who had founded the right method, but no one believed them, and their philosophies did not have the desired consequences. Who are these thirteen? Let’s try to find out together.

Colclough, David. 2010. “‘The Materialls for the Building’: Reuniting Francis Bacon’s Sylva Sylvarum en New Atlantis” Intellectual History Review 20/12, pp. 181-200.

Colie, Rosalie, L. 1995. “Cornelis Drebbel and Salomon de Caus: Two Jacobean Models for Salomon’s House,” Huntington Library Quarterly 18/3, pp. 245-260.

Díaz del Castillo, Bernal. 1943. Historia verdadera de la conquista de Nueva España. Mexico City: Nuevo Mundo.

Garber, Dan. 2010. “Bacon, the New Atlantis, and the Uses of Utopia,” Studii de Stiinta si Cultura 23/4, pp. 37-45.


4. Experimental Series and Patterns of Inquisition in Sylva Sylvarum: An Example

In order to further inquire into the heuristic of Bacon’s natural historical recordings, it is worth having a look at a more particular example of experimental series. In this section I propose to investigate a particular experimental series recorded in the Sylva Sylvarum, under the name “Experiments in consort touching the version and transmutation of air into water.” The series consist of seven experiments, apparently very diverse. 8 The first is a transcription of a Plinian recipe for obtaining fresh water at sea from wool hung around the sides of the ship at night. The second also begins with “it is reported by the ancients” and transcribes a report of the “version of air into water” in sealed caves. 9 The third records instances of sympathy: fresh wool or cloves can “drink” water from a bowl even if they lie at a certain distance from the water. The fourth is an extension of the same inquiry, showing that sympathetic effects work even if the wool is placed on a closed wooden vessel (SEH vol. II, p. 373). The fifth and the sixth are clearly directions for further experimentation: they extend the discussion to other substances and phenomena, such as the “sweating” of stones and the swelling of wooden doors in cold weather etc. They contain theoretical distinctions and suggest causal explanations. The sixth experiment of the series contains a provisional general rule, i.e., that air always becomes “moist” and “thickened” against a hard body (SEH vol. II, p. 373). The last experiment of the series is also a “direction”: it suggests that one can extend a well-known recipe for turning water into ice (by adding niter or salt) into a recipe for turning air into water (SEH vol. II, p. 374).

The seven experiments have a similar structure: each begins with a report, continues with a test, and further develops the report either into an experiment properly speaking or into a direction for further experimenting. Here is how the first experiment goes:

It is reported by some of the ancients, that sailors have used, every night, to hang fleeces of wool on the sides of their ships, the wool towards the water and that they have crushed fresh water out of them in the morning, for their use.

And thus much we have tried, that a quantity of wool tied loose together, being let down into a deep well, and hanging in the middle, some three fathom from the water for a night in the winter time, increased in weight (as I now remember) to a fifth part.

A woollen fleece lying on the ground for a long while gains weight, which could not happen unless something pneumatic had condensed into something with weight. (OFB XIII, p. 141)

By hanging four ounces of wool to a rope which I let down into a well to a depth of 28 fathoms, yet which still failed by six fathoms to touch the water, I found that in the course of one night the weight of the wool increased to five ounces and one dram and that evident drops of water clung to the outside of the wool, so that one could as it were wash or moisten one’s hands. Now I tried this time and time again and, although the weight varied, it always increased mildly. (OFB XIII, p. 141)

There are other experiments in the series with a very similar structure and a similar abridged recording. For example, the second experiment begins with a report on air turning into water in sealed, cold caves. In order to test and study further this ancient report, Bacon proposes a “laboratory model” of the described situation. The instrument used is the same inflated bladder I have already discussed in the previous section. Suggestions are again formulated under the form of “directions:”

Try therefore a small bladder hung in snow, and the like in nitre, and the like in quicksilver and if you find the bladders fallen or shrunk, you may be sure the air is condensed by cold of these bodies as it would be in a cave under the earth. (SEH vol. II, p. 373)

In this way, each experiment in the series can function as a pattern of experimental research in a given experimental situation. And the way Bacon achieves this is by developing sub-series of “directions” and “advice” directing further research.

The question remaining is: what is the relation between the seven experiments of the initial series? In the next section I aim to show how they can be seen as being generated one from another, with the help of what Bacon calls the “modes” of literate experience.


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1 It is worth noting, as others have, that Bacon did so not only in his writings, but that he spoke in favor of policies to encourage scientific-technological innovation while in Parliament and throughout his public life ( Farrington , Benjamin , Francis Bacon: Philosopher of Industrial Science [ New York : Schuman , 1949 ], 48 Google Scholar ). Jardine , Lisa and Stewart , Alan cite the same speech, but with a view to a separate point in Hostage to Fortune: The Troubled Life of Francis Bacon 1561–1628 ( New York : Hill and Wang , 1999 ), 256 –57Google Scholar . See also the general remarks of Rahe , Paul in Republics Ancient and Modern: New Modes and Orders in Early Modern Thought ( Chapel Hill : University of North Carolina Press , 1994 ), 116 Google Scholar .

2 Aristotle Politiek 1267b23–1269a26 cf. 1330b31–1331a6. Consider also Thomas Aquinas, Summa Theologica I-II q. 97 a. 2 and the discussion of Archimedes in Plutarch's “Life of Marcellus.” Of course, this is not to claim that the full transformative potential of the institutionalization of a technological science was known in advance. I am aware that there are some prominent and powerful arguments suggesting that modern technology has roots that precede Bacon, but I believe that on the matter of the political encouragement of technological innovation, pre-Baconian thought is virtually univocal. Be this as it may, reconsidering Bacon's arguments provides an occasion for reflection on the fundamental problem.

3 The clearest statement to this effect is found in his rendition and interpretation of the fable of Daedalus in De Sapientia Veterum. For a forceful statement of the importance of this writing and a helpful interpretation see Studer , Heidi , “ Francis Bacon on the Political Dangers of Scientific Progress ,” Canadian Journal of Political Science 31 , no. 2 ( 1998 ): 219 –34CrossRefGoogle Scholar . Consider also the essay “Of Innovations” and Novum Organum, I. 129.

4 Compare the essay “Of Honour and Reputation” and Nov. Org., I. 129. This tension is discussed further below.

5 Peltonen , Markku , “ Politics and Science: Francis Bacon and the True Greatness of States ,” The Historical Journal 35 , no. 2 ( 1992 ): 279 – 305 CrossRefGoogle Scholar “Bacon's Political Philosophy,” in The Cambridge Companion to Bacon, red. Markku Peltonen (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1996), 283–310.

6 Die bevordering van leer, II. viii. 5. Citations to Die vooruitgang are to book, chapter, and paragraph, following the W. A. Wright edition of 1869 (Oxford: Clarendon), and the Kitchin and Weinberger edition of 2001 (Philadelphia: Paul Dry).

7 While in most of Bacon's works there is no doubt but that he is the speaker, Bacon is also a great writer of prefaces and dedicatory epistles. In these he virtually always speaks of himself, and gives some indication, if only elliptically, of what the aim of the work in question is. Examples worth considering in this regard include the prefatory material to Instauratio magna, the epistle introducing The History of the Reign of King Henry the Seventh, that introducing An Advertisement Touching a Holy War, those introducing De Sapientia Veterum, and finally, those introducing the two books of Die bevordering van leer. For an indication that Bacon gives some thought both to the content and the addressee of these epistles, that which introduces The Essays should be consulted. Bacon's silence in New Atlantis thus stands out all the more. This cannot be explained simply by the posthumous publication of the work, for the evidence is clear that Bacon intended the work to appear as it does, and An Advertisement Touching a Holy War, also posthumous, is introduced by a substantial dedicatory epistle. The status of Rawley's note to the reader is discussed below.

8 “From a strictly literary viewpoint, New Atlantis resembles a narrated Platonic dialogue” ( Yaffe , Martin , Shylock and the Jewish Question [ Baltimore : Johns Hopkins University Press , 1997 ], 97 Google Scholar ). Compare, by way of contrast, More's role in Utopie. In his otherwise intelligent essay, David Spitz treats the narrator as Bacon (“Bacon's New Atlantis: A Reinterpretation,” Midwest Journal of Political Science 4, no. 1 [1960]: 52–61). Interpreters occasionally identify Bacon with the pity-faced Father of Salomon's House. Manuel , Frank and Manuel , Fritzie speak of the scientist as “Bacon's idealized self-image” ( Utopian Thought in the Western World [ Cambridge, MA : Harvard University Press , 1979 ], 254 )Google Scholar .

9 Again, compare More's “authorship” of Utopie. If only in jest, More goes to much greater lengths than does Bacon in protesting the truth of what he reports. Perhaps this is some indication of a difference in the status that the description of Utopia has for More as compared to Bacon's relation to Bensalem.

10 This occurs in the course of the discussion of the Bensalemite institution of “Adam and Eve's pools,” which bears a certain similarity to an institution encountered by Hythloday in Utopia. As is typical, the Morean precedent is invoked only to be importantly modified.

11 See the Oxford English Dictionary entries for “utopia” and “utopian,” and the introduction to Manuel and Manuel's Utopian Thought. The question of when “utopia” becomes a genre is controversial. Diskin Clay and Andrea Purvis offer what is perhaps the standard view that More's Utopie was the origin of the genre (Four Island Utopias [Newburyport: Focus, 1999], 1). Paul Salzman suggests that New Atlantis plays a key role in originating the genre (“Narrative Contexts for Bacon's New Atlantis, "In Francis Bacon's “New Atlantis”: New Interdisciplinary Essays, red. Bronwen Price [New York: Manchester University Press, 2002], 30). Machiavelli's reference to the “many” “imaginary commonwealths” suggests that something like a genre is well established before either of these works. Sien onder.

12 Bacon, The Essayes or Counsels, Civill and Morall, red. Michael Kiernan (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000), 126.

13 Die bevordering van leer, II. xxiii. 49. Of course, little light is not no light. Consider in this connection the methodological advice from Die vooruitgang, II. xxiii. 44. Prior to the discovery of the compass, one navigated by the stars more about this below. Michèle Le Doeuff would have us notice how this remark is quietly altered in De Augmentis (VIII. 3), and suggests that this is an indication that Bacon's view on this matter of utopias underwent a change (“Introduction” to La Nouvelle Atlantide, trans. Michèle Le Doeuff and Margaret Llasera [Paris: Flammarion, 2000], 21). I am less impressed by the alteration than is Le Doeuff, though I am open to her suggestion that New Atlantis is on Bacon's mind while he is reworking Die vooruitgang (according to Spedding, after 1620, and probably sometime in 1622: Spedding, Ellis, and Heath, The Works of Francis Bacon [Boston: Brown and Taggard, 1861], 1:415).

15 Die Prins, trans. en red. Harvey Mansfield (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1998), chap. 15.

16 Quoting Rawley's note to the reader. We discuss that note further below.

17 Farrington is famous for regarding Bacon's entire corpus as a “blueprint for a new world” (Francis Bacon, 76), though he doesn't mention the paradox in question. Works that do include it are White , Howard , Peace Among the Willows ( The Hague : Martinus Nijhoff , 1968 ), 133 –34CrossRefGoogle Scholar Kennington , Richard , “Bacon's Humanitarian Revision of Machiavelli,” in On Modern Origins: Essays in Early Modern Philosophy , ed. Kraus , Pamela and Hunt , Frank ( Lanham, MD : Lexington , 2004 ), 57 – 77 Google Scholar Faulkner , Robert , Francis Bacon and the Project of Progress ( Lanham, MD : Rowman and Littlefield , 1993 )Google Scholar , chap. 3 and 239ff. Timothy Paterson, “The Politics of Baconian Science” (PhD dissertation, Yale, 1982), 86–87. Relying on different passages, Marina Leslie calls attention to the same paradox (Renaissance Utopias and the Problem of History [Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1998], 81ff.).

18 Faulkner, Project of Progress, 238 Sessions , William , Francis Bacon Revisited ( New York : Twayne , 1996 ), 163 Google Scholar .

19 The edition including Sylva Sylvarum en New Atlantis was reprinted more often in the seventeenth century than any other edition of Bacon's works. Bronwen Price includes this observation as part of a very clear and sensible treatment of the influence of New Atlantis in her “Introduction” to New Interdisciplinary Essays (especially pages 14–19). Brian Vickers includes a succinct statement on the influence of New Atlantis in his collection of Bacon's , writings, Francis Bacon: A Critical Edition of the Major Works ( Oxford : Oxford University Press , 1996 ), 788 –89Google Scholar . Rose-Mary Sargent concludes her essay “Bacon as an Advocate for Cooperative Scientific Research,” in The Cambridge Companion to Bacon, red. Peltonen, 146–171, with some remarks on the legacy of Salomon's House. The introduction to Lynch's , William Solomon's Child: Method in the Early Royal Society of London ( Stanford : Stanford University Press , 2001 )Google Scholar is helpful not only for its remarkable collection of secondary material but also on the general question of Bacon's influence. Sprat's , Thomas History of the Royal Society ( 1667 )Google Scholar , which includes Abraham Cowley's prefatory poem likening Bacon to Moses leading the way to the promised land, and which divides all philosophy into pre- and post-Baconian periods, is among the important primary sources for Bacon's influence on English science. While now frequently criticized, the classic work on Bacon's influence on the seventeenth century is Jones's , Richard Foster Ancients and Moderns: A Study of the Rise of the Scientific Movement in Seventeenth-century England ( Berkeley : University of California Press , 1965 )Google Scholar , which includes many references to New Atlantis in connection with the founding of the Royal Society. Antonio Pérez-Ramos's “Bacon's Legacy,” in The Cambridge Companion, 311–334, provides something of a glimpse of the ostensibly more nuanced current scholarly view. Lynch's , William T. recent “A Society of Baconians?: The Collective Development of Bacon's Method in the Royal Society of London,” in Francis Bacon and the Refiguring of Early Modern Thought , ed. Solomon , Julie Robin and Martin , Catherine Ginnelli ( Burlington : Ashgate , 2005 )Google Scholar , offers a reply. Caton's , Hiram The Politics of Progress: The Origins and Development of the Commercial Republic, 1600–1835 ( Gainesville, FL : University of Florida Press , 1988 )Google Scholar and Paul Rahe's Republics Ancient and Modern include sustained arguments for the historical significance of Bacon's writings both for modern science and modern politics.

20 White (Peace Among the Willows, 105) treats each of these features of Bensalem simply as a device to encourage its implementation, but to do so is to say that such details both matter and yet don't matter.

21 II. ek. 1. The discussion of poesy is found at II. iv. 1–5. See also Faulkner, Project of Progress, 236–37.

22 Within quotations, all underlining will be mine, all italics Bacon's.

23 In De Augmentis (II.13), Bacon incorporates the general discussion of the uses of poetry sketched above into his account of narrative poetry.

24 “And even now, if someone wishes to pour new light about anything into the minds of humans, and not incommodiously or harshly, the same way must be insisted upon, and refuge must be taken in the help of likenesses” (De Sapientia Veterum, Preface). Cf. Nov. Org., I. 77.


Counsel and Statesman

Fortunately for Bacon, in 1581, he landed a job as a member for Cornwall in the House of Commons. Bacon was also able to return to Gray&aposs Inn and complete his education. By 1582, he was appointed the position of outer barrister. Bacon&aposs political career took a big leap forward in 1584 when he composed A Letter of Advice to Queen Elizabeth, his very first political memorandum.

Bacon held his place in Parliament for nearly four decades, from 1584 to 1617, during which time he was extremely active in politics, law and the royal court. In 1603, three years before he married heiress Alice Barnham, Bacon was knighted upon James I&aposs ascension to the British throne. He continued to work his way swiftly up the legal and political ranks, achieving solicitor general in 1607 and attorney general six years later. In 1616, his career peaked when he was invited to join the Privy Council. Just a year later, he reached the same position of his father, Lord Keeper of the Great Seal. In 1618, Bacon surpassed his father&aposs achievements when he was promoted to the lofty title of Lord Chancellor, one of the highest political offices in England. In 1621, Bacon became Viscount St. Albans.

In 1621, the same year that Bacon became Viscount St. Albans, he was accused of accepting bribes and impeached by Parliament for corruption. Some sources claim that Bacon was set up by his enemies in Parliament and the court faction, and was used as a scapegoat to protect the Duke of Buckingham from public hostility. Bacon was tried and found guilty after he confessed. He was fined a hefty 40,000 pounds and sentenced to the Tower of London, but, fortunately, his sentence was reduced and his fine was lifted. After four days of imprisonment, Bacon was released, at the cost of his reputation and his long- standing place in Parliament the scandal put a serious strain on 60-year-old Bacon&aposs health.


Notas

1 See G. Rees, “An Unpublished Manuscript by Francis Bacon: Sylva Sylvarum drafts and other working notes,” Annals of Science, 38 (1981), pp. 377-412 G. Rees, Introduction, in OFB, XII and XIII. D. Jalobeanu, “From natural history to early modern science: the case of Bacon’s Histories,” in Analele Universitatii Bucuresti, 60/2010, pp. 23-33 D. Jalobeanu, “The Philosophy of Francis Bacon’s Natural History: a Research Program,” Studii de ştiinţă şi cultură, 2010, pp. 18-37.

2 “For once a faithful and abundant history of nature and the arts has been collected and arranged, and once it has been unfolded and placed as it were before men’s eyes, there will be no mean hope that those great intellects of whom I have sppoken (such as flourished in the ancient philosophers, and are even now not unusual), who till now have built with such efficiency as far as the work goes certain philosophical skiffs of ingenious construction from a plank or shell (i.e. from slight and paltry experience) will, once the right timber and material have been obtained, raise much more solid constructions, and that too although they prefer to follow the old ways and not the way of my Organum (which seems to me to be either the only or the best way). And so it comes down to this, that my Organum even if it were finished, would not carry forward the Instauration of the Sciences much without Natural History, whereas Natural History without the Organum would advance it not a little,” OFB, XII, p. 13.

3 Parasceve, OFB, XI, p. 451. See also OFB, XII, pp. 13-15.

6 Examples can be found in Parasceve, in the preface to Historia naturalis et experimentalis (1622), but also in the Latin natural histories properly speaking. D. Jalobeanu, “The philosophy of Francis Bacon’s Natural History: A Research Progam” in Studii de stiinta si cultura, 4/2010, pp. 18-37

7 OFB, XII, p. 12 is referring to natural histories as the “timber and material” (Sylva et Materia). Rawley’s preface to Sylva Sylvarum refers to this and other natural histories as being ‘materials for the building.’ D. Jalobeanu, “Francis Bacon’s Natural History and the Senecan Natural Histories of Early Modern Europe,” in Early Science and Medicine, 1-2/2012, pp. 197-229.

8 Parasceve, appended at the end of GEEN, 1620, but also Norma Historiae praesentis published in the Historia naturalis et experimentalis, 1622.

9 D. Jalobeanu, “The fascination of Solomon’s House in seveteententh-century England,” in Vlad Alexandrescu, Branching-off. The Early Moderns in Quest for the Unity of Knowledge, Zeta Books, 2009, pp. 225-256.

10 M. Le Doeuff, “Bacon chez les grands au siècle de Louis XIII” in M. Fattori ed., Francis Bacon: terminologia et fortuna nell XVII secolo, Rome, Edizioni dell Atento, 1984, pp. 155-178.

11 Lettres de Peiresc aux frères Dupuy edited by P. Tamizey de Laroque, Paris, 1840, pp. 17, 31-32, 35, 142, 198, 231-232

12 28 December 1623, “le premier volume de l’Instauratio magna de Verulamius que nous attendrons en grande impatience” in Lettres de Peiresc aux frères Dupuy, op. cit., bl. 17.

13 W. Boswell was the English ambassador in The Hague and a part of Bacon’s manuscripts went to Holland with him. Some of them eventually got in the hands of I. Gruter and were published in 1658.

14 For the complete story see P. Fortin de la Hoguette, Lettres au frères Dupuy et à leur entourage (1623-1662), edited by G. Feretti, Firenze, 1999. See also Lettres de Peiresc, I, p. 35.

15 16 May 1627, “Cet autre livre de pauvre Bacon de divers meslanges en anglois, seroit encores bon a recouvrer par cez libraries anglois, parce qu’il s’en peult tousjours faire traduire quelque piece,” 11 November 1627, “J’ai admire d’entendre que le chancellier d’Angleterre se soit amuse a faire des romans. Je crois que c’est l’air de ce pais la qui porte quasi generalement un chascun a la romanserie. Mais je verrois volontiers ceux la, ne doubtant pas que la gentilezze de cet esprit n’y paroisse. Il faudroit induire le traducteur de son Henri VII de traduire encore cela en françois…” , in Lettres de Peiresc aux frères Dupuy, op. cit., pp. 231-232.

16 Sien Lettres de Peiresc aux frères Dupuy, op. cit., pp. 319-320, p. 527.

17 Ibid., pp. 692-693: “J’ai decouvré par hazard d’un gentillhome qui venoit de Rome une petite piece du chancellier Bacon de son projet pour un ouvrage de Vita, ou il a encore quelque conception qui n’est pas a rejecter. Je vous envoye coppie et bien qu’incorrecte vous ne laisrez pas, je m’asseure, de la voir volontiers.”

18 G. Ferreti, Un ‘soldat philosophe:’ Philippe Fortin the la Hoguette (1585-1668?), EGIG, Genoa, 1988, P. Fortin de la Hoguette, Lettres au frères Dupuy et à leur entourage (1623-1662), op. cit. See also G. Rees, “La Hoguette’s Manuscripts,” in “Introduction: Contexts and Composition,” OFB, XIII.

19 “Si vous pouvez achever la traduction du Sylva Sylvarum a l’aide de votre anglais et la donner au public, je crois que vous feriez une chose fort agreable a beaucoup de monde. Pour moi, je vous dirai que je n’estime pas tant en Bacon la curiosité de ses experiences comme les consequences qu’il en tire, et la methode avec laquelle il s’en sert. C’est pourquoy (encore que ses observations soiend fort ordinaires) je pense que ce seroit une chose fort agreable a beaucoup de monde de cognoistre ses procedés,” CM, I, pp. 611-612. As Buccolini has shown, there is a lot of interesting background to this often quoted letter. Mersenne visits Rouen on May 1625 and enters the circle of savants centered around R. Cornier, seigneur de Sainte Helene a group of people interested in experimental philosophy. The subsequent Mersenne-Cornier correspondence mentions a numerous number of Baconian experiments performed at Rouen: concerning the nature and transmission of sounds and light, the relation between light and heat, experiments of gravity and others—partially taken from GEEN, later (in the second part of 1626) taken from Sylva. See C. Buccolini, “Mersenne traduttore di Bacon,” in M. Fattori, Linguagio e filosofia nel seicento europeu, L. Olschki, 2000.

20 C. Buccolini, “Mersenne traduttore di Bacon,” op. cit., bl. 7 sq.

21 Mersenne to Sorbière, 1647, CM, XV, p. 468.

22 He seemed to be especially interested in the observations of parhelia made in Rome by the Jesuit Scheiner (see the letter from 3 May 1632, CM, II, p. 297, 10 May 1632, CM, II, p. 305). In the letter from 10 May 1632 he is asking about recent observations concerning comets.

24 “Illud insuper praecipimus, ut omnia in Naturalibus tam Corporibus quam Virtutibus (quantum fieri potest) numerate, appensa, dimensa, determinate proponantur. Opera enim mediatamur, non Speculationes. Physica autem & Mathematica bene commistae, generant Practicam. Quamobrem exactae Restitutiones & Distantiae Planetarum, in Historia Coelestium…,” OFB, XI, p. 464.

25 G. Rees has shown that they were present in the manuscript he discovered in British Library. See G. Rees, “An Unpublished Manuscript by Francis Bacon: Sylva Sylvarum Drafts and Other Working Notes,” in Annals of Science, 38, 1981, pp. 377-412.

26 P. Amboise, Histoire naturelle, “Privilege du Roy,” n.p.

27 M. Le Doeuff emphasized that the fact that one could not find out anything about P. Amboise does not necessarily mean he was in the mid-seventeenth century an unknown or a mysterious person. The book is, however, certainly mysterious, as I shall argue further. See M. Le Doeuff, “Bacon chez les grands au siècle de Louis XIII,” op. cit.

28 “… pour avoir trouve trop de confusion en disposition de matières, que semblent avoir este disposées en plusieurs endroits plustot par caprice que par raison. Outre qu’ayant este aide de la pluspart des manuscrits de l’Auteur, j’ay juge nécessaire d’y ajouter ou diminuer beaucoup de choses qui avoient este obmises ou augmentées par l’Aumosnier de Monsieur Bacon, qui apres la mort de son Maistre fit imprimer confusement tous les papiers qu’il trouva dans son cabinet.”

29 P. Amboise, Histoire naturelle, “Privilege du Roy,” op. cit., pp. 21-22.

30 “Monsieur Bacon estoit si amoureux des sciences naturelles, qu’il avoit envie de faire bastir pres de Londres un College destiné particulierement à cette sorte d’estude : mais prevoyant bien que cet ouvrage estant du nombre des grands desseins qui demeurent souvent dans le simple project, ne pouroit pas estre si tost achevé, il a voulu au moins nous en laisser le modele. Pour cet effect il s’est servy de la fiction d’un voyage en la terre Australe, où il depeint estre abordé dans une Isle parfaitement bien policee, dans laquelle (entre autres establissemens) il rencontra un College semblable à celuy qu’il avoit dessein de fonder. Je laisse au Lecteur son jugement libre sur cette piece, & me contenteray seulement de dire que cet ouvrage me semble estre à peu pres de mesme nature que la Republique de Platon, ou L’Utopie de Thomas More &semblables autres reglemens dont les hommes ne sont pas capables & qui ne se peuvent faire que sur du papier. Nous devons neantmoins regretter que ce soit une fable, & que non pas une verité car je doute point qu’on ne tirast une grande utilite d’un pareil establissment,” P. Amboise, Histoire naturelle, “Privilege du Roy,” op. cit., pp. 417-418.

31 See the letters of Gruter to Rawley—showing a plan to incorporate material from Amboise’s translation into the latin edition of Sylva Sylvarum. The translation is quoted by T.T in An account of all the Lord Bacon’s Works. In the context of introducing Sylva: “This Book was written by his Lordship in the English Tongue, and translated by an obscure interpreter into French, and out of that translation, into Latine, by James Gruter, in such an ill manner, that they darkened his Lordship sence, and debased his Expression. James Gruter was sensible of his miscarriage, being kindly advertised of it by dr. Rawley: And he left behind him divers amendments, published by his brother I. Gruter, in a second edition (Amstel, 1661). Yet still so many Errors have escaped, that the Work requireth a Third Hand” (Baconiana, or Certaine Genuine Remains of Sir Francis Bacon…, London, 1679).

32 Gruter’s letter, May, 1652: “The Design of him who translated into the French the Natural History of the Lord Bacon [...] word kortliks uitgestal in die voorwoord van my broer [...] Die uitgawe van my broer, waarvan u skryf, wat u met groot genot gelees het, sal binnekort saam met sy wysigings saam met enkele toevoegings van die soortgelyke argument wat vervang moet word in die plek van Nuwe Atlantis, wat hier weggelaat sal word. Hierdie byvoegings sal dieselfde wees as dié in die weergawe van die voorgenoemde Fransman, wat in Latyn ingebring is, aangesien ons nie die Engelse oorspronklike artikels kon vind waaruit hy dit vertaal het nie, tensy u die byvoegings as vervals sal veroordeel wanneer u die boek sien. " (Baconiana, of sekere ware oorblyfsels van sir Francis Bacon, op. cit., bl. 224-226).

33 Soos byvoorbeeld in hoofstuk 4 boek III: “Le quatrieme & amp le dernier moyen est l’Assimilation de l’aliment, dont je n’entretiendray point icy le Lecteur, ayant traitte cet matiere assez au long dans mon Histoire de la vie & amp de la mort”(Amboise, Histoire naturelle, "Privilege du Roy," op. cit., bl. 157).

34 P. Amboise, Histoire naturelle, "Privilege du Roy," op. cit., bl. 281-282.

35 So lyk die gedeeltes relatief:Die einde van ons stigting is die kennis van oorsake en geheime bewegings van dinge en die vergroting van die grense van die menslike ryk tot die gevolg van alle moontlike dinge.”“ La fin & amp le but the notre institution est de travailler a la connoissance des causes & amp des secrets de la nature. Comme aussi d’essayer a enstendre la puissance de l’homme a toutes les choses dont elle est able ”(p. 540).

36 “Quant aux status & amp regles de nostre Societe, la premiere loy & amp la plus importante est celle qui commande de garder la silence & amp de ne reveler les secrets de la Compagnie,” p. 564.

37 Dit is opmerklik dat in die vertaling die herhaling van die woorde geheim, geheimhouding of verskillende verwysings na die onthulling van die natuurgeheime meer gereeld voorkom as in die Engelse weergawe.

38 Die bron blyk Aristoteles te wees De Mirab. 53 (maar die ooreenstemmende gedeelte sê dat die vate en die bene versteen is, en dat daar geen ooreenstemmende verandering genoem word wat met die water gebeur het nie).

39 Die aksiomas van rypwording, in eksperiment 326 en daaropvolgende eksperimente uit die eeu IV.

40 Die oorsprong van die waarneming wat Bacon in eksperiment 387 aangeteken het, is Aristoteles, Prob. XII, 1 en 2. Die paragraaf loop soos volg: “Reuke en ander reuke is op 'n afstand soeter in die lug as naby die neus, aangesien dit tot dusver gedeeltelik aangeraak is. Die oorsaak is dubbel: eerstens die fyner mengsel of die inkorporering van die reuk; Die ander rede is dat alle soet reuke 'n aardse of ru geur meegebring het, en op 'n afstand word die soet, wat meer geestelik is, waargeneem, en die aardse bereik nie so ver nie.”

41 P. Amboise, Histoire naturelle, "Privilege du Roy," op. cit., pp. 65-66.


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